garner ross~becs in britain
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Base Ecclesial Communities in Britain, July 1997TRANSCRIPT
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MA Theological Studies : Ross Garner : July 1997 : Page 1
Basic Ecclesial Communities
A New Way of Being Church
for the
Urban Priority Areas of Britain?
MA in Theological Studies
Ross Garner
July 1997
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MA Theological Studies : Ross Garner : July 1997 : Page 2
Contents Page number
Introduction: Basic Ecclesial Community (BEC) : the basics of Christianity 3
A new way of being Church in Britain?
Chapter 1 A New Way of Being Church : the BECs of Latin America 5
Factors affecting the development of BECs
The Characteristics of BECs
The Ecclesiology of BECs
Key aspects of the Latin American BECs
Chapter 2 Difficulties facing the Church in the English Urban Priority Area Culture 10
The prevailing culture in Britain - increasingly "Post-Modern"
The Urban Priority Areas
Religious attitudes in Britain : "believing without belonging"
A specific example : Sale West Community Church
Chapter 3 Applying the BEC model of Church in the UK 15
From the poor means freedom from outside control
From the poor means local
From the poor means indigenous
God is with the poor
Small is beautiful
Every member ministry
A conscientized Church
An appropriate model of Church
Chapter 4 Ecclesiological & Missiological Implications
of BEC style Churches in the UPA 20
The socio-economic context and the "brain drain" effect
The problems of individualism and poor social skills
Apathy, hopelessness and fatalism
Who pays for the buildings?
How BEC style Churches might relate to the wider Church.
Are BEC style churches emerging?
Conclusion : A Model Worth Adopting 27
Appendix Examples of Basic Ecclesial Community in Britain 28
a) The Hope Community
b) The Anfield Road Fellowship (ARF)
Bibliography 30
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Introduction
Basic Ecclesial Community : the basics of Christianity
Basic Ecclesial Communities (BECs) are springing up in many parts of the world under a variety of
titles such as Base Communities, Small Christian Communities, Basic Church Communities, Cell
Churches etc. Many of these small groups are functioning as Church for some of the poorest members of
society, who for various reasons find the established, hierarchical Church to be inaccessible, either
physically or socially.
As the BECs grow in their theological self awareness their ecclesiology in many ways represents a
return to the basics of Christianity - small groups of Christians united by their faith, committed to one
another in a practical caring fellowship, and seeking to live out the Kingdom of God in an often hostile
world. In his book Ecclesiogenesis (1986), Leonardo Boff explains that many of these communities see
themselves as a move of the Holy Spirit to renew the Church, a prophetic voice within the institution,
and as a new way of being Church which meets the needs of those who were formerly marginalised both
within the Church and society at large.
BECs now exist in many parts of Latin America, Africa, and the Philipines. For the purpose of this
study, I intend to focus mainly on the Latin American BECs as the literature and theological analysis of
these is extensive and well developed. The conference of Latin American and Caribbean Bishops
(CELAM) at Puebla, Mexico in 1979, affirmed and encouraged the development of BECs as "an
important ecclesial event" in the life of the worldwide Church (extracts from the Puebla document in
Hebblethwaite, 1993a, p185).
A new way of being Church in Britain?
For 13 of the past 15 years I have lived amongst "the poor" of Britain in the East End of London and on
a council estate on the edge of Manchester. For much of this time I have been aware of the huge gulf
that exists between the Church and the common people. Much of the Church is culturally allied with the
dominant middle-classes. The language of its liturgy, its conceptual theology, and the structures of
government are largely alien to the working class ways of talking, thinking and getting things done.
When I obtained a copy of Leonardo Boff's book "Ecclesiogenesis" I was encouraged by his reflection
that the Church is pneumatological; a living organism rather than just a hierarchical organisation. It
struck me that base communities might be a better form of Church for "the poor" in Britain, and so I
began exploring how this way of being Church could be introduced and encouraged to grow in places
like the overspill estate where I lived and worked as the Minister of Sale West Community Church for 4
years.
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To an extent, this dissertation is the fruit of my involvement in the process of theological reflection on
my own experience. The emphasis on application is in keeping with the theological approach of the
BECs which begins with experience, and after analysis and theological reflection, leads back into
"praxis" or practical action.
This study therefore looks first at the ecclesiological characteristics and history of the Latin American
Basic Ecclesial Communities in order to identifying the factors that contributed to their development.
Secondly there is a description and analysis of the British urban context, including attitudes to the
Church, religion and God, with specific reference to the locality I know best, the Racecourse Estate. The
third section explores how Basic Ecclesial Community might be appropriate to the British urban context.
The final section discusses some of the ecclesiological and missiological issues raised by the possible
growth of Basic Ecclesial Communities in Britain.
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Chapter 1
A New Way of Being Church :
the Basic Ecclesial Communities of Latin America
Factors affecting the development of BECs
The history of BECs in Brazil serves to illustrate many of the factors which have been significant in
helping them to flourish. Estimates vary considerably, but by the mid 1980s there were probably 80-
100,000 BECs in Brazil with approximately 2 million members (McGovern, 1989, p199).
No-one agrees when the first Basic Ecclesial Community came into being, but there were two significant
movements in Brazil in the late 1950s and early 1960s that contributed greatly. Firstly in 1956 "the
Bishop of Barra do Pirai started a missionary movement for the evangelisation and welfare of all areas
of his vast diocese" (Marins, 1979, p237). The impetus behind this development was the shortage of
priests which meant that Catholics in remote areas were denied Church services and Christian teaching.
Lay catechists were trained and sent out to gather the people into groups to share "Mass without a priest"
(ibid p238). The joint pastoral planning of the Brazilian National Bishops conference replicated this type
of development in the period 1962-70.
The other significant movement was the Movement for Basic Education which "took the form of radio
schools which were vehicles of education awakening critical awareness and responsibility" (ibid p238).
Pioneered in Natal from 1958 onwards these taught literacy and "educated people to cope with their
problems of poverty, illness, ignorance, malnutrition, exploitation and injustice" (Hebblethwaite, 1993a,
p120). Many of these radio schools developed into base communities, but the movement is also
significant in the way it spread the ideas of Paulo Friere whose methods encouraged learning by active
participation in the process. "Conscientization" was an important aspect of the programme because it
helped people to see the value of change, and wake up to the possibility that they could improve their
own situation rather than passively accepting the status quo (Cook, 1985, p266). People were helped to
see themselves as those who shape their own environment, rather than being the "objects" of somebody
else's control.
The rise of BECs in Latin America has coincided with a time of increasingly repressive right wing
government. The social conditions of poverty and injustice which foster revolutionary liberation
movements have also helped to encourage the growth of Christian groups which focus on community
cooperation. In Brazil, for example, the gap between rich and poor increased between 1960 and 1970 by
which time over half the population were living at or below the subsistence level. Over the same time
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period the richest 5% increased their share of the national income from 27.3% to 36.3% (Cook, 1985,
p17). In this environment the practical benefits of cooperation and mutual support are considerable.
As the BECs have tried to work for the improvement of their own conditions they have often
encountered obstacles and opposition from the powerful institutions and wealthier sections of society.
Together with a biblical understanding of justice and Jesus as the God of the poor, this has helped the
BECs to become a prophetic voice. In certain countries, the institutional Church has heard and taken up
this cry for a preferential option for the poor.
The Characteristics of BECs
Typically a Basic Ecclesial Community is a small group of people numbering between 20 and 150
people from a particular locality. BECs tend to be inclusive rather than associational, involving young
and old, families and single people, children and adults. Most BECs have developed amongst the poorer
sections of society. In the shanty towns they are made up of mainly manual labourers; in the villages
they often bring together the landless peasants and tenant farmers. Using the language of Leonardo Boff
(1986), BECs are "the reinvention of the Church" beginning at "the grassroots" (p23).
BECs have a religious focus, often meeting to discuss their lives in the light of scripture. Worship,
prayer, bible study and celebration are important in nurturing the life of the community. Carlos Mesters
describes the way the Brazilian BECs use scripture: "When they read the bible, they are not trying to
interpret the bible; they are trying to interpret life with the help of the bible" (Mesters, 1981, p205). The
bible has become the people's book in which they find their own lives mirrored. "They say, for example,
`we are Abraham', `we are in Egypt', `we are in bondage' " (ibid p206) and they draw strength from
identifying with Abraham's pilgrimage into the unknown, or with the promise of liberation that God
holds out as a possibility to his people in bondage.
The word of God inspires and reinforces their commitment to life in all its fulness. The text is read in the
context of the faith community and applied to the "pre-text" which is the real life situation of that
community. Mesters (1981) prosaically describes the community as a resonance chamber; when the
people pluck the string (the text) it resonates in the community and out comes the music which sets the
people dancing and singing (p209).
A group of eight mothers read Luke's account of the nativity and spent an hour discussing the injustices,
humiliations and hardships that they themselves had experienced. When they began to ask why Jesus
chose to be born poor and humble they came to the conclusion that "God chose his son to be born like us
so that we can realize that we are important." By reading the gospel in context these downtrodden
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women began to discover their true worth in the eyes of God, which is an important step towards
liberation (Cook, 1985, 121).
As members of BECs share their stories and their struggles, they affirm one another and they sacralise
their own reality. Forty peasant women in Nicaragua were visited by a catechist whose son had been
killed in the war against the Contras. Many of the women present had also lost sons in the war. They
were looking at a picture of Jesus on a crucifix, and the catechist asked them to say what they saw. One
woman replied, "It shows Jesus shedding his blood for us" and then she burst into tears and said, "and
that's what my son did - he shed his blood for us. He fought to free us from the Contras. I pray that God
may help me to forgive his assassins, but I find it so hard." The catechist gently explained how the
words of Jesus from the cross are our example : "We have to say with Jesus, about the death of our sons,
"Father forgive them, for they know not what they do." (Hebblethwaite, 1993a, p69).
BECs bring real life issues into discussion and prayer, and they celebrate their faith and life in
imaginative ways, often with the use of symbol and drama. Several groups were asked to consider
Ephesians 4:22-24 about getting rid of the old sinful self, to identify what faults they had shown in the
past and how those could be overcome. Each group then communicated its deliberations with a symbolic
drama. One group showed how lack of cooperation was a sin. A couple with their arms linked were each
carrying a stick and each trying to gather in an orange which was just out of reach. Another couple
stepped forward, but instead of pulling in opposite directions, they both turned together to collect first
the orange on the left, then the orange on the right. (Hebblethwaite, 1993a, 75).
BECs demonstrate an understanding of Christian "koinonia" and brotherhood which is very close to the
New Testament ideal (as expressed in Acts 2:42ff, 4:32ff, and Gal 6:2). Love, commitment and shared
support are encouraged and displayed with a depth which identifies them as true disciples of Jesus
Christ. Each individual is valued as a child of the Father, a temple of the Holy Spirit, a human being
made in the image of God (Boff, 1981, p135). BECs are therefore opposed to injustice and the abuse of
power. Participation by all is seen as an essential element in their life. Leadership and decision making
are shared to minimize the concentration of power, and ministry is shared by the whole community.
The BECs are a predominantly lay phenomena and a plethora of ministries have developed. Boff (1986)
lists a few of these such as "community coordination, catechesis, organizing the liturgy, caring for the
sick, teaching literacy, looking after the poor" (p23). The shortage of priests in many parts of the third
world has helped them to develop a theological self-awareness of being a eucharistic community even
though they are not able to celebrate the eucharist every time they meet (Hebblethwaite, 1993a, p41).
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The Ecclesiology of BECs
Bill Cook (1985) emphasises how difficult it is to understand BECs without first hand "practical
involvement in their reality" (p89). In considering their ecclesiology at a distance, it is therefore
essential to listen to the emphasis that dominates the writings of those theologians who are personally
involved, and attempting to interpret the self-understanding of these communities to the wider Church.
Runaldo Munoz from Chile presents his analysis of their ecclesiology under three headings; an
evangelising Church, a Church of the poor, and a Church as community. The gospel message and
theological viewpoint are intensely political: a call to conversion from the support of social structures
that are oppressive, to an identification with the poor and an ability to see reality from the perspective of
the poor (Munoz, 1981, pp150-160).
This perspective is understood to be faithful to the message of Jesus Christ and his ministry. The Church
has to be incarnated amongst the poor, like Christ, if it is to fully understand God's message of good
news to the poor. The mission of the Church is expressed as an active participation in the struggle for
justice and liberation, seeing salvation, not just as an eschatological future event, but as God's
involvement in the present transformation of society through the deeds of his people (Munoz, 1981,
pp150-155). One priest from Nicaragua expresses it well by saying that if the Church is to be true to
Jesus it "needs to possess the courage to leave the beaten path, like the Samaritan on the road to Jericho,
to care for the agonizing, the people who are robbed and beaten" (d'Escoto, 1981, p193).
The ecclesiological self-understanding of the BECs is often expressed in the phrase, "a new way of
being the Church" (Cook, 1985, p95). A primary aspect of this is the consciousness of the people being
the Church. Leonardo Boff compares this with the traditional understanding of Church based on
hierarchy and structure. By contrast Church as Basic Ecclesial Community sees itself as constituted by
the Spirit of the risen Christ in human lives, who, recognizing that presence, become the people of God
(Boff, 1986, pp24-27). This horizontal expression of Church understands itself as a community of faith
made up of brothers and sisters, a genuine communion of persons who are basically equal in God's sight
(Galatians 3:28) and yet, unlike many European congregational movements, nearly all Latin American
BECs see themselves as part of the universal Church, respecting the place of hierarchy. Although many
BECs are in remote places they tend to support their local parish Church especially at the religious
festivals and holy days.
Unity within the Basic Ecclesial Community is not seen as a function of a relationship to the pope or
papal authority, rather it derives from a common commitment to the mission of liberation (Boff, 1981,
p140) and is expressed in a solidarity with the people. This is perceived as being a continuation of "the
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Great Tradition" of Jesus and the early Church whose origins were humble, and whose ministry was
typified by poverty, service and commitment to the marginalized (ibid p139).
Some aspects of this ecclesiology are not totally new to evangelical Protestants, but in the context of the
Roman Catholic Church it represents a radically challenging development. Some Protestant observers
see parallels with historical grassroots movements in Europe which arose "during periods of acute social
stress" (Cook, 1985, p198). Many of these were relatively short lived or, if they survived, tended to
sectarianism. The Methodist classes, which initially shared many of the characteristics of a BEC, gave
rise to a breakaway denomination. The BECs of Latin America, however, do not see themselves as an
alternative Church. They remain "in communion with the Great Church" (Boff, 1981, p139) while acting
as a prophetic voice calling the Church away from its complicity with the forces of domination, and
challenging those aspects of the Church's life which owe more to the world's way of exercising power
than to Christ's way.
Underlying this ecclesiology is what Bill Cook calls "a new way of seeing reality" (Cook, 1985, p92).
Pastoral workers in the BECs have helped the people to realize that their reality can be interpreted as
poverty, injustice, political marginalization, cultural alienation and religious inanition (lack of spiritual
nourishment). They now see that their reality is not divinely given and unchangeable, and they have
adopted models of analysis to assist their understanding. The Catholic Action methodology - see, judge,
act - is one that has been significant in helping people to share and think about their own experience
objectively in the light of scripture, and to plan concerted action in response.
Key aspects of the Latin American BECs
In summary, I want to highlight five significant aspects of BECs. Firstly, their membership is
predominantly from the poor and their agenda and concerns are those of the poorer sections of society.
Secondly, they believe that God is with the poor, and biased to the poor. Third, they are small enough
for every member to be known; this facilitates a strong sense of belonging and allows each person's
experience of life to be a relevant contribution. Fourth, they perceive themselves as Church, and
encourage every member ministry; this affirms the value of each person in the community. Finally,
through conscientization and the pastoral cycle they put their theology into practice, and allow their
theology to be developed through reflection on everyday life; their understanding of the gospel causes
them to act differently.
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Chapter 2
Difficulties facing the Church in the English Urban Priority Area Culture
The prevailing culture in Britain - increasingly "Post-Modern"
The focus of this study is the inner-city or council estate areas many of which are designated as "Urban
Priority Areas" (UPAs). Obviously, each of these has its own characteristics and contains a myriad of
different subcultures. Nevertheless, each exists in the wider context of the prevailing western secular
culture which influences and affects peoples' everyday lives and attitudes to Church. It is an observation
in many fields that this culture is itself in a time of transition as we move away from "modernism" into
"post-modernity" (eg Veith, 1994, p27ff).
The rise of modernism was accompanied by an increasing secularization of society, although a
considerable residual religiosity still exists (Davie, 1994, p43). Newbigin (1986) has shown how the
Church and religious beliefs have been marginalized into the area of subjective opinion, while the
decisive public forces of modern life are operating in the arena of objective facts. The passing away of
this worldview and the rising interest in "New Age" spiritualities is seen by some as an opportunity for
the Church, as people are recognizing their need for a spiritual dimension to life. On the other hand, the
emphasis on personal freedom, pluralism, and suspicion of institutional authority mean that only a few
are turning to the traditional Churches. In this transitional culture, the old answers are no longer trusted,
the Church seems irrelevant and out of date to many people, and few expect it to have new answers for
the complexity of life in a post-modern age.
The Urban Priority Areas
"Faith in the City in 1985 cried out, with facts and figures, the multiple economic and social deprivation
being suffered by people living in Urban Priority Areas. The report described their poverty and
unemployment, lack of adequate housing, health care, social services and educational opportunities, and
high incidence of crime - in absolute terms as well as relative to the rest of society." (BAGUPA, 1995,
§1.1)
Ten years later the gap between rich and poor has widened (ibid §1.9) and the poorest 10% of the
population has seen a decline in income in real terms (ibid §1.7). My observation as a parish priest is
that financial hardship caused by low incomes and unemployment leads to a high level of family stress,
poor diets and health problems. Working patterns have also changed in recent years, so that many
families today suffer the additional stress of a fluctuating income caused by irregular contract work with
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no job security. Educational standards and expectations are often low (ibid §1.31) and the schools have a
higher than average number of children with behavioural problems.
While most council estates contain a significant number of people who manage to enjoy life without
experiencing the extreme problems referred to above, a dependency culture has developed as many
decisions are taken out of the hands of local people and are made by outsiders. Low expectations,
feelings of powerlessness and apathy are a common response to all these problems.
In these conditions where many people are just struggling to cope with life, it is not surprising that most
find it hard to include regular attendance at Church. Attendances tend to be low: according to Trevor
Lockwood (1993) one can expect little more than 0.5% of the population in the active membership of
any given congregation (p26).
Reliable leaders in particular are hard to find. Many of those with leadership potential have already
moved away from the area, while those who stay often have low self-esteem or low educational
standards. It takes a lot of patient encouragement and support for such people to take on the running of
the Church and its organizations. Sadly the people with potential (such as those with the ability and the
inclination to purchase their own homes) are usually working very long hours of overtime, or unsocial
hours, so that they are left with very little time or energy for participation in Church events and
activities.
Religious attitudes in Britain : "believing without belonging"
Statistics of Church attendance and Church membership show that the past 50 years have been a time of
significant decline, and although recent statistics suggest a bottoming out of this trend, less than 15% of
the UK population claim membership. Davie (1994) argues that this is not merely a religious problem,
but is part of a wider sociological trend away from belonging (p19). "Virtually all voluntary associations
have been finding it difficult .. to attract and retain members" (Beckford 1992 cited in Davie 1994, p19).
Despite this decline, Church membership remains a very significant and popular form of belonging in
contemporary Britain (Davie, 1994, p71).
Over the same period of time there has been a major shift away from traditional, Christian-based values
especially those concerning family life (ibid p33). Members of the Friday Night Fellowship at Sale West
Community Church think that many people avoid the Church because they fear disapproval. They don't
want to risk being rejected because of their lifestyle, and they certainly don't want to be preached at.
Others who are more confident of the validity of co-habitation without marriage just consider the
Church to be out of date, and therefore, in their eyes, irrelevant.
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The drop in church-going does not mean that we live in a totally secularized society. Recent surveys
have shown that levels of belief and religiosity remain high. 71% claim to believe in some sort of God,
and 54% define themselves as "religious" while only 4% are convinced atheists (ibid p79). The research
of the Alister Hardy Centre has shown that nearly two thirds of people interviewed admitted to some
religious or spiritual experience (Hay, 1990, p57), and many people claim to pray regularly. Another
indicator of this residual religiosity is the way many still come to the Churches for rites of passage:
funerals are a significant point of contact between the Church and society at large. The lack of regular
participation in worship means that many of the beliefs held are far from orthodox, nevertheless much of
the "common religion" is derived from Christianity even though much of it is little more than
superstition.
It is therefore fair to say that in the religious life of our country "widespread indifference remains the
norm" and that few people adopt any alternative expression of belief or religious affiliation (Davie,
1994, p38). With the exception of isolated pockets the churches have been traditionally less effective in
the industrialized areas and amongst the working classes (ibid p32). The "reluctance to practice" is
compounded by a "mistrust of institutional life of whatever kind" (ibid p106). It is also observable that
"in a working class environment (where levels of education are lower) there is apparently, no perceived
need to put belief into institutional or liturgical practice" (ibid p107).
A specific example : Sale West Community Church
The Manor Avenue "Racecourse" overspill estate was built 24 years ago by Manchester council. The
1991 Census showed that a very high proportion of households on the estate have no wage earners: 24%
of households are pensioners only; 19% of the population are on permanent sickness benefit; 13% of
households are single-parent families (many of whom are on benefit); and the unemployment rate is
22%. Those who are in work are largely low paid manual workers, and many families depend on family
credit. The total population is about 4,500.
Although the physical environment is better than many inner-city areas, the estate is blighted by litter
and vandalism. There are too many open areas which no-one looks after. Some of the land belongs to
Trafford, while other parts are the responsibility of Manchester Council. Residents are continually
frustrated by the bureaucracy and lack of accountability of the two authorities. Over the years apathy
and indifference have quenched the community spirit. The scale of the problems has discouraged those
who do care. There is widespread distrust, and individualism prevails. There is a sort of fatalistic apathy.
Many people do not try to change their circumstances because they cannot imagine any alternative
possibilities.
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When the estate was first built the local Churches worked ecumenically to provide a weekly worship
service at the Community Centre. Leading, preaching, music and Sunday School teaching were all
provided by "outsiders" for a congregation of around 30 adults and a dozen children whose previous
experience of Church had largely been the traditional, clergy-dominated model; a pattern which was
reinforced by their new style of worship in Sale. Despite lay participation in the various social events
and fundraising activities there was only one person in the congregation by 1992 who exercised any
leadership, and then only in practical areas.
In 1992 I was appointed as curate with responsibility for Sale West Community Church. Living in a
former council house on the estate enabled us to identify closely with the local people. Fresh from
college and full of good ideas, we worked hard to publicize the Church and make the services more
"seeker-friendly". Despite occasional large attendances for baptisms, and a very popular special
Christmas Eve childrens' service these changes did not encourage a huge increase in regular attendances.
Church members would frequently be told by their neighbours that "you don't need to go to Church to be
a good Christian." This working class antipathy towards participation is in keeping with the findings of
other sociological studies of religious behaviour and belief (eg Edrington and Martin cited in Robinson,
1994, p86).
Each week we would have to set up all the equipment for the service and then pack it away in a
cupboard afterwards. By mid-1995 we were all weary, and decided that we were providing a style of
worship service appropriate to people who didn't want to come, which left us too busy to worship
properly. We have therefore simplified everything again and meet in a smaller room in the Community
Centre.
During the last few years the Church has developed its midweek fellowship, but it has been difficult to
break away from dependency. None of the local people feel competent to lead bible study or to lead
worship in a fellowship group. Only a few are willing to pray out loud. The group has therefore been
dependent on the six "professionals". Recently, however, members have been taking responsibility for
hosting the group and providing the simple shared meal beforehand, demonstrating a strong sense of
ownership. Good co-ordination by the leaders using "non-book-culture" bible study methods and
symbolism has enabled local people to make significant contributions to discussion.
Initially I had hoped that several midweek groups might become Cell Churches, but we never managed
to grow large enough to divide, nor did we have enough leaders willing to take responsibility for a
second or third group. Reflecting on the reason for this, it seems as though many local people found it
very hard to develop a Christian lifestyle. Several had unbelieving partners whom they continued to live
with, and were torn between the demands of Christian morality and established relationships. Others
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were struggling with high levels of family stress which seemed to create a crisis of some sort every
week. Discipleship and dependability take a long time to develop in such conditions.
One of the most encouraging developments of the last few years has been the partnership between the
Church and other local residents is setting up and running a Credit Union. Although extremely
demanding in terms of human and financial resources this has been well received by the local people as
evidence that the Church cares and is willing to help in a non-paternalistic way. Within the Church we
see our contribution as a form of community development which is helping to liberate the potential of
local people, as well as addressing a very practical need. It has been rewarding to see particular
individuals grow in confidence and self-esteem by assuming responsibility within the organization.
In summary, Sale West Community Church demonstrates many of the typical features of Church life in
the UPA context. On the positive side there is a strong sense of belonging amongst those who attend
regularly, and an openness that readily embraces newcomers. The Church membership is local, and the
people are concerned about and involved in the local community. On the other hand, the shortage of
local leadership and the inherited model of Church, keeps the congregation dependent on outside help.
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Chapter 3
Applying the BEC model of Church in the UK
Given the very different social and historical context in the UK there are very few BEC style Churches.
Perhaps the best known UK examples are the Hope Community in Wolverhampton and the Anfield
Road Fellowship in Liverpool (Hebblethwaite, 1993b pp140-186). See Appendix for more details.
Drawing upon the experience of these Churches and the experience of Sale West Community Church it
is now possible to examine how the BEC model of Church and the significant features of the Basic
Ecclesial Communities as outlined in chapter one, might be appropriate in the English UPA and council
estate context.
From the poor means freedom from outside control
In Latin America the BECs have grown up within the base of society, from amongst the poor. Their
concerns and style are determined from the grassroots, rather than through the hierarchy of the Church.
By contrast, many British Churches in the UPA context, bring with them a particular set of
denominational rules and structures which are imposed on the people of the area. Even an ecumenical
initiative such as Sale West Community Church comes with a preconceived idea of what Church is,
namely: a particular form of worship at a particular time in a particular place.
In a sense, the imposition of these models of Church is at best patronizing or at worst imperialistic. It
reinforces the class divide that many in Britain are aware of, and it is probably a subconscious reason
why many UPA people avoid Church. In his survey of 90 people who believe but don't belong, Priestly
(1993, p110) explores the idea that by enforcing Church attendance on past generations a deep seated
resistance to Church has developed. Although the causes are impossible to prove, I expect most UPA
ministers would agree that the "poor" in Britain do not like being told what to do, what to believe or how
to worship.
In this context a new style of Church needs to grow from below, with its own styles, structures and in
particular, it needs to be free (and be seen to be free) from outside control or domination. Decisions
affecting the life of the Church would probably be made democratically, and the Church would therefore
be closer to a congregational rather than an episcopal model of Church.
From the poor means local
Our society has adopted a consumer culture so that people are faced with many choices of where to
shop, which channel to watch, and what to do with their leisure time. Freedom of choice has become a
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way of life which is also applied to their choice of where to worship (or where not to!). Eclectic
associational churches gather people by focussing on a particular style of worship which appeals to
those who join. However, in UPA areas a significant number of people do not enjoy the freedom of
mobility experienced by the middle classes. For many, life is lived within a small geographical area with
its own particular concerns which are not appreciated or experienced by the surrounding Churches.
In Britain, a BEC style Church which is from the poor would be local and inclusive, drawing the
majority of its membership from a small geographical area. The concerns of the Church would be the
concerns of the neighbourhood as seen by those from within, rather than the often patronizing or
prejudiced views of those on the outside.
From the poor means indigenous
Over the past few decades in overseas missionary circles there has been a growing awareness that the
gospel has been culturally bound up with attitudes and practices that are specific to the Western
European or American way of life. The imposition of these cultural "extras" fails to respect the dignity
and value of the people to whom we are taking the gospel message. In his book "Christianity
Rediscovered", Vincent Donovan (1982) explains how he tried to share the essence of the Christian
message without insisting on how the Masai should respond. The result was a form of Christianity
which is owned by and is relevant to the Masai way of life.
In a similar way, the BECs' "New Way of Being Church" has developed within the largely oral culture
of the Latin American poor with an emphasis on story, symbol and celebration. The fact that the Roman
Catholic Church have maintained an emphasis on the celebration of festivals may be a reason why most
of the BECs still see themselves as part of the Catholic Church.
In Britain where the residual religiosity is weaker it will be much harder to involve people in the
development of a truly indigenous and culturally relevant Church. However, some of the Latin
American features can also apply here.
Firstly, although literacy in Britain is high, many UPA people are living in a "non-book-culture" where
people prefer visual or verbal communication methods, where experience and story is more compelling
than theory, and where associational thought patterns are preferred to logical argument. A BEC style
Church would therefore be more likely to grow if it developed in a non-literary, non-conceptual way. In
practical terms this would lead to forms of worship where participants were not given a pile of books
when entering the meeting. Teaching would probably move away from the traditional sermon to a more
discursive approach, perhaps with practical involvement. Story and reflection would be more effective
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than the use of abstract theological concepts and propositional truth. Drama, role-play and dance would
probably feature more than in more traditional Churches.
Secondly, since few people sing these days, worship might include listening to songs rather than just
communal hymn singing which is very culturally alien and embarrassing for the uninitiated. It would be
good if the choice of songs and poems were ones which speak of and to the lives of the people involved,
especially if these originate from within the culture.
God is with the poor
One of the main features of the BECs is their theological emphasis on God's bias to the poor. This has
been developed and voiced by liberation theology, but originates from within the communities. They
have learned to see that God is with them in their situation, and they celebrate his presence in their
midst, moving comfortably from worship or bible study into "fiesta" and back again into worship.
Many people in the British UPAs believe without belonging and feel very strongly that God is with
them, but that they don't need to go to Church to be religious. If BECs were to develop in Britain they
would probably begin by tapping into this "latent" religiosity and helping to focus and develop it into a
more coherent theology. Such theological development would be a work of the Holy Spirit present in the
midst of believers coming together in the name of Christ to seek his will and his guidance in their lives.
Obviously, if little or no outside ecclesiastical influence occurs the results may appear unorthodox, or
politically radical; an issue which will be discussed further in chapter 4.
Those who have worked within the UPA culture often remark upon the sense of humour and the desire
of many to just have fun. It is as if the working class people are more aware of their creatureliness,
living life through the senses and feelings rather than in the world of ideas and thoughts. In a such a
context it is important that Church is enjoyable, and that Church involves doing things together rather
than just sitting around and learning. A BEC in the UPA will probably spend a lot of time on social
events and practical expressions of their shared faith. One benefit of this is that others will be able to see
what being a Christian means in a tangible way that is more meaningful to them than conceptual ideas
such as being "born-again" or "saved".
Small is beautiful
A BEC style Church in Britain would probably be quite small, involving just 10 to 20 people meeting in
homes. Because open air gatherings are rare in our climate the size of the group would be constrained by
the size of a typical council house lounge. There are many advantages to such a Church. Firstly it is
cheap; there is no need to hire a room or a hall. It is likely to be conveniently close to where the rest of
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the group live, whereas public meeting places may be some distance away. By meeting for worship in
homes the sacred enters the secular space and affirms the presence of God in the daily life of the
believers. A home is a much more personal atmosphere than a hall or a Church building, and so the
development of inter-personal relationships is encouraged. The small size of the gathering makes it
possible for everyone to be known, and have a chance to get to know everyone else. In a small group the
sense of belonging can become very strong. This is good in that it leads to a healthy sense of self worth
if one is valued and accepted by others. Obviously, it will be important that the group avoids being
exclusive, for that would be a denial of the gospel of grace for all.
Every member ministry
A small BEC style Church meeting in a non-threatening environment provides an atmosphere which is
conducive to the development of "every member ministry". Instead of sitting in rows, it is usual to sit in
a circle .. a very powerful symbol of equality. Instead of a performer/audience dynamic, the meeting
becomes more participative as people share their contribution. It is much easier for people to develop
skills such as reading or praying out loud in a relaxed friendly atmosphere where "stage fright" does not
have to be overcome. Engagement and learning are enhanced when people can ask questions and
discuss, rather than just listen to a monologue. Also, if the BEC develops like those in Latin America,
the sharing of experiences will enable each person to contribute something of value, as the group seeks
to bring the whole of their lives together under God's rule.
In this more relaxed form of Church there is less dependence on the professionals. Very few council
houses contain pianos or people who can play them, but it is quite possible that someone will own a
guitar, and with a bit of encouragement be willing to use it in worship. If instead of preaching a crafted
sermon, someone is asked to prepare a list of questions which arise out of the scripture then more people
will be able to participate in the ministry of the word. The Anfield Road Fellowship in Liverpool
developed this approach, and out of a total membership of fifty, fourteen actively lead bible studies or
preach (Hebblethwaite, 1993b, p172).
A Church in this form will be more sustainable, than the traditional model that requires a lot more
finance, expertise and confident personnel. It will require less management and will provide many
opportunities for practical ministry. Hosting the meeting, for example, involves one or two in the
ministry of hospitality. This can be shared as the group meets in different homes around the area.
Pastoral contact is created naturally as members of the group tell each other where to find the next
meeting. Practical acts of caring easily arise because the greater communication facilitates a greater
sharing of needs, and of course collective action strengthens the group as they serve together in Christ's
name.
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A "conscientized" Church
The experience of the BECs in Latin America is that in many instances they grew out of educational
movements which were working to "conscientize" the poor, helping people to come to the realization
that collectively they had the power to improve their situation. Most BECs have a pastoral agent who
works with the community, stimulating theological reflection and helping to coordinate and develop the
life of the community. Many of these are members of religious orders or lay catechists who have
received some training from the institutional Church.
In many ways the aims of community development in Britain are similar. The outside facilitator is
seeking to empower or enable local people in a non-directive way. In part this is achieved by a process
whereby people are encouraged to share and discuss their experiences, and to plan and organize action
in response. Participation in the process helps individuals and communities to develop and mature
(Ballard, 1990, p11). However in Britain, such work is often carried out in a secular context. The
resulting groups often have few ecclesiastical features.
The development or growth of BEC style Church in the UPA will probably need the input of pastoral
agents who understand the need for the conscientization process within an ecclesiastical framework. The
"insertion" of pastoral agents is a key feature of both the Hope Community and the Anfield Road
Fellowship. Three RC Sisters of the Infant Jesus who moved into two maisonettes on the Heath Town
estate in 1985 founded the Hope Community and coordinate its prayer and worship. Together with his
family and his cousin Wendy, Dave Cave moved into a large house on the Anfield Road. The lower two
floors were used by the fellowship, while the family lived upstairs. At first Dave Cave thought that his
presence meant that ARF was not an authentic BEC, but he now sees how essential the pastoral agent is
in the process (Hebblethwaite, 1993b 164).
An Appropriate Model of Church
In summary, a Church based on the principles of the BECs would be more appropriate to the people of
the UPAs. The smallness and the informality would be more enjoyable and more conducive to the
development of indigenous leadership, and make it easier to foster the development of every-member-
ministry. However, such Churches are unlikely to emerge spontaneously, and will require the presence
of non-directive pastoral agents to facilitate their initial stages.
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Chapter 4
Ecclesiological & Missiological Implications of BEC style Churches in the UPA
The socio-economic context and the "brain drain" effect
When the people of the English UPA are compared with the poor of Latin America there are certain
features which may work against the growth of BEC in Britain. Firstly, in Latin America the poor are
the base of a society which in demographic and socio-economic terms can be diagrammatically
represented as triangular. The rich are the few at the pinnacle, while the poor are the oppressed majority
at the base. Amongst the poor there are many people with untapped potential awaiting the education and
opportunity which would liberate their gifting. In Britain, the rich have been losing (or giving) power to
the poor gradually over the last two hundred years in order to maintain hegemony. The gap between rich
and poor is less extreme, and the bulk of society is somewhere in the middle. Diagrammatically our
society has become diamond shaped as social advancement has allowed the able poor to become middle-
class through educational and other opportunities.
The net effect of this process is that many of our most deprived estates and inner city areas are populated
by those who have been left behind at the end of this process of social stratification. The Heath Town
Estate is an example. In such a context it is extremely difficult for any sustainable indigenous Church to
grow. In areas like the Racecourse estate, which contain a mixture of the very poor and a variety of
skilled and unskilled manual working class families, there is more potential, so long as those with
leadership ability can be persuaded to stay and use their ability for the benefit of others.
Amongst those ministering in UPA areas the expression "redemption and lift" is well known. When a
person experiences conversion, their values often change. The discovery of self-worth and a purpose in
life, together with the spiritual fruit of self-control, honesty and reliability makes the new convert more
acceptable to middle-class employers. Promotion and a higher wage often follows, which means that the
new Christian (probably for the first time in their life) can now see that escape to the suburbs is a real
possibility. Often this move is made before the new believer develops the Christian maturity which calls
us to sacrifice our own ambitions in order to serve those who are poorer than ourselves.
Liberation theologians like Gutiérrez have helped the BECs to identify how the prevailing ideology in
Latin America aims to encourage social climbing as an individualistic solution to the problem of
poverty. This process is challenged and opposed as contrary to a more faithful form of Christianity
which develops the identity of the common people and encourages them to unite in the struggle for
liberation and justice (Gutiérrez, 1981, p113). Evangelization is seen as the process by which the poor
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practically demonstrate God's love by being God's agent of liberation (ibid p120). In this context,
collusion with the prevailing ideology of the dominant classes is tantamount to apostasy.
It is hard to imagine such a theology (or ideology) developing widespread support in the British UPA.
The base of society here is far smaller, less communitarian and less religious than in Latin America.
There is no clear external enemy. Very few in Britain are in absolute poverty, and a political revolution
is unlikely to bring significant benefits to the majority of the population. The call to conversion within
our society therefore needs to be for a greater sense of justice, and less selfishness amongst the
comfortable majority. A halfway stage, advocated by David Sheppard (1974), is enlightened self interest
which invests heavily in good housing and community development programmes as a "wise form of
social insurance" (p233).
Within the UPA Church a love of justice, community and sacrificial unselfishness need to be inculcated
amongst believers in the early stages of discipleship to counteract the flow of ability away from the
place of greatest need.
The problems of individualism and poor social skills
Amongst the poor of Latin America the benefits of cooperation are perhaps easier to identify than in
Britain. Many of the tangible benefits achieved by BECs are in the area of mutual assistance in the face
of unemployment, poor housing, sickness and life threatening circumstances. In Britain these basic
needs are met by statutory provision, and even the poorest households have a television and basic
sanitation. It is possible to live a moderately comfortable existence in the British UPA with virtually no
interpersonal contact at all.
The breakdown of community caused by slum clearance and the building of new estates means that
many people hardly know any of their neighbours. Fear of violence keeps many people inside after dark,
and television has replaced the need for communal forms of entertainment which brought people
together in earlier generations.
When people do come together, perhaps in a tenants association or as Church members they often find it
difficult to handle the interpersonal tensions which can arise. Many UPA people have not developed the
social skills necessary for handling conflict. Tempers flare quite quickly, harsh words are exchanged,
and the various parties withdraw again into isolation. Many people find it easier to keep themselves to
themselves. If BEC style churches are to succeed in the British UPA people need to take very seriously
biblical teaching on forgiveness and reconciliation within the body of Christ.
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Apathy, hopelessness and fatalism
The sheer scale of the problems besetting most British UPAs is overwhelming. Even the most idealistic
and highly motivated outsiders find themselves being ground down. Most of the local population don't
even bother trying to work for community improvements, because they feel that it will make no
significant difference. Previous failures reinforce the reluctance to try anything new, and a lack of wider
experience limits vision. Few people can imagine how things could be improved.
In this context, the Christian vision of a gospel community transforming its neighbourhood is hard for
many to imagine; for the people of the UPA, seeing is believing. The BEC style Church therefore has to
demonstrate the vision by living as an example of God's kingdom in practice; an example which
challenges the prevailing apathy by its vitality and passion.
Who pays for the buildings?
I once described my vision of BEC style Church to a Church of England Bishop. Looking around the
large Victorian parish Church, he asked, "But who pays for the buildings?" His reaction is quite
revealing of the issues that such a development would raise for those who are concerned about the
survival of the institutional Church: issues of money and of control. Obviously, small groups meeting in
homes for worship and prayer have no need of the big old buildings which are often some distance
away. Why should such people have any interest in sharing the financial burden of what they might see
as white elephants? And if these groups were self sufficient ecclesial entities, why should they wish to
submit to the frustrations and constraints of what can be at times a cumbersome ecclesiastical hierarchy?
To summarize, the question we need to address, is how would BEC style Churches relate to the rest of
the Church in the UK?
How BEC style Churches might relate to the wider Church.
Church history since the Reformation is peppered with accounts of how renewal movements broke away
to become new denominations. A major ecclesiological concern is how this visible disunity can be
squared up with the clear biblical injunctions calling for unity in the Spirit (Ephesians 4:3, John 17:23).
In this historical context the development of BECs could easily become just another independent
denomination in the congregational style.
On the other hand, the role of the pastoral agent in the process of developing BECs represents an
important opportunity to shape the future life of the BEC so that it remains in communion with the wider
Church. Without necessarily wanting to impose control, the early theological education provided by the
pastoral agent will need to stress the importance of catholicity and unity as marks of a truly Christian
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Church. If the local parish clergy are involved and supportive in the early stages of the BEC there is
likely to be a mutual love and respect, which will be a far more powerful bond than any attempted
institutional framework. One African BEC wrote to the local Bishop expressing their support of his
Church and inviting his pastoral oversight in "brotherly love".
Obviously in such situations the ecclesiastical hierarchy will have no institutional authority over the
BEC. This raises concerns about theological orthodoxy: how can one make sure that the BEC does not
stray from the true gospel? Within the institutional Church structures there are mechanisms for
discipline and control, but with BECs it would be necessary to rely on the strength of the relationships
with the wider Church in order to influence or challenge any disturbing developments. Reflecting on this
in the light of scripture it is perhaps more in line with Jesus's teaching on the nature of authority within
the Church: we are not called to rule over our brothers and sisters (Luke 22:24ff). The need for order in
the Church requires some form of authority structure, but it needs to be based on a mutual submission
"out of reverence for Christ" (Ephesians 5:21) rather than the exercise of power.
When "Faith in the City" was published it was denounced as "Marxist" because it gave a voice to the
concerns of Churches from the Urban Priority Areas. In my experience (supported by the comments
from the Hattersley ACTS group, 1992) the Christians at the grassroots in this country believe that
people matter more than money, and they believe that the bible supports this view. If BECs emerge in
the UK it is likely that they will constantly challenge the lifestyle and assumptions of the wealthier
Christians. They may not come up with solutions that take into account the complexities of the situation,
but they will often be the prophetic voice that asks the awkward question, "Why don't you sell all you
have and give it to the poor?"
Money and power often go together. If BECs grow up outside the control of the established Church they
are unlikely to contribute a great deal to the upkeep of the buildings. On the other hand, most of the
people in the UPAs are not worshipping or contributing at present, so one could argue that nothing will
be lost by encouraging a new form of Church growth.
When Jesus was challenged by the Pharisees for his unconventional approach to religion he told the
parable of the wineskins (Luke 5:37-39). If you try to put the new life of a grassroots movement into the
rigid and hierarchical structures of the traditional way of doing Church, you will kill it off. Frustration
and conflict will either lead to schism or withdrawal. In other words, the new wine will be lost. If the
Church were to attempt to accommodate itself to the BEC way of church you would probably lose a
large degree of the existing support: the old wineskins would break rather than bend. Some might argue
that this is necessary, that the traditional Churches are "full of dead wood that hinders the growth of real,
biblical Christianity". However, Jesus was less confrontational. Luke 5:39 affirms the value of the
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mature wine contained within the old wineskins. Jesus doesn't want to destroy and lose that, he wants
the Church to have the wisdom to allow new structures to exist in parallel with the old structures.
Norman Winter (1986) identifies a significant feature of the Roman Catholic Church in Latin America
which helped it to accommodate the growth of BECs. The Church is defined as a sacrament rather than
by its marks (correct functioning). It diversifies internally by approving new orders instead of provoking
breakaway movements. By contrast, it is over 11 years since Faith in the City asked for new eucharistic
prayers for the UPA Churches, and the old wineskins of the General Synod still have not approved them.
Control would become more of an issue if the BECs were to grow quickly and present a significantly
more attractive alternative than the traditional Churches, as happened in the early days of the "house
church" movement. These new Churches were very critical of the existing Churches and were in turn
criticized for "sheep stealing". In the UPAs where traditional churches are often just a few dozen people
who are struggling to maintain a troublesome old building, an emerging BEC may appear a far more
attractive (and cheaper) option. This might accelerate the decline of traditional Churches nearby and
cause some antagonism. On the other hand, if two or three BECs were to emerge within a small area
they may wish to meet together from time to time for celebrations, either in the existing Church
buildings or in other community facilities such as a school or a community centre. This may provide a
boost to the life of the traditional worshipping community if it is welcomed and supported.
Where the burden of maintaining buildings outweighs the advantage of keeping them, it would make
sense for the existing congregation to join the BECs rather than vice versa. Any stipendiary clergy
would then be freed up for a ministry of pastoral care and support for the BECs and the people of the
area. Clearly, such an arrangement would involve a lot of heartache, and would probably only succeed
where the BEC had close ties with the local Church from its early stages. The denominational
paymasters would, of course, want to negotiate some form of financial contribution from the BECs
towards the cost of the stipend. Again, if growth was significant, this would probably prove to be less of
a drain on the resources of the committed Christians than the old arrangements.
Are BEC style churches emerging?
In places, small traditional Churches have evolved to become more like the BEC style Church envisaged
in Chapter 3, but I have no evidence to suggest that there is any significant growth in the number of such
Churches. Nor are these churches experiencing much in the way of numerical growth. If they did, they
would lose the benefits of their smallness ie close relationships and a strong sense of belonging, or they
would probably revert back to the old model of Church, once the numbers went over 35 - 40 at the
meetings.
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This is partly due to the fact that they have never let go of the old way of being church which tries to
grow by accretion. In order to grow, BECs need to see themselves as cells which divide in order to "give
birth" to a new cell. This model of growth allows the benefits of smallness to remain, whilst increasing
the overall number of Christians in the gospel community.
It is apparent that this is not happening spontaneously. People only become part of the gospel
community when they respond to the good news of Jesus and set out on a life of discipleship. Whilst
there is a residual religiosity in the UPAs of Britain, most have not recognized the message of Jesus as
good news. There is a missionary task required (Romans 10:14-15).
The experience of the Latin American BECs shows that their growth was very dependent upon the
presence of pastoral agents. These were sometimes members of religious orders, sometimes lay
catechists, and occasionally, priests. Insertion, or an incarnational presence in the community was also a
very important ingredient of their success, as was their willingness to bless growth outside the
constraints of the parish church.
In the UK we have very few workers trained in these methods of outreach. Most evangelistic workers
are measured by the number of people they bring into the existing structures. For the reasons discussed
in chapter 2 these methods have not been very fruitful. There are some signs that an alternative approach
is being considered. The Church Army, which until recently tended to work within the parish
framework, has decided to work with people groups rather than geographical boundaries. They have also
developed a distance learning program for training people to be "incarnational evangelists". Youth for
Christ's Urban Action team have been "inserted" into the Brunswick area of Manchester for several
years now. Their "Youth Church" could develop into a BEC style church if encouraged and supported to
do so by the workers and the existing Churches in the area.
These positive signs, are sadly, just a few glimmers of hope. The vast majority of the Church is too
wrapped up in its own problems to put into practice its concerns about the huge number of people who
live in the UPAs of Britain. There are very few candidates coming forward for training as pastoral
agents, and even less money being made available to deploy such people into the areas of greatest need.
The Church Urban Fund is a step in the right direction, but it is still woefully short of the massive
investment in human resources that is required. Most Churches are struggling to find an extra few
thousand pounds on the Diocesan Quota now that the Church Commissioners are being more realistic.
Only a few appear to be willing to spend a significantly larger amount on home mission. There are even
some people within our Churches whose attitude seems to suggest that the poor are undeserving of
further help.
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Reflecting on this situation, it highlights how much the Church needs to be converted. The cost of
developing a BEC style church that might revitalize the UPAs is very high, and there is no guarantee of
a payback. Like the first disciples of Jesus, the institutional churches in Britain need to consider Christ's
call to a sacrificial self giving: the willingness to spend everything, even at the risk of death. Jesus had
no guarantee of the resurrection when he went to the cross, and he challenged his disciples by saying,
"whoever wants to save his life must be willing to lose it" (Mark 8:35). If the traditional Churches gave
sacrificially for the sake of the UPAs it would be a tremendous witness, a marturia* which might indeed
be a painful experience, possibly even the death of the old way of being Church. It could also be the
beginning of something far more fruitful: Jesus also said, "Unless a grain of wheat falls to the ground
and dies, it remains only a single seed. But if it dies, it produces many seeds" (John 12:24).
* New Testament Greek for 'witness' from which we derive the word 'martyr')
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Conclusion :
A Model Worth Adopting
The ecclesiological principles being re-discovered by the BECs of Latin America are a prophetic
challenge to the institutional Church; a call for a return to the basics of Christianity; a call to re-discover
God's preferential option for the poor; and a call to recognize that the Church is the people. The growth
of "grassroots" communities are a work of the Holy Spirit which has brought the gospel of Jesus Christ
closer to the poor of Latin America, enabling many to participate in the life of the Church which is the
body of Christ.
The "new way of being Church" of the Latin American BECs could form the basis of a new model of
Church for the UPAs of Britain. Small cell Churches would foster a stronger sense of belonging than
existing models of Church which are larger and more institutional in style. The informality would be
less threatening and more appropriate to the UPA culture. The emphasis on indigenous leadership would
engender a greater sense of dignity and ownership than presently exists. These benefits would in turn
lead to a wider participation in ministry and more discipleship, hopefully enabling the Church to make a
greater impact upon the neighbourhood.
While the above benefits might make the Church more attractive to the people of the UPAs, the
sociological factors still represent a very significant obstacle to growth. There is a major missionary task
required, if the latent religiosity is to be converted into belonging to the gospel community.
This missionary task will require a significant investment of human resources in the form of pastoral
agents. It will also require the institutional Churches to be willing to encourage and bless the growth of
"new wineskins". It will take, courage, cash and commitment, but it could prove to be the way to a
lasting and sustainable expression of Church within our urban priority areas.
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Appendix
Examples of Basic Ecclesial Community in Britain
a) The Hope Community
The Hope Community has developed around three RC Sisters of the Infant Jesus who moved into two
maisonettes on the Heath Town estate in 1985. Having begun to work on the estate, they felt God calling
them to become part of the neighbourhood to work with people instead of for them. This level of
commitment from pastoral agents known in the BEC context as "insertion" is often a factor necessary
for the successful germination of a BEC.
The estate is in poor repair with all the factors of multiple deprivation. Anyone who can move away
does so and there are usually many empty flats. Many of the residents struggle to make ends meet or to
cope with the stress of daily living. The area is definitely at the base of British society, but unlike the
Latin American context probably contains fewer people of ability and many who are unlikely to ever be
free of dependence.
The Community has "open house" several times a week and those who wish to can attend evening
prayers each day. There is a "Faith Alive" contextual bible study each week. At this meeting the group
also consider wider issues in the world. Discussion helps members to see their own situation in a broader
context. At times the group has responded, for example by writing letters of encouragement to prisoners
of conscience, or by writing to banks about third world debt.
Every six weeks there is a Community Celebration in the local community centre (on a Sunday
afternoon). The theme, style and content is decided by local people who choose their favourite bible
passages and hymns, make up their own prayers etc. (Walsh, 1991, p18). Poetry, drama and symbolic
actions are often included in the celebration. The atmosphere is very relaxed and perhaps to the outsider
a bit chaotic as children wander around and each participant shares their contribution. The celebration
ends with tea and cakes.
The Hope Community contains many of the elements of BEC and shows what can be done by applying
the process in the UK (Hebblethwaite, 1993b, p157).
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b) The Anfield Road Fellowship (ARF)
Since beginning work on this dissertation, I have heard that the ARF has disbanded. Dave Cave is now
working in another area of Liverpool. Nevertheless, from 1983-94 the ARF pioneered a new way of
being Church in one of the toughest urban areas in Britain.
After several years in inner city ministry Dave Cave realized that traditional Church was not likely to
meet the needs of many of the local people, especially the street kids. Together with his family and his
cousin Wendy they moved into a large house on the Anfield Road, Liverpool to begin a new approach to
Church. Seven local Christians also helped to make up the original core. The lower two floors were used
by the fellowship, while the family lived upstairs.
The front room was used for Sunday worship and the basement contained a snooker table used by local
youth during "open house" on Sunday evenings. The fellowship ran a lunch club once a week, and also
worked with other local Churches on community projects such as a drop-in coffee shop and homes for
people with mental handicap. Bible studies were held in different homes around the area using
contextual bible study methods and the pastoral cycle beginning with" the experience of the
downtrodden".
Over the years an apprenticeship model of leadership training was applied, with the result that about a
quarter of the 50 members were able to preach or lead bible studies, and in the last 10 years seventeen
people have left the fellowship to engage in full-time Christian ministry. One of these, Andy Dawson
has gone on to write a doctoral thesis on BECs.
Dave Cave has been aware of Basic Ecclesial Communities for many years, attending European
conferences on the subject. At first he thought that his presence meant that ARF was not an authentic
BEC, but he now sees how essential the pastoral agent is in the process and how ARF was in many ways
a British BEC (Hebblethwaite, 1993b, p164).
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MA Theological Studies : Ross Garner : July 1997 : Page 30
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MA Theological Studies : Ross Garner : July 1997 : Page 32
Acknowledgements
I am especially grateful to Derek Hanscombe, Peter Price and all who participated in the “New Way of
Being Church” Course at the College of the Ascension, Selly Oak in 1994-5. the experience of being a
base community for three weekends was of far greater value than reading a hundred books about it!
I also wish to thank all my friends at Sale West Community Church and the Sale West Credit Union
whose support and commitment have shown me what can be achieved when people are willing to work
for the common good.
Finally, I want to thank David Prior for his book “The Church in the Home” (Marshalls 1983) which
first excited my interest in the Basic Ecclesial Communities.