171

From Communalism to Communal Nationalism: Party Society,

Destruction of Civic Life and Communal Violence in Gujarat (II)

The present chapter analyzes the second and third phases of communal

violence as discussed earlier that is, the spread of communal ideas among

the masses and the rise and growth of communal party society in Gujarat.

The chapter discusses the programme and various techniques used by Hindu

communal organizations to convert circumstantial bias against Muslims into

communalism and then into communal nationalism. The chapter goes on to

discuss the formation of communal party society in Gujarat. By dealing with

the formal and informal power structures of Gujarat society the chapter

analyzes the social, political and economic environment of Gujarat, the

different kinds of communal violence between Hindus and Muslims and its

utilization by Hindu communal organizations. The chapter takes Ahmedabad

as a case study and analyzes many civic and political functions of Hindu

communal groups which resulted in hate, bias, loss of trust and mutual

misunderstanding between Hindus and Muslims, causing the destruction of

civic life. It also analyzes the different elections in Gujarat, caste alliances,

the electoral strategy of BJP to win the support of ‘Hindus’ and the role of

other Sangh organizations to influence Gujarat political and civic (politico-

civic) life. The period of this study is 1985-2002. The chapter is divided into

two parts; part one analyzes the politico-civic functions of Sangh Parivar

among middle class/upper castes/lower castes and Lower/backward classes

during the period 1985-1995, and part two discusses the politico-civic work

of Sangh Parivar to permanently maintain the hold of their ideology among

masses and civil/political society, the formation of communal party society

and the destruction of civic life during the period 1995-2002. The work of

172

Sangh Parivar among the civil society and political society has also been

analyzed

Formal and Informal Power Structure of Gujarat and the Sangh

Parivar (1985-1995)

Gujarat witnessed several incidents of violence between Hindus and

Muslims between 1969 and 1985. Many conflictual situations resulted in

violence between the two religious groups. These violent events provided

the Sangh Parivar an opportunity to spread the ideology of communalism.

The decline of trade unions and of the Congress with its affiliated

organizations and the negative role played by the media during the violence

between Hindus and Muslims opened up the space for the Sangh Parivar to

communalize the politico-civic domain of the masses.1 I shall now examine

the upper caste and lower caste (also the middle class and lower class among

them) support to BJP and other Sangh organizations in Gujarat.

Although Congress made a successful alliance of the have-not communities

in Gujarat, it did nothing to resolve the growing differences among the

KHAM members. Congress, during this period, performed only political

functions and different local leaders were given responsibility to keep a hold

over their respective caste and communities. Thus the negligence of mass

mobilization by Congress on the principles of secularism and against

communalism caused its slow but steady decline. Many authors have argued

that the Congress, after the Emergency, began to lose its ground in Gujarat

1 See, Footnote number 59 of Chapter One of the Thesis. p. 35, see also, Chapter Three of

the Thesis, pp. 30-44.

173

and retained minimal or no mass appeal.2 Congress lost its previous status of

an organized party and this opened up the space for Sangh Parivar’s

communal mobilization.

Unlike Congress, the Sangh Parivar was a disciplined organization. While

the BJP was performing state functions, the other Sangh bodies3 were

executing civic functions and were working to spread the ideas of

communalism. Congress failed to check this development and the gap

between Hindus and Muslims was widened.

The violence which occurred during 1965-1985 was due to circumstantial

bias; the main hurdle for BJP and other Sangh bodies was to convert it into

communalism. Circumstantial bias (mainly the violence arising out due to

it) is a condition which is used by the communal organizations to mobilize

the Hindu masses against ‘threatening others.’4 This could only be done if

the upper and the lower/backward castes Hindus were mobilized on

communal grounds against a projected common Muslim enemy.’ The 1985

anti-reservation riots against Dalits and its transformation into an anti-

Muslim violence provided the Sangh Parivar an opportunity to mobilize the

upper castes and lower castes on communal grounds.

2 See, Atul Kohli, Democracy and Discontent: India’s Growing Crisis of Governability,

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). pp.238-266. see also, Ghanshyam Shah,

“Strategy of Social Engineering: Reservation and Mobility of Backward Communities of

Gujarat,” in Ramashray Roy and Richard Sisson (eds.), Diversity and Dominance in

Indian Politics (Delhi: Sage Publications, 1990). 3 The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Bajarang Dal, Rashtriya

Sevika Samiti, Durga Vahini, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram etc. 4 For more, see Chapter One of the Thesis. pp. 37-43.

174

During the anti-reservation riots against Dalits in 1985, the Sangh Parivar

utilized upper caste anger against Muslims, who (with Dalits) avoided the

call for a bandh by upper castes against the policy of implementing

reservation to backward communities. The upper castes (who were active in

anti-Dalit riots) saw it as Muslim-Dalit unity to prepare for revenge.

Therefore, to teach Muslims a lesson, the upper caste started violence

against them as well.5 When the riots against Dalits turned into violence

against Muslims, the Dalits also took active part.6

Therefore for BJP and other Sangh bodies, to produce a base among the

‘Hindus’ it was necessary that the violence should occur on the basis of

communal ideology and they should be strong enough between upper and

lower castes to create and maintain the conflictual situation between Hindus

and Muslims. To achieve this goal, they tried to communalize the everyday

forms of civil life of the masses by entering in their politico-civic domain.

They not only mobilized a mass support during the period 1985-2002 but

also communalized the civil and political society.

The Sangh Parivar and Mobilization of Upper and Lower/Backward

Castes: Case Study of Ahmedabad 1985-1995

Ahmedabad City: A Brief Profile

Ahmedabad city is situated on the Sabarmati river bank and regarded as the

most urbanized and industrialized city of Gujarat. As per the 2001 census

report, the area under Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation has a population

5 See, Chapter Three of the Thesis. pp. 30-44. 6 Ibid.

175

of 3,520,085.7 The population of the Ahmedabad urban agglomeration is

4,525,013. Ahmedabad has a literacy rate of 79.89%, the second highest in

Gujarat only after Gandhinagar, which has the literacy rate of 87.11%.8

According to the census for the Ninth Plan, 30,737 rural families are living

in Ahmedabad. Of these, the number of families who live below the poverty

line is 5.41% (1663 families).9 Approximately 440,000 people live in the

slum areas of the city. According to the 2001 census report, the Hindus are

in a majority with 84.2% population while the percentage of the Muslim

population is 11.4%.10

7 See, Estimated Slum Population in the Metropolitan Cities Table: 7.2.11. Accessed Via:

http://mospi.gov.in/comenv2000tab7.2.11.htm. Dated: 30/12/2010. 8 See, “Gujarat Language Special: Literacy,” (September 13, 2011). Accessed Via:

http://mediaware-infotech.com/newsletter/Gujarati/literacy.htm. Dated. 13/09/2011. 9 See, “Talukawise Number of BPL Families: After Rechecking i.e. as on 1/9/01,”

D.R.D.A Ahmedabad: Gujarat . Accessed Via:

http://revenuedepartment.gujarat.gov.in/applications/content.asp?Title_Id=195&sctype=I

nformation&mmore=Y&content_id=764&language=E&SiteID=8. Dated: 30/12/2010. 10 See, “Census GIS Household”, Office of the Registrar General and Census

Commissioner India. Accessed Via:

http://www.censusindiamaps.net/page/Religion_WhizMap1/housemap.htm. Dated.

30/12/2010.

176

Map of Ahmedabad11

Map 1

Source: Maps of India; Accessed Via: http://www.mapsofindia.com/maps/gujarat/ahmedabadcity.htm. Dated: 28/12/2010.

11 The Sabarmati River (Blue color line in the map) divides the city into two parts, i.e Old

Ahmedabad and Western Belt. Although some authors divide the city into four parts, the

old city; the industrial belt; the new western districts; and the suburban region which is

outside the boundaries of the AMC, but within the Urban Development authority of

Ahmedabad. See, Neera Chandhoke, “Civil Society in Conflict Cities: The Case of

Ahmedabad,” Crisis States Research Centre, Working Paper No. 64. (November, 2009).

p.7. Accessed Via: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/28476/1/WP64.2.pdf. Dated. 16/1/2010. see

also, Darshan Mahadevia, “Communal Space over Life Space: Saga of Increasing

Vulnerability in Ahmedabad,” Economic and Political Weekly Vol. 37, No. 48. (Nov. 30

- Dec.6, 2002), pp. 4851. I am study the city by dividing it into two parts, old Ahmedabad

and the Western belt. Old Ahmedabad is also known as the Industrial belt of the city.

177

Map 2

Source: Amdavad Aerial.jpg. (the Nehru Bridge which connects old and western Ahmedabad). Accessed Via: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Amdavad_Aerial.jpg. Dated: 28/12/2010.

Geographically, the city is divided into eastern and the western parts by the

river Sabarmati (see Map. 1); the two parts are connected by five bridges

(see Map-2). The Sabarmati River divides the city into two parts, one is old

Ahmedabad and the other is the western belt. The western belt is

predominantly upper and middle class belt and the old Ahmedabad is known

as the chawl areas (consisting of one room housing units) and slums. Many

industries are situated here and its workers stay in this belt. Some of the

areas of old Ahmedabad (like Dariapur, Naroda Patia, Bapunagar,

Behrampur, Jamalpur etc) are among those areas which has witnessed many

incidents of caste riots and communal violence.12

In terms of per capita income, Gujarat ranked highest among all the states of

India. It is regarded as one of the richest states in India mainly because it has

12 Based on the field survey in Ahmedabad.

178

taken full advantage of the policy of globalization and liberalization. The

closure of many textile mills during the period from 1980s resulted in the

collapse of the textile industry of Ahmedabad. Globalization has opened

opportunities for the Chemical and petro-chemical industries. The city has

also attracted the foreign direct investment (FDI) in infrastructure and real

estate development. ‘A River Front Development Plan,’ of Rs 12,000

million is already under process with the objective to develop a central

business district on both sides of the river Sabarmati.13 The impact of

globalization is visible in the development of city. For the past ten years the

city has witnessed the rapid constructions of malls, restaurants and cinemas

and many businesses. The rapid growth of city and opening of new jobs in

private sectors has made many people of Ahmedabad economically secure

and in the later years Ahmedabad witnessed the rise of an aggressive middle

class (mainly upper castes) who identified themselves with the communal

ideology in the era of liberalization and privatization against Muslims and to

seek a new identity and position.14

Mobilization of Upper Castes and Lower/Backward Castes in Gujarat

and the Sangh Parivar (1985-1995)

As analyzed in the previous chapter, Gujarat society is characterized by the

domination of castes. During the period from 1965 to 1985, it was the caste

13 See Neera Chandhoke, “Civil Society in Conflict Cities,” opp.cite. pp. 7-8. 14 See, Amitabh Kundu, “Globalizing Gujarat: Urbanization, Employment and Poverty,”

Economic and Political Weekly Vol. 35, No. 35/36 (Aug. 26 – Sep, 2000.). pp. 3172-

3179&3181-3182. see also, Sujata Patel, “Urbanization, Development and

Communalization of Gujarat,” in Takashi Shinoda (eds.). The Other Gujarat (Mumbai:

Popular Prakashan, 2002). pp. 207-15.

179

conflict and competition between Patidar and Kshatriyas that dominated the

political scene in Gujarat. In 1960s and 1970s, the Patidars emerged as the

new elite and took control over state’s political and economic resources and

the Kshatriyas witnessed their decline on both fronts during this period.

When the KHAM formula was introduced by the Congress during late 1970s

and early 1980s, the Kshatriyas and the other KHAM members regrouped to

challenge the dominance of Patidars from Congress. This resulted in the

shifting of Patidars loyalties to non-Congress political parties namely the

Janta Dal and later the BJP. During this period, the Patidars, with Brahmins

and Banias, began to extend their support to BJP. With the upper castes

supporting the BJP, the entire period can be characterized as a step by step

ascendancy of the BJP in Gujarat’s political life.

BJP is known as a middle class and upper caste political party. Ideologically,

the BJP and other Sangh affiliated organizations are against the caste system

and they formally disregard the existing differences among Hindus on caste

lines. They urge unity among Hindus to wipe out the differences based on

caste lines. They also deny that the reason for backwardness among lower

castes groups lies with the dominance of the upper castes and they urge

lower castes to accept ‘good values and behavior through education’ and

improve their status in society.15 The Nav Nirrman Riots and their pro-upper

caste stand in many anti-reservation agitations of 80s suggested that it had a

pro-upper caste orientation. They were opposed to the reservation policy of

15 See, Ghanshyam Shah, “The BJP and Backward Castes in Gujarat,” in Ghanshyam

Shah (eds.). Caste and Democractic Politics in India (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2002). p.

308.

180

the Congress and blamed Congress for playing caste politics and widening

the differences between the upper and the lower castes.16

On the political front, the Brahmins-Banias-Patels (all upper castes) were

disadvantaged by the implementation of the KHAM formula by Congress in

1980s. Further, the policy of Congress government to extend reservation for

backward communities made upper castes apprehensive and their anger was

expressed in several anti-reservation agitations and riots against lower

castes. Slowly they shifted their loyalties to BJP to seek a new political

identity and to regain their past status of a dominant force in Gujarat. More

particularly the support of Patidar community to BJP opened up space for

communal politics and organizations to penetrate the politico-civic domain

of the upper castes. The Patidar support to BJP was visible in the

parliamentary election of 1991. The Patel dominated Gandhinagar

constituency was claimed by Mr. L.K. Advani, defeating the Congress-

Chimanbhai combined Patel candidate.17 BJP again won the 1995 panchayat

elections by winning 18 out of 19 Zilla panchayats and 154 out of 183 taluka

panchayats.18 The BJP became a prominent political party among Patel

dominated constituencies.19 In the parliamentary elections of 1999 almost

16 Ibid. 17 See, Ashim Roy, “Gujarat Genocide: The Passage to Fascism,” Accessed Via:

http://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv8n2/gujarat.htm. Dated. 19/11/2010. 18 Ibid. 19 The Banaskantha district, Mehsana, SabarKantha, Kheda, and Kutch have many Patel

villages where a sizable population lives; they started supporting the BJP in different

elections. Due to non-availability of census on caste lines, it is difficult to provide the

percentage of Patel population. The available source is 1931 census, where Patel

constituted almost 13% of the entire population, considering the data, the figure might

181

89% Patidars voted for BJP.20 Such a polarization of one community to a

political party is known to be the highest in the country. The Patidar

community plays a decisive role in 62 constituencies in Gujarat and its

support to BJP and other Sangh organization during late 1980s opened space

for communal politics. The reasons of upper castes support to BJP lies in the

KHAM formula of Congress. The upper castes (who were suffering from

anti-lower caste and anti-Muslim feelings) automatically provided BJP a

platform to widen its support base in the politics of Gujarat. The pro-upper

caste orientation of BJP and its increasing support base among them during

1970s and 1980s encouraged it to support their cause and it did not criticize

any of the anti-reservation agitations or caste riots against backward

communities. What is more, it is alleged that some of its members took

active part in these agitations or riots.21

On the other hand, the political strategy of Congress from the 1980’s

resulted in the gradual emergence of Dalits, Adivasis (Tribal community)

and Muslims in the electoral process as an independent political force in

Gujarat.22 This led to the fragmentation of the existing political parties in

Gujarat and the upper castes (who are not numerically significant) found

themselves unable to mobilize a counteractive force against this coalition

(KHAM). The repeated wins of Congress in two consecutive elections of

have been increased. See, Ghanshyam Shah. Caste Association and Political Process in

Gujarat: A Study of Gujarat Kshatriya Sabha (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1975). p.9. 20 See, Ashim Roy, “Gujarat Genocide,” opp.cite. 21 See, Ghanshyam Shah, “The BJP and Backward Castes in Gujarat,” opp.cite. 22 The KHAM (Kshtriyas, Harijans, Adivasis and Muslims) formula introduced and

implemented by Congress during late 1970s and 1980s.

182

1980 and 1985 with the support of KHAM communities resulted in the

breaking of the upper caste hegemony in Gujarat and the upper castes

consequently failed to build a political base adequate to win political power.

But the upper castes also wanted to regain their previous status and the logic

of their will to regain their status required that the upper castes be linked to

the BJP and that the BJP would have to mobilize backward castes under the

Hindutva plank to avoid any lower caste alliance/s to emerge. Two factors

produced the upper caste psyche. First, the BJP with other Sangh

organizations is an upper castes-middle class political party and further, the

upper castes had realized that their past status in the state could only be

reverted if they supported the BJP23. The second factor was the acceptance

of liberalized economic policy, which opened new job opportunities in the

private sector. Thus, by the 1990s, the upper castes did not have any major

threat from the lower/backward castes and the reservation policy of the

government, they controlled their aggressive attitude and accepted stand of

the BJP on reservation policy and the lower castes. This development also

provided a sign of relief to those lower/backward castes who were the main

victims of several anti-reservation agitations and riots.24

This helped BJP and other Sangh organizations to mobilize lower/backward

caste Hindus. By the mid-1980s the BJP changed its strategy towards lower

castes groups. The numerical strength of lower caste groups and a high level

of mobilization and awareness among them compelled BJP to rethink its

23 Many upper castes during my field survey in Dariapur, Bapunagar and Naroda-Patia

admitted that they started supporting BJP because the ‘BJP oppose caste system and caste

based discrimination and it was against the reservation policy of Congress. 24 See Chapter Three of the Thesis, pp. 40-42.

183

upper caste oriented policies and it started efforts to mobilize lower castes

on communal grounds. During the late 1970s and mid 1980s, BJP was

against the reservation system and supported the upper caste cause. The

election of 1980 and 1985 and the majority of seats won by Congress with

the support of lower/backward communities indicated the importance of

these groups as far as the elections and its results were concerned. Therefore,

after the election of 1985 the BJP adopted a pro-lower/backward caste

strategy to mobilize them on communal grounds (this point is discussed at

length in the later part of the chapter) to make itself strong in Gujarat. The

BJP corrected its stand on reservation and started projecting and propagating

the causes of lower/backward castes to mobilize them.25

Since the ideology of the BJP is based on the majoritarian concept of the

Hindu Rashtra (nation), it cannot ignore the large population of Dalits,

Tribals and OBCs; they have to be mobilized at a political level to make a

national Hindu community. The breaking of the upper caste hegemony and

the rise of awareness among the lower caste groups forced BJP to adopt pro-

lower caste policies. On the other hand, the awareness and the rise of a small

middle class among lower caste groups failed to make a powerful bloc in

Gujarat against the atrocities of upper castes - primarily because Gujarat had

never witnessed any lower caste movement against the hegemony of upper

castes in earlier times. After the decline of Congress and its KHAM formula

the lower/backward castes could not develop any political party/alliance on

caste lines. This environment provided space for right wing mobilization

25 See, Ghanshyam Shah, “The BJP and Backward Castes in Gujarat,” opp.cite. pp. 295-

314. see also, Ghanshyam Shah, “BJP’s Rise to Power,” Economic and Political Weekly

Vol. 31, No. 2/3 (Jan. 13-20, 1996). pp. 165-170.

184

based on the ideas of communalism. More particularly from 1985, the BJP

and its sister organizations started making efforts to give the lower castes a

‘Hindu’ identity through its various programs and techniques.

Therefore the period 1985-1995 witnessed the mobilization of

lower/backward castes in the Sangh Parivar fold, the spread of the

communal ideology among the ‘Hindus’. The period of 1996-2002

witnessed the spread of communal nationalism, after the successful

mobilization of many upper castes and lower/backward castes by Sangh

Parivar and the destruction of civic life. While the period of 1985-1995 saw

the spread of communalism in the politico-civic domain of the masses as the

Sangh Parivar successfully communalized the everyday forms of civic

engagements among the masses. It also resulted in the communalization of

the associational forms of civic engagements (civil society) and political

society. The Sangh Parivar found legitimacy in Gujarat and the period of

1996-2002 witnessed the formation of communal party society and its strong

and undisputed presence in the politico-civic domain of the masses. I study

their program and technique in mobilizing the masse, and communalizing

civil and political society in Gujarat (Ahmedabad as a case study) by

dividing the phase into two parts; part one analyzes the period 1985-1995

and part two discusses the period 1996-2002. The Sangh Parivar, during the

period 1986-2002, became strong enough to create and maintain conflictual

situations between Hindus and Muslims. I shall now examine the upper caste

support to BJP and the programs and techniques of Sangh Parivar in

communalizing the politico-civic life and mobilizing lower/backward castes

of Gujarat (Ahmedabad) during 1985-1995 and their efforts to keep a hold

over them during the period 1995-2002.

185

The State and Civic Functions of Sangh Parivar and Mobilization of

Lower/Backward Castes: 1985-1995

The violence of 1985 provided the Sangh Parivar an opportunity to mobilize

lower/backward castes on communal grounds by projecting Muslims as a

big threat.26 In my recent field survey in Dariapur locality27, Bapunagar

locality of Ahmedabad and Gomtipur28, the Hindus (lower castes) provided

26 In the previous chapter I have discussed the 1985 caste riots which later turned into

Hindu-Muslim violence. My purpose here is to show the Sangh Parivar’s techniques of

mobilizing lower/backward castes against Congress and Muslims. 27 Dariapur locality of Ahmedabad consists of Hindu (upper castes and lower castes) and

Muslims. It is a mixed population area mainly it is a slum locality. The majority of the

populations are poor who used to work in textile industry or were third class or fourth

class employees in weaving and spinning departments. Some of them are now either run

small shops, rickshaw pullers or do work on daily wages as unorganized labor. 28 Bapunagar and Gomtinagar Localities of Ahmedabad is a slum area, where recently

BJP government issued notices to vacate the area, occupied by the people, primarily

because it is known as illegal and encroached area. Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (

hereafter AMC) also demolished several buildings and tried to evacuate the area

considering it to be illegally occupied land by the people. Important point needs to be

mentioned here, Bapunagar and Gomtinagar localities were among those areas which

witnessed gruesome killings of Muslims in Gujarat violence of 2002. see, “Ahmedabad

Municipal Corporation Moves to Clear Slums,” Daily News and Analysis. Accessed Via:

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_ahmedabad-municipal-corporation-moves-to-

clear-slums_1351954. Dated: 30/1/2012. see also, “AMC Continues Anti-Encroachment

Drive,” The Times of India. April 22. 2003. Accessed Via:

http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2003-04-22/ahmedabad/27279400_1_anti-

encroachment-drive-amc-aneesa-mirza. Dated: 30/1/2012. for communal violence in

Bapunagar and Gomtipur localities see, “15 Injured in Ahmedabad Violence,” Deccan

Herald.8/11/2002.AccessedVia:http://indiarightsonline.com/Sabrang/relipolcom12.nsf/5e

186

me an insightful story about their support to Sangh Parivar. Dariapur and

Bapunagar and Gomtipur localities are known as a slum area. Many

workers/labors, people from lower class, third/fourth grade employees in

different government and/or private enterprises and people who run small

businesses stay in these localities. The closure of many textile mills and the

economic scarcity during the 1980s hit the people of these localities hard

and when they received a helping hand from the Sangh Parivar, they

welcomed their assistance. Later these people were mobilized for Hindutva

cause and have actively participated in many rath yatras organized by BJP or

VHP. The Ram Janaki Yatra, Ram-Shila Pujan and Rath Yatra of Advani

witnessed the participation of many people from this locality. (I have

discussed about it in the following section).

I interviewed Munni Lal (name changed, age 59 years, Dalit), with four

other persons of the Dariapur locality, to know about the reason/s of the

Dalit support to Sangh Parivar and about the Hindu-Muslim violence of

1985, he answered that; evacuate

7647d942f529c9e5256c3100376e2e/7e386ac5efbf1c4fe5256cce003d8b54?OpenDocume

nt. Dated: 30/1/2012. see also, Sanjeevini Badigar, “ A ‘Normal’ Anomaly: Displacement

due to Communal Violence in Gujarat,” Economic and Political Weekly Vol. XLVII, No.

3. (January 21, 2012). pp. 42-44. These two localities i.e Bapunagar and Gomtipur

contains the population who are regarded as the localities which contain the political

society, these localities and population residing in these localities are considered as

illegal in Ahmedabad.

187

It was a period of great turmoil for us (Dalits), we were

the victims of upper castes anger due to ‘caste politics’29

by Congress and police action against us. It was the

members of Bhjap (BJP) and VHP, which provided

relief, food and shelter to us against riots and police

atrocities. The Congress did nothing to save us because

it wanted to continue the riots against us. Police is a

government body, and the police action against us

clearly indicated that the Congress government gave

them direction. If there had not been Bhajap (BJP) and

VHP, our existence was in danger. Thus we started

supporting them and were convinced that the Muslims

and the Congress both are our enemies and our all

problems were due to them. We corrected our previous

wrongs and supported Bhajap (BJP) in coming

elections.

But at the same time there were some Dalits who had a different opinion

about the Congress, anti-reservation riots against them and their support to

BJP. Ram Prasad (name changed, age 42 years) of the same locality with

two other members answered me that; 29 I asked him about the ‘caste politics’ of Congress, he said that the Congress

government was trying to divide the ‘Hindus’ by supporting ‘Muslims’. It tried to widen

the differences between us (upper and lower castes) to gain the political mileage. We

(Dalits) were the victims of caste politics of Congress and not the upper castes agitation

against us. The upper caste agitated due to Congress and we admit that had there been no

caste politics, there had been no riots against us. (Clearly the Sangh Parivar convinced the

lower/backward castes and mobilized them against Congress).

188

It was upper castes who, without any provocation from

us, started riots. They were against the system which

was introduced by the Congress government for our

help and to improve our economic status.30 We were

scared due to riots and police atrocities against us.

Although we supported Congress (because it was

working for our welfare), but were unhappy because the

government did not make any effort to help us. When

Bhajap (BJP) and VHP helped us, we welcomed their

support. And later started supporting it in different

elections. Our support to BJP and other Sangh

organizations is not because they blame Muslims to be

anti-national etc, but because they still support us.

Because of them our children go to schools, we have

work for our livelihood.31

Anti upper caste feelings were also realized among some lower castes during

the field survey. Many lower/backward castes were angry and agitated

against the upper castes and their anti-lower castes stands in many riots.32

30 He was talking about reservation system, although the reservation was for OBCs, many

Dalits thought that the Government had introduced some concrete planning for their

welfare and the upper castes did not like it and thus they instigated riots against Dalits. 31 For the help which VHP provided to the Hindus of Gujarat, see, Sewa Work; Prant

Vise: Vishwa Hindu Parishad Sewa: In the Service of the Poor and Downtrodden:

Accessed Via: http://vhpsewa.org/index.php?m=page_view&p=work_chart.php. Dated:

16/12/2010. 32 Interview with the lower castes of Dariapur, Shree Veer Maurya Nagar and Bapunagar

localities.

189

The Sangh Parivar (like RSS, VHP and Bajrang Dal) did not try to change

the thinking of some lower castes about the upper castes. They continuously

worked among them more rigorously to mobilize them against Muslims on

the basis of communal ideology.33

In another locality ‘Bapunagar, the Dalits also have almost the same story to

tell. Fakir Chand (name changed, age 47 years) also admitted that the

Bhajap and VHP provided help to them during the riots. He also informed

me that the Sangh Parivar distributed lathis and trishuls to them. They began

to support Sangh Parivar since it was only because of them that they had

acquired an identity and were living a dignified life. Therefore, the Sangh

Parivar mobilized the lower/backward castes against the projected enemy

Muslims and for the ‘protection of Hinduism’ by calling them the true

protector of religion and Hindu culture.34

Through these works the Sangh Parivar tried to create a space for communal

mobilization of Dalits. The Sangh Parivar successfully entered into their

politico-civic domain and in later years roused an intense campaign to co-opt

Dalits by spreading anti-Muslim feelings among them. They introduced

various programs which were being successfully orchestrated by different

bodies of the Sangh Parivar to communalize them.

33 The finding is based on the interview with Mr. Anil Bhai Jain, chief functionary of

RSS (Ahmedabad), Mr. Jeevan Bhai Mehta, General Secretary of VHP (Ahmedabad) and

Kaushal Bhai Mehta, General Secretary of Bajrang Dal (Ahmedabad) during my field

survey in Ahmedabad. (emphasis added). The names of the office bearers are changed. 34 Interview with Fakir Chand and four other persons of the Bapunagar locality.

190

The poor upper castes of the Dariapur area were also covered during the

field survey in Ahmedabad. Like the Dalits, they were also the victims of

economic scarcity due to closure of many textile mills. Many among them

lost their jobs and were in a miserable condition. I discussed the matter of

1985 with some upper castes35 (mainly lower Patels of Dariapur area),36they

were more vocal and have a strong anti-Muslim and anti-Congress feelings.

The members of upper castes informed me that;

During those days (the period upto 1980s), we were in a

good position. We had secured jobs and economically

our life was more secure. We had enough money for our

daily needs and for our children (like for their education

and marriages). But the economic scarcity and closure

of many business (textile mills) and departments (the

offices of these mills or some other private enterprises)

resulted in the loss of our jobs. Our life, all of a sudden,

became miserable. We witnessed the toughest time of

our life and there was no one to help us, to provide us

some jobs for even our basic needs. The policy of

35 Here I have mingled the interview of five upper castes Patel members of the locality,

their age are between 49 to 56. 36 Patels are divided into upper (Leva Patels) and lower (Kadva) Patels. The Patels of

Dariapur area are known to be lower in caste hierarchy. They were workers in textile

industry and some of them were third or fourth class employee in different departments

and industry. For more, see, Achyut Yagnik, “Hindutva as a Svarana Purana,” in Asis

Nandy et.al. Creating a Nationality: Ram Janam Bhoomi and the Fear of Self (New

Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 100-123. see also, David Pocok. Kanbi and

Patidar: A Study of the Patidar Community of Gujarat (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972).

191

Congress government to favor lower castes created more

frustration among us and we were thinking that our

‘golden days’ (sunehrey din) were over. When some

people fought against this injustice of Congress (the

anti-reservation agitation), we supported it, because for

our survival it was necessary for us to support the anti-

Dalit and anti-Congress movement.

When asked about their reason/s of their support BJP and other Sangh

organizations, they replied;

The Bhajap, VHP and RSS supported us in many ways.

We were hopeless during those days (since 1985, after

closure of many textile mills and downfall of many trade

unions) and the ‘social workers’ of these ‘social

organizations’ extended their help to us in finding new

jobs. They collected money from the rich persons of the

city and helped us in opening some small shops, which

make us believe that they are the true protectors of

Gujarati poor people. We started supporting Bhajap and

other social organizations and began to attend different

camps and social gathering organized and invited by

them.

I also visited Baram Pur, Naroda-Patia, Bapunagar and Gomtipur: the

‘Hindus’ (both upper and lower castes) there have almost the same story to

tell. The upper castes (Brahmins and Banias) informed me that they became

sympathetic to BJP after the riots of 1969 and were convinced that Muslims

192

were traitors and anti-nationals. The lower castes of the localities became

pro-BJP when they realized that the Sangh Parivar was working to give them

an identity and had invited them to several Rath Yatras. It showed to the

lower castes that the Sangh Parivar was against caste system. They were

happy that there is no place for caste based discrimination in Sangh Parivar.

The Sangh Parivar used two different ways to enter into the politico-civic

domain of the poor lower castes and poor upper castes during the period

1985-1995. For lower castes, they tried to give them the ‘Hindu identity’ by

providing relief during the period of economic crisis and riots against them.

On the other hand, among the poor upper castes, they just provided them the

financial help to start small business/es or helped them in finding new jobs

by showing that only the Sangh Parivar could protect the Hindus.37 They did

not try to implement the Hindu identity among the poor upper caste,

primarily because they already carried a ‘Hindu’ identity; rather they

implemented a different politico-cultural understanding to that identity, that

is militant Hindutva. Therefore many people of slum locality welcomed the

Sangh Parivar for their survival and helped in legitimizing the ideology of

communalism. The Sangh Parivar also recruited many individuals as their

active members from these localities. Mainly the Naroda-Patia, Bapunagar

and Gomtipur localities provided space to the Sangh Parivar and the Parivar

37 The finding is based on my field survey in Dariapur, Naroda-Patia, Bapunagar,

Gomtipur. For the assistance provided to them by the Sangh Parivar, see, Sewa Work;

Prant Vise: Vishwa Hindu Parishad Sewa: In the Service of the Poor and Downtrodden:

Accessed Via: http://vhpsewa.org/index.php?m=page_view&p=work_chart.php. Dated:

16/12/2010.

193

(primarily VHP and Bajrang Dal activists) mobilized people from these

localities for Hindutva war against Muslims.38

The several state functions of BJP and the civic functions of other Sangh

organizations during 1985-1995 resulted in the mobilization of the upper and

lower castes Hindus. The upper castes and lower castes of Gujarat were

convinced that they were stifled in their own country by the Muslim

aggressive minority who were a big threat to Gujarat-India and Hindus. This

assumption resulted in the successful spread of ideology of communalism

during 1990s. Thus the Sangh Paivar through its several functions, programs

and techniques created an ideologically legitimate boundary between the

Hindus and Muslims and mobilized many upper castes and lower castes.

During the latter years, the ‘mobilized Hindus’ were given several issues for

the ‘Hindutva’ movement.

The Rath Yatras and the Lower/Backward Castes: Spread of

Communal Ideology and the Communal Violence in Ahmedabad

The 1985 caste riots which turned into Hindu-Muslim violence provided the

Sangh Parivar an opportunity to mobilize lower/backward castes on

communal grounds by propagating anti-Muslim ideas. In 1985, the moment

of the conflictual situation between Hindus and Muslims arrived, and once

the violence between Hindus and Muslims started, the Sangh Parivar became

active by carrying out several relief works among Hindus. Later, they

organized several yatras to create, maintain and widen the conflictual

situation between Hindus and Muslims and to construct the ‘Hindu’ identity

38 Interview with the Kaushal Bhai Mehta, (name changed, age, 52 years) Chief

Functionary of Bajran Dal, Ahmedabad unit.

194

(mainly among the lower castes). Therefore, the ‘1985 Hindu-Muslim

violence’ provided the Sangh Parivar an opportunity to spread the ideology

of communalism among lower/backward castes to mobilize them against

‘Muslims’. Gujarat witnessed a series of yatras (either organized by Sangh

Parivar or their active participation in annual religious yatras). This caused

several incidents of communal violence which created an emotional

environment and further reinforced the ideology of communalism among the

lower/backward castes. To cite some examples; the annual Jagannath Yatra39

and the active participation of RSS, VHP, Bajrang Dal and BJP resulted in

incidents of communal violence between Hindus and Muslims. The

disturbance started when the some mischievous persons started throwing

stones at the procession (Jagannath Yatra). Some people chanted anti-

Muslim slogans and this provoked some Muslims in the Dariapur and

39 In many cities of Gujarat like Amdavad, Surat, Bhavnagar, Ahmedabad etc, the annual

lord Jagannath yatra is carried out annually with high devotional fervor and joy. The

Jagannath Mandir in Amdavad annually organizes the yatra through the walled areas of

the city. People make kaleidoscopic Raths and floats of various materials which are

mounted on the trucks. When the chariots with the idols (mainly lord Jagannath, i.e lord

Krishna) arrive, people ritually sprinkle rice and gulal powder as a form of puja. The

participants sitting in these raths liberally hand out fistfuls of prasadam of raw, sprouted

mung beans. Children are given sweets and confectionary. Finally, the three hand-drawn

raths of Subhadra, Balaram and Lord Krishna are pushed by devotees. The flurry and

festive excitement is enhanced by the jubilant chanting of `Jai Ranchhod Makhan Chor'.

Indra, the god of rain, too arrives to participate! It has been noted that sometime during

the Rath Yatra, usually late afternoon or early evening, he sprinkles a light shower, never

a heavy downpour, sanctifying the occasion. The yatra is an annual feature in Gujarat and

is taken on the day of 'Ashadh Beej', a day, on which, the famous Puri Rath Yatra is also

taken out.

195

Kalupur localities. Once the violence started, the Sangh Parivar appealed to

Dalits and invited them and other backward castes to join the ‘holy war to

protect Hinduism’40 against the ‘threat of Muslims’. Many people from these

slum localities took active part in communal violence against Muslims. The

1986 communal violence witnessed an active participation of

lower/backward castes. The violence claimed the lives of 80 people and left

50 people injured.41 This phase of violence indicated the shift of Dalits and

OBCs to the Sangh Parivar fold. During the period 1985-1990, the issue of

infiltration from Pakistan across Gujarat border was highlighted aggressively

and the Sangh Parivar systematically alleged that Muslims of Gujarat were

associated with the infiltrators. This further resulted into an increase in anti-

Muslim sentiments.42 In 1987, the VHP organized the Ram-Janaki Dharma

Yatra. The yatra aimed to ‘transcend caste and sect differences in the

worship of Lord Ram and to affirm the unity of Hindus’.43 This yatra also

caused communal violence, and for the first time the Adivasis (Tribals) of

Kheda and Sabarkantha district actively participated in it44 together with

other lower/backward caste groups. In 1989, the VHP again organized the

40 See, Asis Nandy et.al. Creating a Nationality: The Rramjanambhumi Movement and

Fear of the Self (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997). p.106. 41 B. Rajeshwari. Communal Riots in India: A Chronology (New Delhi: IPCS Research

Paper, 2004). p. 14.

42 See, Ghanshyam Shah, “Gujarat After Godhra,” in Ramashray Roy and Paul Wallace

(eds.) India’s 2004 Elections: Grass-Roots and National Perspectives (Delhi: Sage

Publications,2007).

43 See, Asis Nandy et.al. Creating a Nationality. opp cite. p.108. 44 Ibid.

196

Ram Shila Pujan Yatra in 1989 and managed to mobilise the support of the

lower/backward castes again. The members of the Sangh Parivar (like BJP,

RSS, Bajrang Dal, VHP) visited houses from door to door and village to

village to collect the bricks and raised Rs. 1.25 paisa from different castes to

construct the Ram temple in Ayodhya.45 They successfully aroused religious

sentiments and created an emotional environment in Gujarat in the name of

Ram-Janam Bhoomi, and members of Sangh Parivar were welcomed

enthusiastically by many Hindus of different cities and villages.46

The campaign of Sangh Parivar to mobilize all Hindus on communal

grounds witnessed a big set back when the then Prime Minister Mr. V.P

Singh, (who was the leader of National Front coalition government backed

by the BJP) announced the implementation of the Mandal commission

recommendations which extended reservation in government jobs and public

universities to the backward communities. In Gujarat, however, the

recommendation had a negligible impact. The then chief minister

Chimanbhai Patel (Patel also formed the coalition government with the

support of BJP) announced his disagreement with the proposed reservation

policy of the central government. The OBC communities did not oppose this

move of the Chief Minister primarily because they were already in a

dominating position in the state47 thanks to the previous reservations 45 See Ghanshyam Shah, “The BJP and Backward Castes in Gujarat,” opp.cite. pp. 310-

312. 46 Interview with Mr. Anil Bhai Jain. (Age 55 years, chief functionary of RSS,

Ahmedabad). 47 See, Sunita Parikh, The Politics of Preference: Democratic Institution and Affirmative

Action in the United States and India (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000).

p.183-184.

197

provided to them and to the KHAM formula of Congress. Such situations in

Gujarat benefited BJP and other Sangh organizations to remove any

possibility of another anti-reservation agitation and riots while L.K Advani

(the then BJP president) launched his Somnath to Ayodhya Rath Yatra to

build a Ram temple in September 1990 to mobilize all ‘Hindus’ on

communal grounds.48 The mobilization campaign for Kar Seva to construct

the proposed Ram temple at Ayodhya aggravated the communal

environment in Gujarat and caused many incidents of violence between

Hindus and Muslims. The Rath Yatra of Advani, which was managed by

Narendra Modi, covered almost the whole of Gujarat. The Ram Janam

Bhoomi movement became a central issue in Gujarat and the state witnessed

a series of violent clashes between the two communities.49 Many Hindus of

different castes in Gujarat supported and participated actively in the Rath

Yatra of Advani and committed themselves to the holy cause to liberate the

Ram Janam Bhumi.50 This aggravated the communal atmosphere in Gujarat

and caused violence in all twenty six places the Rath Yatra of Advani passed

through. The Sangh Parivar started its campaign to spread the ideology of

communalism and due to this, many Hindus from Gujarat took active part in

48 The Ayodhya dispute is a political, historical and socio-religious debate in India. It is

centred on a piece of land in the city of Ayodhya of Faizabad district, Uttar Pradesh. The

main cause of controversy revolve around the access to a site traditionally known as the

birthplace of Lord Rama,(a Hindu god) where is alleged by Hindu communal groups that

the Babri Mosque was built after the demolition or modification of the Ram temple. 49 See, “History of Communal Violence in Gujarat,” Concerned Citizen’s Tribunal-

Gujarat 2002. Accessed via: http://www.sabrang.com/tribunal/volI/comvio.html. Dated.

11/9/2010. 50 Ibid

198

the demolition of the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992.51 Gujarat again

witnessed some incidents of communal violence in different cities; among

them the violence in Surat was most marked. The city was tense when the

news about the demolition of the Babri mosque was spread. On the night of

December 6, some Muslim youths destroyed property and set fire to a pile of

tyres in the middle of the road. The Bhartiya Minority Suraksha Sangh

(hereafter BMSS, which is a small organization supported by Muslims and

some Dalits of the city) called for a Surat bandh on December 7. Some

shopkeepers and factory owner avoided their bandh call and became the

victims of their anger. Their shops and factory machinery were set ablaze.

Soon a section of the Hindus (mainly the members of Sangh Parivar) entered

the scene and started attacking the Muslims. The slogan of Jai Sri Ram was

shouted and the people were emotionally charged up with anti Muslim

feelings. On December 8, the violence spread to various parts of the city.

The nature of violence against Muslims indicated that it was planned. The

attackers were equipped with lathis, swords, knives, iron rods, acid bulbs,

petrol-kerosene bombs, etc; it showed the active presence and involvement

of the members of Sangh Parivar.52 More than 200 people lost their lives in

51 Ibid. 52 See, Irfan Engineer, “Backward Communities and Migrant Workers in Surat Riots,”

Economic and Political Weekly Vol. 29, No. 22 (May 28, 1994), pp. 1348-1360. see also,

Sudhir Chandra, “Of Communal Consciousness and Communal Violence: Impressions

from Post-Riot Surat,” Economic and Political Weekly Vol. 28, No. 36 (Sep. 4, 1993), pp.

1883-1887. see also, Kalpana Shah, Smita Shah and Neha Shah, “The Nightmare of

Surat,” Manushi Accessed Via:

http://www.manushi.in/docs/43the_nightmare_of_surat.pdf. Dated. 26/6/2011.

199

the mayhem at Surat.53 The conflictual situation at Surat occurred due to the

demolition of Babri mosque by Hindu communal groups.

Therefore, the Sangh Parivar created a conflictual situation (demolition of

Babri mosque), which caused anger among a section of Muslim in Surat.

Once the issue of Mandir-Masjid (Ram Janam bhoomi and Babri Mosque

issue) provoked the masses it resulted into the incidents of communal

violence. The violence in Surat was provoked and led by Sangh Parivar to

mobilize Hindu lower/backward castes and upper castes by projecting

Muslim as a major threat to Hindus to consolidate a ‘Hindu vote bank by

mobilizing them on the basis of communal ideology which resulted into the

ideological reorientation of the Hindus.’ The following table will show the

many incidents of communal violence after 1985.

Communal Incidents in Gujarat: 1989-1999.

Source: Bharat Desai, The Times of India, Ahmedabad, 31-7-1999. B. Rajeshwari. Communal Riots in India: A Chronology (New Delhi: IPCS Research Paper, 2004).

53 See, B. Rajeshwari. Communal Riots in India: A Chronology. opp.cite. p.23.

Year

198

9

199

0

199

1

199

2

199

3

199

4

199

5

199

6

199

7

199

8

199

9

200

3

Communa

l incidents

157 76 49 160 91 17 23 29 23 68 30 ___

Deaths 34 222 60 378 116 02 07 05 07 03 08 800

Injured - - - - - - - - - - - 100

0

200

Unlike the previous violence between Hindus and Muslims which had

started on local issues, the violence after 1985 occurred due to the several

yatras or a nation-wide communal campaign to “liberate” the Ram Janam

Bhoomi. These yatras and the Ramjanam Bhoomi movement created a new

emotional environment in Gujarat and nationalized the communal identity.

The Sangh Parivar successfully defended and justified the communal

violence and acquired legitimacy among many Hindus in Gujarat. This

resulted in the maintenance of the conflictual situation created by the Sangh

Parivar and caused hate, lack of dialogue, loss of trust and mutual suspicion

between Hindus and Muslims. The political and civic space which was

vacated by the Congress, Gandhian institutions and labor unions, were filled

by the BJP and other Sangh organizations by communalizing the everyday

engagements of civic life. It resulted in powerful presence of communal

organizations and their ideology in the politico-civic domain of the masses.

I have discussed the 1985 violence and several relief works by Sangh

Parivar to mobilize ‘Hindus against Muslims earlier in this chapter. The

present section studies the works of different Sangh organizations among the

lower/backward castes which caused the spread of communalism and the

presence of Sangh Parivar in politico-civic domain of the masses. I mainly

interviewed the office bearers of RSS and VHP to know about their

activities during the period 1986-1995 to mobilize lower/backward castes on

communal grounds. Later I will focus my analysis on the period 1995-2002

and the activities of many organizations of Sangh Parivar to maintain the

influence of their ideology in Gujarat and to create Hindu domination over

others, which resulted in the formation of communal party society, spread of

communal nationalism and destruction of civic life.

201

Mr. Anil Bhai Jain (Age 55 years, chief functionary of RSS, Ahmedabad),

informed me when I asked about the work/s of RSS during the period 1986-

1995 and the reasons of ‘Hindu lower/backward castes mobilization’ in

Gujarat, he replied that,

‘the RSS became functional in Ahmedabad in 1952. As

you have pointed out about the ‘lower/backward castes’,

we do not believe in the caste system. For us there is no

Brahmin and Dalits in Hinduism. We are all the sons of

this soil, which is our beloved mother land ‘Hindustan’

(India). Hindustan means Hindu+Sthan (a place where

‘Hindus live). During those days (1985-1990), it was the

Congress and its appeasement policy towards Muslims

which forced us to wipe out the differences based on

caste lines and to mobilize ‘all Hindus.

The RSS began to actively work to construct the Hindu identity among

lower/backward castes. It organized several meeting at different places to

decide the program of action to make them “aware” that they were Hindus

and to control the growing division on caste lines. It was decided to first

work among the lower/backward castes to provide them relief. The active

cadres of RSS provided money to several lower castes to start small

business, arrange jobs for some and regularly began to teach their children.

Their children were either admitted to the Saraswati Shishu Mandir54 or

54Saraswati Shishu Mandir, Ramrajya Nagar Road, National Highway-

8, Amraiwadi , Ahmedabad- 380026 , Gujarat.

202

were given education by the workers of RSS during evening or morning

time.55

Next they tried to indoctrinate the lower castes (mainly in the slum localities

like Dariapur, Bapunagar, Gomtipur, Naroda-Patia etc) with Hindu identity.

They organized several meetings with the lower castes in their localities.

The relief work of RSS among the lower castes of slum areas provided space

to the cadres of RSS to preach to them the ‘realities of the glorious history of

India and Hindus’, which was systematically avoided by the ‘anti-Hindu’

Congress.56 In these meetings, the RSS made them aware about the realities

of independence movement and the active participation of the RSS to

liberate the Matribhumi (motherland). They glorified the role of Veer

Savarkar in the independence movement and criticized the role of the

Congress, Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi and blamed the pro-Muslims policy

of Congress to be one of the important reasons for the partition of India.

Targeting the Muslims as the main reason for the problems of India, they

appealed to Hindus to bring back the ‘Golden Years’ of Hinduism. In these

meetings, they related the history of India by dividing it into the ‘Hindu

age’, ‘Muslim age’ and the ‘British age’.57 The Hindu age was golden era,

the Muslim age was a dark era which was full of atrocities against the Hindu

population. The destruction and loot of many temples by the Muslim

invaders and the biased attitude of Muslim rulers towards the Hindu subjects

were also important points for discussion. It was done to enlighten Hindus

55 Interview with Anil Bhai Jain of RSS. Ahmedabad. 56 The terms used by Mr. Anil Bhai Jain of RSS, Ahmedabad. 57 Interview with Mr. Anil Bhai Jain of RSS, Ahmedabad. (emphasis added).

203

about what for them were the realities of Islam and Muslims in India.58 Such

everyday activities by the RSS made the many yatras of the BJP and VHP a

success and Ahmedabad (Gujarat) witnessed the mobilization of many

Hindus on communal grounds and their active participation in anti-Muslim

communal violence.

Mr. Jeevan Bhai Mehta (name changed, age, 50 years), the General

Secretary of VHP (Ahmedabad unit) informed me about the activities of

VHP during those days (1985-1995) and the reason of lower/backward

support to Sangh Parivar. He said:

VHP became functional in Ahmedabad in 1962. We, as

the protector of Hindu religion, wished to wipe out the

differences on caste lines. We worked among Hindus to

make them realize their strength. We knew that our

lower castes brothers [Dalit Bhai] needed a helping

hand. The Congress only used them as a vote bank and

did nothing to improve their social and economic

conditions. They were victims of communal violence

and Muslim anger and at the same time, in 1981, some

‘Congress influenced’ upper castes instigated riots

against them. However, we did not allow the anti-

reservation agitation to turn into anti-Dalit riots in 1985

and also we provided them the strength to fight with

Muslims. Now our lower caste brothers are in the

mainstream of Ahmedabad’s social, political and

58 Ibid.

204

economic life. They are living a dignified life. We have

done the work in a short period, which Congress failed

to do in its thirty years rule in Gujarat.

The VHP organized many yatras during the period 1986-1990 and mobilized

the Hindu lower castes into the fold of the Sangh Parivar by spreading anti-

Muslim ideas and feelings. They also helped the lower castes who were the

victims of the closures of many textile mills in Ahmedabad. Preceding the

yatras, the active cadres of VHP invited Dalits to join the holy cause to

protect Hinduism from the internal national threats (Congress and Muslims).

They distributed hate literature and symbolic weapons (like trishul, gada and

talwar, [sword]) before or during the several yatras.59 Such works

consolidated anti-Muslim feelings among many Hindus and spread of the

ideology of communalism. The Babri Masjid\RamJanamBhumi controversy

helped BJP and other Sangh organization to mobilize ‘Hindus’ against a

‘common enemy’ Muslims.

The patient work of the VHP and the RSS paid them dividends when

communal violence occurred in many cities of Gujarat in 1990 after the

demolition of Babri Mosque. Many Dalits and middle class Hindus indulged

in anti-Muslim communal violence, provoked and organized by the Sangh

Parivar.60 The demolition of the Babri mosque and the communal violence

during 1986-1995 indicated that the communal divide and anti-Muslim

feelings among many Hindus had deepened considerably. The Sangh Parivar 59 Interview with Jeevan Bhai Mehta of VHP, Ahmedabad. (emphasis added). 60 See, Ornit Shani. Communalism, Caste and Hindu Nationalism: The Violence in

Gujarat (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). pp. 156-168. see also, Asis

Nandy et.al. Creating a Nationality. opp.cite. 104-123.

205

successfully made their way in the everyday forms of civic engagements of

the masses which resulted in the communalization of their politico-civic life.

Also, it was the period after 1990 that witnessed the process of ghettoisation.

The communal violence of 1992 after the demolition of the Babri mosque

further ghettoized the city on communal grounds.61

I also interviewed the Muslims of Dariapur and Usmanpura areas. They

blamed the Sangh Parivar (particularly the RSS, VHP, Bajrang Dal and

Bhajap) and their active involvement for the violence. When I asked Md.

Zakir Bhai (name changed, age 54 years) about the reasons for the violence

against Muslims during 1986-1995 and the allegation made against them by

the Sangh Parivar and many Hindu upper and lower castes;62 he replied:

We were unnecessarily targeted. We did not plan any

revenge. It was due to the active role of RSS, VHP,

Bajrang Dal and BHAJP that we had been targeted. We

used to see the activities of these organizations among

the Dalits and other ‘Hindus’. While previously they

were close to us, all of a sudden they turned against

61 See, Neera Chandhoke, “Civil Society in Conflict Cities,” opp.cite. pp.10-13. see also,

See, Dionne Bunsha, “Ahmedabad’s Ghettos,” Frontline, Volume-20; Issue 20.

(September 27-October 10, 2003). Accessed Via:

http://hindu.com/fline/fl2020/stories/20031010003303900.htm. Dated: 18/5/2011. 62 In my interview with many Hindus of different localities, the lower castes and upper

castes have their own stories against the Muslims. In short the upper castes were

suspicious of Muslim revenge with the help of Dalits and Dalits were angry due to the

negative role played by Muslims with them during the anti-reservation agitations and

riots. See, Chapter Three of the Thesis. pp. 30-44.

206

Muslims and started to keep a distance from us. I

remember the Rath Yatras and the passion among those

poor Dalits who previously were close to Muslims and

used to share their happy and sad movements. I did not

see any upper caste who had come to help the Dalits in

their hard times which we (Muslims) did. But the advent

of Hindu communal groups destroyed the fabric of

communal harmony and Hindus were instigated against

Muslims. They now treat us (Muslims) as invaders, anti-

India, traitors (Gaddar or Deshdrohi) etc. No-one helped

us in our hard times during the period of economic

scarcity; and when we witnessed the violence against us

no-one came to help us or provide us the shelter.

Clearly the period 1985-1995 witnessed the spread of ideology of

communalism among many Hindus and their growing distance, hate and

suspicious attitude towards Muslims showed that the fabric of civic relations

between Hindus and Muslims were destroyed by the Sangh Parivar who

created and maintained the conflictual situation between them. Thus the

‘Hindus’ were mobilized to protect their religion against the ‘traitors’

(Muslims). This resulted into the isolation of the Muslims and the breakup of

civic relations with other marginal groups (like Dalits, poor OBCs etc). The

Hindutva strategies and works in Gujarat produced the ideological legitimate

boundary between the Hindus and Others.

207

BJP and Different Vidhan Sabha Elections in Gujarat (1995-2002)

The following section will study the different Vidhan Sabha elections in

Gujarat to ascertain the influence of the Sangh Parivar among the ‘Hindu’

voters and its powerful presence in the politico-civic domain of the

‘Hindus’. It was the state and civic functions of the Sangh Parivar among the

‘Hindus’ that allowed the BJP to gradually emerge as a powerful force in

Gujarat. From the election of 1990, BJP recorded an increase in the number

of its seats and the percentage of votes and won a clear majority in the

election of 1995.

Table: 1

BJP and Assembly Elections in Gujarat: 1990-2002

1990 (Seats Contested,

Won& Percentage)

1995 (Seats Contested

Won& Percentage)

1998 (Seats Contested,

Won& Percentage)

2002 (Seats

Contested, Won&

Percentage)

Congress (I) (181-33) (30.74%)

BJP (143/67) (26.69%)

Janata Dal (JD) (147/70)(29.36%)

Congress (I) (181/45) (32.86%)

BJP (182/121) (42.51%)

Congress (179/53) (35.28%)

AIRJP (168/04) (12.57%)

BJP (182/117) (44.81%)

Congress (180/51) (39.59%)

BJP (182/127) (49.85%)

Source: Statistical Reports of Assembly Election; Gujarat, Election Commission of India, Accessed Via: http://eci.nic.in/StatisticalReports/ElectionStatistics.asp, Dated: 9/09/2008.

208

As analyzed in the previous chapter, the Congress won the 1980 and 1985

elections with the caste alliance popularly known as KHAM, but the

Congress started losing its grounds in Gujarat from 1985. After the 1985

elections, Gujarat witnessed the electoral and political decline of Congress

which was replaced by the BJP. Since 1985, the Gujarat state was the victim

of a series of caste and communal clashes. During the period 1986-1987, the

law and order situation worsened in Gujarat. The situation deteriorated so

much that the Union Government and the Congress high command openly

declared Gujarat a ‘problem state’.63 The Congress was helpless and failed to

restore caste and communal harmony in Gujarat. The Congress steadily

weakened especially the factionalism within the Congress that was visible in

district and taluka levels by 1987. Besides communal violence due to the

different s and the work of different Sangh organizations to mobilize

‘Hindus’ on communal grounds, Gujarat also suffered from a series of bomb

blasts during 1986-1988. In Saurashtra, many MLAs were also killed due to

the local or political rivalry.64

Due to this environment, the Congress lost heavily in the elections of 1990.

The Congress secured seats in only 33 constituencies out of the 181 that it

contested (unlike the previous tally of 141 in 1985 elections). It got only

30.74% of votes as compared to 51.4% in 1985. This was the result of the

63 Ghanshyam Shah, “On Solid Base: The BJP Victory in Gujarat,” Frontline (May, 5

1995). see also Ghanshyam Shah, “Gujarat: BJP's Rise to Power,” Economic and

Political Weekly Vol. 31, No. 2/3 (Jan. 13-20, 1996). pp.165-170. 64 Priyavandan M Patel, “Sectarian Mobilization, Communal Polarization and

Factionalism: Electoral Dominance of Hindutva and Voting in Gujarat,” Accessed Via:

www.rsis-ntsasia.org/resources/.../Sectarian%20Mobilization.pdf. Dated: 7/08/2009.

209

organizational weakness and political bankruptcy within the Congress.65 The

BJP performed better in this election and got 67 seats out of the 143 seats

that it contested and secured 26.69% of the votes. It not only increased its

seats but also its percentage of votes in 1990.66 The Sangh Parivar utilized

the maximum mileage from this situation in Gujarat and the BJP expanded

its base by systematically working to create and maintain the conflictual

situation between Hindus and Muslims. Several yatras by the VHP and BJP

(more particularly the Ramjanam Bhumi movement and Advani’s Rath

Yatra) paid them dividends; further, their systematic relief work among the

‘Hindus’ led to the slow but steady growth of BJP and the Sangh Parivar and

the demise of the Congress era in Gujarat.

After the declaration of the election results of 1990, the non-Congress

coalition of BJP and Janata Dal (JD) formed the government in Gujarat, with

Chiman Bhai Patel of JD as Chief Minister and BJP’s Keshubhai Patel as

Deputy Chief Minister. But this alliance could not be sustained in the long

run and the state government fell due to the withdrawal of support by the

BJP in October 1990 on the issue of Rath Yatra and the arrest of L.K Advani

in Samastipur (Bihar). But Chimanbhai Patel managed to retain his post with

the help of 34 MLA’s of the Congress. Later he merged his Janata Dal with

the Congress and served it till his death on 17 February 1994.67

65 Ashutosh Varshney. Ethnic Conflicts and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India

(London & New Heaven: Yale University Press, 2002). pp. 240-243. 66 BJP in election of 1985 won only 9 seats out of 127 seats it contested and 14.2% votes. 67 Shah, Ghanshyam, “Tenth Lok Sabha Elections: BJP’s Victory in Gujarat,” Economic

and Political Weekly Vol. 26, No. 51. (December 21, 1991).

210

In the next election of 1995 the BJP recorded a clean sweep and became the

single largest party. It won 121 out of the 182 seats that it contested

(42.51%) and constituted the government on its own for the first time.

Keshubhai Patel (a prominent leader belonging to Patel community) became

the Chief Minister. However, Keshubhai Patel had to quit due to allegations

of “Patelism” by Shankar Singh Vaghela (another prominent leader of BJP).

Vaghela is regarded as the one who brought the Kshatriyas and OBC

communities to the BJP and as the builder of BJP in Gujarat. Later he with

his supporters was sidelined in the party and in the politics of the state.

Vaghela openly criticized the state and central leadership of the BJP and

rebelled. This gave a big set back to BJP, which was claiming to make

Gujarat a ‘model state’, which had no room for corruption and fight for

power. Vaghela’s discontent with the BJP resulted in his withdrawal from

the party. He, with forty nine MLAs left Gujarat to Madhya Pradesh

(Khajurhao) for the security and safety of the dissident MLAs. From this

episode, the dissident MLAs were known as the Khajoorias and the MLAs

who supported the CM (Keshubhai Patel and later Suresh Mehta) and

Narendra Modi were known as Hazoorias.68 The internal fight became

immense and the Hazoorias (mainly the workers of RSS, VHP and Bajrang

Dal) openly agitated against the Vaghela and his rebel MLAs. Many Hindus

were sympathetic to the VHP, RSS and Bajrang Dal and these organizations

successfully created a negative image for Vaghela and his rebel MLAs as

power hungry leaders, who had nothing to do with the ideology of

‘Hindutva’ and who had used BJP and its ideology for their narrow goal to

68 Priyavandan M Patel, “Sectarian Mobilization,” opp.cite. pp. 22-23.

211

be in power. They were also labeled anti-Hindus and Congress like leaders

who had nothing to do with Gujarat and the problems of its people.69

Subsequently, dissatisfied with the ignorance of the state and national

leadership of BJP, and opposition from the other Sangh organizations,

Vaghela rebelled and formed a new party known as the All India Rashtriya

Janta Party (AIRJP). With 48 MLAs and the support of the Congress,

Vaghela formed the government in Gujarat by toppling the BJP government.

But the mid term elections of 1998 proved to be a big set back to the RJP

and Congress coalition while BJP led by Keshubhai Patel won a massive

victory. BJP won 117 seats out of 182 seats it contested.70 Congress

contested 172 seats but claimed only 52 seats and AIRJP won only 4 seats

out of 168 seats it contested (See Table.1). The AIRJP and Congress alliance

faced defeat and Keshubhai Patel was sworn in again as the chief minister of

Gujarat. This achievement was due to the steady “relief” work and the

election campaign by RSS, VHP and Bajrang Dal and BJP (Hazoorias)

among ‘Hindus’. Therefore the masses were convinced that Vaghela was

anti-Hindu and that to achieve political power he had cheated the BJP and its

69 Interview with Mr. Anil Bhai Jain of RSS, Jeevan Bhai Mehta of VHP and Dr. Kaushal

Bhai Mehta of Bajrang Dal, Ahmedabad. They used to organize meetings in old and

western Ahmedabad and discussed several matters with the people. They convinced the

masses that Vaghela and his rebel MLAs were against the ideology of ‘Hindutva’ and

they were power hungry politicians. (I have mingled the interview conducted with all of

them; emphasis added). 70 It is important to note here that the BJP failed to make any strong influence in the tribal

belt of Gujarat, unlike other parts of the state. Its main voters were middle class, student,

educated youths and the rich lower/backward castes. See, Priyavandan M Patel,

“Sectarian Mobilization,” opp.cite. pp.42-43.

212

ideology and causes of Hindus. After some months, Narendra Damodar

Modi replaced Keshubhai Patel as the chief minister.71 In the 2002 election

the BJP again recorded a clear majority and Narendra Modi was sworn in as

chief minister for a second term in Gujarat. Currently Narendra Modi is

chief minister of Gujarat for the third term as BJP won a clear majority in

the Gujarat legislative assembly in the 2007 elections. The BJP won 117

seats out of the 182 seats it contested and 44.81% of the vote share.72

The elections of Gujarat clearly indicate that the political space which was

vacated by the Congress was gradually occupied by the BJP through

communalizing the politico-civic life of the masses. The BJP successfully

mobilized the traditional support base of Congress.73 The loss of Vaghela’s

AIRJP in election of 1998 and decline of Congress indicate the influence of

Sangh Parivar among the masses.

71 For all these happenings in Gujarat, see, Shah, Ghanshyam, “BJP’s Rise to Power,”

Economic and Political Weekly Vol. 31, No. 2/3 (Jan. 13-20, 1996). pp. 165-170. See

also, Priyavandan Patel, “Sectarian Mobilization, Communal Polarization and

Factionalism: Electoral Dominance of Hindutva and Voting in Gujarat,” Accessed Via:

http://www.rsis-ntsasia.org/resources/publications/research-papers/human-

security/Sectarian%20Mobilization.pdf. Dated: 22/02/2010. 72 See, Statistical Report On General Election, 2007 To The Legislative Assembly Of

Gujarat Election, Election Commission of India (New Delhi). Accessed Via:

http://eci.nic.in/StatisticalReports/ElectionStatistics.asp, Dated: 9/09/2008. 73 See, Yogendra Yadav, “Gujarat: BJP Arrives; A Neat Two Party Structure Emerges,”

Frontline (May 5, 1995). see also, Ghanshyam Shah, “Gujarat: BJP’s Rise to Power,”

opp.cite.

213

Formation of Communal Party Society in Gujarat and the Destruction

of Civic Life

Party society is a group of organizations, which work among

lower/backward classes/castes, middle class/both upper and lower castes,

civil society and political society for promoting and spreading their ideology

among the masses to make or convert the nature of the state according to

their ideology and program. For party society, the spread of their ideology

among the masses is more important than just winning elections, because

once their ideology is spread and masses are mobilized and convinced, it is

easy to win elections and protect their constituency; a more important

objective for it is to reorganize and reestablish the state and social system

according to a new ideological orientation.74

The Sangh Parivar have a similar ideology, agenda and program, that is,

‘Hindutva’ or ‘Hinduization’ of India, and spreading the anti-minority

feelings among the Hindus and to attain this goal they work among different

sections of society. While the BJP executes state functions, it is the RSS,

VHP, BD, ABVP, (RSSw), BMS etc which perform civic functions. These

functions can be fruitful only if the social, political and most importantly,

the economic conditions, favor them. Therefore the state and civic functions

of communal organizations resulted into the successful communalization of

state, many Hindu upper castes and lower castes and many civil society

organizations. The Hindutva movement was also seen in the political

society, and the members of political society welcomed several relief works

of Sangh Parivar and participated in many yatras organized by VHP or BJP,

74 See, Chapter One of the Thesis, p. 36.

214

therefore the ideology of communalism found its legitimacy among the

political society as well (The later part of the chapter discusses this point at

length). The communal organizations started to work more rigorously

among the masses to permanently maintain the influence of their ideology

and conflictual situation between Hindus and others.

Formation of Communal Party Society and Destruction of Civic Life

The Sangh Parivar propagated their ideology and worked to communalize

the politico-civic life of Gujarat. The rebellion of Shankar Singh Vaghela

with his supporters and his defeat together with the Congress in the next

election of 1998 by BJP shows the consolidation of the influence of the

Sangh Parivar and its ideology among the ‘Hindus’ of Gujarat. It shows that

the Sangh Parivar has developed a control over people and had successfully

convinced and mobilized the Hindu upper castes and lower/backward castes

against Muslims with their ideology of communalism and that had acquired

a high level of positive response. The Sangh Parivar, with its ideology of

communalism and its successful spread among the Hindus, actually

managed to neutralize the support base (mainly among the OBCs and lower

castes) that Vaghela had brought in with him. The influence and power of

the ideology of communalism led many Hindus to vote for BJP and they

ignored Vaghela in 1998 elections. The successful protection of many

constituencies in 1998 election which the BJP won in 1995 election

indicated the influence of the civic functions of Sangh Parivar among

Hindus, civil society and political society in Gujarat and the ideology of

communalism. Thus the communalization of politico-civic life and

successful protection of many constituencies in election of 1998 resulted in

215

the formation of communal party society and the destruction of civic life in

Gujarat.

During later years, (1995-2002) the communal party society started to work

more aggressively among the ‘Hindus’ to permanently maintain the

conflictual situation between Hindus and Muslims, their ideology of

communalism and to widen their influence in those constituencies where

they were not influential.75 Many organizations became functional in Gujarat

(Ahmedabad) and many new local organizations influenced by the ideology

of communalism, emerged in Ahmedabad to maintain the influence of the

ideology of communalism.

Many state and civic functions of the Sangh Parivar among the

lower/backward castes and in civil society76 and political society77 resulted

in its powerful and undisputed presence in the politico-civic domain of the

masses more particularly from 1998. The Sangh Parivar worked

75 The Sangh Parivar during this period of 1985-1995 was not influential enough in the

tribal areas of Southern Gujarat. Later they introduced several program and actively

propagated the Ram Janam Bhoomi issues to mobilize the tribals. 76 For example, business associations, doctors associations, teachers and students

associations, film clubs etc. Many civil society organizations also emerged in

Ahmedabad which are influenced by the ideology of Sangh Parivar. (This point has been

discussed in length in the later part of the chapter with heading “Civil Society and

Communal Party Society”) 77 Mainly Two localities in Ahmedabad have been covered in my field survey in

Ahmedabad. One is Bapunagar and other is Gomtipur Locality. They contain the

populations which is regarded by many as illegal and even AMC with BJP want these

areas to be vacated as it was illegally occupied by people. I have discussed it at following

section in the chapter.

216

continuously among the ‘Hindus’ to maintain their influence and to create

‘Hindu hegemony’ over ‘others’.

Although the masses were sympathetic to the RSS, VHP and Bajrang Dal,

the factions and internal fight within BJP destroyed its claim to provide

‘good rule’ in Gujarat and make it a model state. First the allegation of

Patelism against Keshubhai Patel by Shankar Singh Vaghela and

subsequently his removal from the post of chief minister and replacement by

Suresh Mehta and second, the revolt of Shankar Singh Vaghela with his 49

MLAs indicated the internal fight within BJP. Although the BJP won the

1998 elections with a clear majority and Keshubhai Patel was again sworn in

as chief minister, it again faced an internal fight. Many leaders of the Gujarat

BJP wanted the removal of Keshubhai Patel and started working against the

party. This made the state and central leadership apprehensive and the

masses began to be alienated from the party. The defeat of BJP candidates in

the Sabarkantha bye election for the Lok Sabha and Sabarmati assembly bye

elections testified to this. The municipal corporation elections of 2001 also

came under a scanner as BJP did not fare well here as well.78 On the other

hand, the 2001 earthquake and the relief work provided by the RSS, VHP

and the activists of Bajrang Dal created more sympathy for these

organizations among the masses79 and they further legitimized their presence 78 See, Sheela Bhatt, “Keshubhai Set to Quit as Gujarat CM,” (October. 1, 2001).

Accessed Via: http://www.rediff.com/news/2001/oct/01guj.htm. Dated: 28/04/2011. see

also, “Keshubhai Submits his Resignations,” Accessed Via:

http://www.gujaratplus.com/00-01archive/arc201.html. Dated. 28/04/2011. 79 For the earth quake, its use and the relief measures provided by the Sangh Parivar, see,

Edward Simpson, “The ‘Gujarat’ Earthquake and the Political Economy of Nostalgia,”

Contributions to Indian Sociology Vol. 39, No.2 (2005). pp.219-249.

217

in the politico-civic domain of the mainly Hindu masses But many Hindus

were not satisfied with the ruling party BJP in such a situation of crisis,

primarily because Keshubhai Patel failed to handle the earth quake relief

measures effectively.80 Therefore while the Sangh organizations were doing

their civic works to maintain their ideology of communalism, the BJP during

the period 1995-2000 failed to fulfil its political functions.

The state and national leadership of the BJP were serious about these matters

and started looking for a successor to Keshubhai Patel and found it in

Narendra Damodar Modi. He was sworn in as chief minister of Gujarat in

2001 after the decision of the central leadership to make Keshubhai Patel

resign.

The Work of Sangh Parivar among different Sections of Society: 1995-

2002

On the other hand, the communal party society was working among the

‘Hindu’ population to maintain the hold of their ideology. Their civic works

among the masses intensified from 1995, the year when BJP first came to

power and recorded a clear majority. The following section will study

various activites of the RSS, VHP, Bajrang Dal, Rashtriya Sevika Samiti,

Durga Vahini, Akhil Bhartiya Vidhyarthi Parishad, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram

and Bhartiya Majdoor Sangh since 1995 to maintain the hold of their

ideology among many sections of the Hindu population in Ahmedabad for

the protection of the constituencies that the BJP won and to widen their

support base in Gujarat.

80 See, Keshubhai Stunned as Vajpayee Tells Him to Quit,” Accessed via:

http://www.gujaratplus.com/00-01archive/arc201.html. Dated. 28/04/2011.

218

Rashtirya Swayam Sevak Sangh

The most important activity of RSS is the regular organization and

functioning of Shakhas. The Shakha consist of a ‘Ghatanayaks’ (a group

leaders), whose work is to inspire Swayamsevaks to participate and attend

the shakha regularly. Next, the ‘Shikshaks’ (the instructors), are given the

responsibility to conduct the activities of the daily Shakha. Mukhyashikshak

(literally chief instructor) takes care of the regular organization and

functioning of the Shakha, which is being held at their area. Shakha-

Karyavaha (meaning secretary) gives guidance, instruction and help to the

Mukhyashikshak in conducting the Shakha activities smoothly. These

hierarchical positions are found in every district where the shakhas are

organized.81 The RSS shakha is the backbone of the RSS. It is a daily

congregation of swayamsevaks, which is organized in an open ground for an

hour either in the morning or in the evening, or as suitable to the

city/locality. Exercises, playing games, singing patriotic song (Vande

Matram by Bankim Chandra) or devotional songs, discussions on

social/political matter and teaching of Dharma, yoga and prayer are some of

the daily activities in RSS shakhas. Anil Bhai Jain informed me that the

shakha makes swayamsevaks physically and mentally healthy and fit, it also

teaches them about their national culture (Hindu culture) to inculcate moral

values among swayamsevaks. It also instills organizational skills and the

ability to work as a team among the swaymsevaks.82 The shakhas are open to

all. Any individual from any caste, creed or social and economic status can

81 Interview with Anil Bhai Jain of RSS, Ahmedabad. 82 Ibid.

219

come and join it. The persons who attend shakhas are expected to wear

white shirt, khaki short and a black cap. To quote Tapan Basu. et.al,

“young men and boys, begin with ‘Bhartiya games’ in

an open play ground under a saffron flag.’ Then ‘the

leader’s whistle or order has a magical effect on them:

there is instant perfect order and silence.’ There is next a

round of physical exercises-‘lathi, syryanamaskar,

marching etc.’, followed by collective singing of a

patriotic song. ‘Discussion follow. They develop deep

into the problems affecting the national life. And finally

they stand in a row before the flag and recite the prayer:

Many salutations to three, O loving motherland!’ The

proceedings end with Bharat mata ki jai’.83

The RSS welcomes mainly among the youth or teen age boys/male (12-25

years old, since they do not have any ‘family responsibility’ etc) in its

shakhas. Although persons from any age group can join it, but RSS mainly

focus on and train teen aged boys. Among them, the RSS choose regular and

committed boys/teens to educate them. The education contains Pratham

Varsh Shikshit (first year educated), Dwitiya Varsh Shikshit (Second year

educated) and Thritiya Varsh Shikshit (Third year educated). The

Mukhyashikshak choose the youth for educating them and recommend their

83 Cited in, Tapan Basu et.al. Khaki Short and Saffron Flag. opp.cite. p.34.

220

names to Shakha-Karyavaha and ‘Ghatanayaks’. Then accordingly the youth

are given education.84

In rural areas there are Khanda-Karyavaha (Khand-secretary) and Tehsil-

Karyavaha (Tehsil-secretary) who look after the shakhas in village/s and

Tehsil/s respectively. In urban areas, they are known as Nagar-Karyavaha

(city-secretary). Some Nagara (city) or Tehsil constitute a Bhag. Then many

Bhagas85 (or Zillas) form a Vibhag, while many Vibhag form a Prantha and

finally many Pranthas constitute a Kshetra. One Mandal-Karyavaha (Mandal

secretary) looks after the organization and the smooth running of the shakhas

in each of these units.86 From Tehsil or Nagar unit onwards, Sar-

Sanghachalaks (Presidents) guide the activities of the organization in their

respective areas. The volunteers, who take active parts and are regular in

shakhas, are called Swayamsevaks. Only a committed Swayamsevak is

appointed as Sar-Sanghchalak, a group administrator who organizes and

leads the events of the Shakhas in all Tehsil or Nagar units and provides the

guidelines and instructions87 generally, eminent people with respectable

status in the society and within the RSS are chosen as Sanghachalaks. Next

84 Generally youth from age group 12-18 years are selected for Pratham Vasrh Shiksha,

20-25 years for Dwitiya Varsh Shiksha (after successfully completing Pratham Varsh

Shiksha) and 25-30 years for Tritiya Varsh Shiksha (after successfully completing

Pratham and Dwitiya Varsh Shiksha). The persons who are Tritiya Varsh Shikshit are not

supposed to marry and have to devote their lives for serving the nation and its people. To

spread the ideology of ‘Hindutva’ among the masses. All office bearers of RSS are either

Dwitiya Varsh Shikshit or Tritiya Varsh Shikshit. 85 The RSS time to time decides the number of Bhagas, Vibhagas and Pranthas. 86 Interview with Anil Bhai Jain of RSS, Ahmedabad. 87 Ibid.

221

comes the role of Pracharaks (the person who spread the message), the

Pracharaks are the full time Swayamsevaks who devote his life for the

ideology of Hindutva. They are regarded as the backbone of RSS. They do

not marry and remain bachelors throughout their life and ensure that they are

committed to the ideology and are free from the family responsibilities.

Their lifetime mission is to work for the benefit of Hindu society and the

organization (RSS). Except the Pracharaks, some active Swayamsevaks

generally dedicate a few years of their life to the nation and its people

(Hindus), generally they are Dwitiya or Tritiya varsh Shikshit.88

The RSS claims that it is a cultural organization and has nothing to do with

the political environment of state. But ‘this claim of RSS ‘is just a play with

words. The notion of Hindu culture that is propagated in its shakhas is a

definition of a majoritarian and authoritarian rashtra where Hindus, under

RSS direction, will lay down the rules by which the minorities must abide.

Its version of Hindu culture is inextricably mingled with antagonism against

the non-Hindu.’89

To achieve the goal of influencing the masses on the basis of its ideology, I

interviewed Mr. Anil Bhai Jain of RSS to know the activities of RSS since

1995. He said that,

“We started helping and making people aware in

Ahmedabad from the very beginning (i.e the day when

Gujarat was formed). Since 1995, we organized Shakhas

88 Ibid. 89 Cited in, Tapan Basu et.al. Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags: A Critique of the Hindu

Right (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1993). p.13.

222

[branch]. During those days we had one to two hundred

shakhas in Ahmedabad, it has now reached five hundred

[although he was not sure about the exact number of

shakhas]. We have been organizing shakhas in many

places during either morning (prabhat shakha), evening

(Shyam shakha) or at night (Atishyam shakha) for an

hour or so. In our early days (the period 1985-1997), the

number of people attending different shakhas were

twenty to forty but now we have more than 50 people in

morning, evening and night shakhas. They are regular in

attending it. Recently we have also introduced ‘special

shakhas’ for those students who go to schools or

colleges. The timings of these shakhas are between one

to three pm.

Since 1995 the RSS worked to maintain the influence of its ideology among

many Hindus who were mobilized during 1986-1995. The RSS in its

different shakhas used to discuss on the topics which benefited its interests.

For example, the rebellious attitude of Shankar Singh Vaghela and

subsequently the removal of BJP government made this topic popular in

many shakhas. The head of the shakhas used to give anti-Vaghela message

to the Swayamsevaks and appeal to them to spread it in their locality,

offices, colleges, schools or work place. Vaghela was projected as an anti-

Hindu and power hungry politician, who was defaming the image of Hindus

and ideology of ‘Hindutva’ for his narrow interest in capturing state power.

Later on with the attack on Akshardham temple and Kargil war, the Muslims

were projected as the main enemy of ‘Hindustan’ and ‘Hindus’. They were

223

blamed for being sympathizers of terrorists, who wanted Kashmir and to

spread internal disturbance in India by killing innocent and tolerant

‘Hindus’.90 Anil Bhai Jain told me

“The RSS introduced physical exercise and training to

make the Hindus of Gujarat powerful enough to fight

against the ‘enemies’ of Hindustan. While previously

the ‘Hindus’ of Ahmedabad (Gujarat) were scared of

Muslims and their activities which were against ‘Hindus

(like eve teasing, love affairs with Hindu girls,

threatening of Hindu businessmen, in short ‘Muslim

Goondagardi’), now the Hindus of Ahmedabad

(Gujarat) are awakened and they are all united against

their enemy to protect their dignity, self respect and

women etc. The Muslims have realized the power of

‘tolerant Hindus’.”91

To confirm the words of Mr Anil Bhai Jain, I visited Dariapur and Naroda

Patia, Bapunagar and Gomtipur localities of Ahmedabad and met some

Hindus. They admitted to the fact that the RSS had organized shakhas in

these areas. Some of them replied me;

We used to discuss about Gujarat culture (Hindu culture in Gujarat,

our problems and the political environment of Gujarat). We were also

convinced ‘why the BJP should rule the state’ and were given the

responsibility to spread the truth about the political, social, economic

90 Interview with Anil Bhai Jain of RSS. (emphasis added). 91 Ibid.

224

conditions of Gujarat in our localities. When I asked them about the

most interesting session during the shakhas, they replied that it was

‘the period when we used to discuss our problems with the organizer

of shakha. Our problems were heard and if found genuine, the RSS

used to provide a helping hand. Now, we do not have that many

problems with us and we proudly say that we are the

Swayamsevaks.”92

Besides shakhas, the RSS has been organizing the Guru Puja to worship its

saffron flag on Vyasapurnima day. The swayamsevaks with other people

who attend the function offer Dakshina (charity) to the Guru. It is claimed

that the RSS is self funded and does not seek any fund or help from any

other source/s. Many people participate in the Guru Dakshina program and

offer their contribution for the welfare of nation.93

Vishwa Hindu Parishad

The Vishwa Hindu Parishad is another Hindu militant organization which

works among the ‘Hindus’ to make India a Hindu nation by spreading the

ideology of Hindutva. The VHP is known for its various s and resulting

bloody incidents of communal violence in many places. It works to awaken

the Hindu community against the atrocities and growing influence and

threat/s of minorities (mainly Muslims and Christians) against the Hindu

culture and values.

92 Interview with some upper and lower castes Hindus of Dariapur, Naroda-Patia,

Bapunagar and Gomtipur localities. Their age group were between 27 to 55 years. 93 Interview with Anil Bhai Jain of RSS, Ahmedabad.

225

The VHP works in Gujarat in the field of social reforms, religious activities,

education, health and spreading awareness among the ‘Hindus’. It works

among the Hindus of Gujarat (Ahmedabad) to increase religious sentiments

among them, to protect and secure their ‘rights’ which, according to them,

has been systematically neglected by the Congress through its appeasement

of Muslims and to teach Hindus the value of nationalism. Its members

actively organize and participate in religious activities (like annual, festivals,

different yearly Pujas), Dharma-Yagya and Purn Ahuti after the Yagya. The

members of VHP actively organize and propagate the arrangement of

different Pujas and Yagyas to ensure the effective participation of Hindus.94

Since 1995 the VHP has been actively organizing Satsang, Kathas, Temples

and Bhajan Mandalies in different localities of Ahmedabad to arouse

religious sentiments among the ‘Hindus to enlighten them about the

atrocities done against them by Muslim rulers and invaders. In this Satsang,

Kathas etc, special sessions are timed to spread anti-Muslim ideas among the

participants, to mobilize them on the basis of Hindutva ideology. By doing

such activities the VHP spread its ideology to mobilize Hindus for political

gains and to implement anti-Minorities feelings among them.95

The VHP also work for weaker and downtrodden sections (like SCs and

STs) of the society to make them realize their strength, to wipe out their

sense of insecurity and the ‘inferiority complex’ among them. It is the active

presence of the VHP among the Hindu population that is designed to makes

them fearless, confident and full of commitment to work and even die for

94 Interview with Jeevan Bhai Mehta of VHP, Ahmedabad. 95 The analysis of VHP activities is based on the interview with Jeevan Bhai Mehta, Ibid.

(emphasis added).

226

their holy mother land and religion.96 The VHP spokespersons claim that it

is actively working among the tribals of Gujarat and because of its efforts,

the tribals have come to realize the importance of religion in their life.97

The VHP has also introduced various measures to ensure good health facility

(the tribals used to use traditional way to cure a disease and the VHP has

introduced the allopathic, homeopathic and ayurvedic treatment facilities in

the tribal areas of Gujarat). Many children of the tribals have now access to

education as the VHP has opened many schools for them. In these schools,

the most important topics which the teachers teach to their students are the

importance of good behavior, religion and culture and patriotism.98 Several

Trust and Societies are running in Gujarat for the ‘welfare of Hindus’. For

example Sabarkantha Kalyan Aashram Trust (Sabarkantha), The Swadhyay

Mandal (Valsad), Pt. Dindayal Upadhyay Rashtrotthan Samity (Kadi),

Bhartiya Sewa Trust (Ahmedabad), Bhartiya Jan Sewa Sansthan

(Ahmedabad), V.H.P. Rachit Duskal Rahat Samiti (Ahmedabad), Rashtra

Chetana Prakashan and Charitable Trust (Ahmedabad), Bhartiya Govans

96 Ibid. 97 The tribals used to follow their own local culture and values before the advent of VHP

with other Sangh organizations. The VHP with Bajrang Dal etc, introduced Hindu way of

praying, temples and marriage system. The tribal young couple used to stay together

without marrying, the VHP introduced the Hindu marriage system among them. The

Pandits are invited and by following the Hindu tradition, the marriages are now

performed among tribals. The VHP also organizes puja, bhajans-kirtans, jagran mainly on

festival days of Ramnavami, Durga Puja, Deepawali, Saraswati Puja etc to implement

Hindu identity among them to mobilize them on the basis of Hindutva ideology. 98 The analysis of VHP activities is based on the interview with Jeevan Bhai Mehta of

VHP. (emphasis added).

227

Rakshan Samvardhan Parishad (Ahmedabad), Matrushakti Sewa Nyas

(Ahmedabad).99

Source: The Chart shows the several works of VHP and SEWA in North, South and Saurashtra region of Gujarat. It is prepared on the basis of data provided by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad under the title “Sewa Work Chart Prant Wise,” AccessedVia http://vhpsewa.org/index.php?m=page_view&p=work_chart.php. Dated: 29/11/2010.

In Ahmedabad and its adjacent villages, the VHP has been organizing

several religious meetings (see picture 1, 2 and 3 of a village near

99 This information was provided by Jeevan Bhai Mehta, I visited these trusts and

societies to know their activity in Gujarat. They denied me any information about their

activity in Gujarat and demanded to know the source of my findings. They wanted me to

have a letter from the VHP state president (which I did not have) and lastly they

suggested me to visit the website of Vishva Hindu Parishad Seva. The site is:

http://vhpsewa.org/index.php?m=page_view&p=work_chart.php /. I visited the site on

29/11/2010.

1

SL. EDUCATION

6 Panchgabya MedicalCenters

5 Other SocialProjects

02040

60

80100

120

140

160

180

200

SL. EDUCATION

I Balwadi

1 Bal Sanskar Kendra

2 Primary Schools

3 Secondery Schools

4 Senior Secondery Schools

5 Residential School

6 Hostels - Boy's/Girl's

7 Night Schools

8 Coaching - Centers

228

Ahmedabad). They not only preach the Hindu religion but also work among

the farmers and poor labourers of villages and help them in things like

irrigation, arranging loans for farmers and supporting labourers to ensure

that no injustice happened against them at workplace and that they got their

wages on time.

It is through these activities that the VHP has acquired a strong hold in

Gujarat (Ahmedab100ad). Mr. Mehta also pointed out to the fact that

whenever the VHP has called for a state or district bandh, it has received

with a high level of positive response and the Hindu masses have supported

it. It is because of our several kinds of social work among the masses that we

have so many supporters in the state.”101 This shows the active presence of

the VHP among the politico-civic domain of the masses in Gujarat, which

has resulted in the continuous wins of the BJP in different elections since

1995.

Bajrang Dal

Bajrang Dal became functional in Ahmedabad in 1985 as a youth wing of

the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. It organizes regular akhadas (like RSS Shakhas)

for its members. In the akhadas the instructor focuses mainly on the

acquisition of physical and mental strength. It works to prepare a youth force

in Gujarat for the protection of Hindus and Hinduism from external threats,

like Muslim militancy and Christian activities (conversion) that threaten to

100 Testimony by different farmers and labors of the village. They support VHP, RSS and

Bajrang Dal enthusiastically, as they are always available for them ‘without any greed’. 101 Interview with Mr. Jeevan Bhai Mehta of VHP, Ibid.

229

destroy Hindu culture and values according to them.102 The Bajrang Dal

supports and sponsors different poojas (community worship), chariot

processions, festival celebrations, Yagyas and any other religious activity

organized by VHP. It works throughout Gujarat, specially in the rural and

tribal areas of the state. The Bajrang Dal organizes its akhadas in different

villages and tribal areas of the state to prepare and recruit the youth for the

cause of Hindus and nation. The Dal first identifies and chooses the youth

from villages or tribal areas or poor lower/backward class people of the

cities to train them and make them committed to the Hindutva ideology.

Their training includes physical exercise, kushti (wrestling), weapon training

program etc (see picture 4). It also distribute trishuls, gada (a weapon related

to the Lord Hanuman) etc to its members. It also organizes different

meetings and encourages personal interaction with the people on matters

related to Islam, Christians, Hinduism and threat to India as a nation which

has Hindus as majority population. The Bajrang Dal also points out the

weakness within Hinduism and encourages the Hindus to unite against the

enemy/s of their religion.103

Bajrang Dal has also introduced several programs since 1995 among the

weaker sections of the society (more particularly in the villages and in the

tribal areas of the state, or the slums of city. Among them, it firstly worked

for Vayasan Mukti (de-addiction program) in many villages and the tribal

areas. This campaign received enthusiastic support from the people. Than it

started a campaign to make the ‘Hindus’ aware about the ‘bad character’ of

102 Interview with Dr. Kaushal Bhai Mehta (name changed, age 52 years), the General

Secretary of Bajrang Dal, Ahmedabad Unit. 103 Ibid.

230

Muslims. The main task for the activists of Bajrang Dal was to control the

inter-religious love affairs and marriages. Many Muslims were accused of

marrying Hindu girls or having love affairs with them. The issue of

abduction allowed the Sangh Parivar (particularly Bajrang Dal and VHP) to

emerge as the defenders of Hindu women, therefore the idea of threat of

Muslim men against Hindu women was widely projected and used to

implement the anti-Muslim sentiments among Hindus.

Pradip Datta also analyzes the issue of abduction and the importance of

gender in mobilizing Hindus. In the chapter on abduction, Datta says that the

Hindu zamindars projected the idea of threat of others and promoted

themselves as the protector of lower castes and their women against the

enemy Muslims. Datta exposes the emergence of dialogic communal

identities and the concern of upper castes/zamindars to make a control over

urban and rural spaces, as well as over the bodies of lower castes and

women.104

In Gujarat, the VHP and Bajrang Dal also use the issue of gender to

communalize the politico-civic life of the masses and to make control over

the public and private spheres of the Hindu masses against Muslims and

their “anti-Hindu” activities.

Bajrang Dal made people (Hindus) aware about it through various meetings

and programs including its akhadas. Mainly the poor people of villages,

slums of the city took part in various programs of Bajrang Dal and

activelymparticipate in Akhadas. The Dal activists claim that previously the

104 See, Pradip K. Datta. Carving Blocs: Communal Ideology in Twentieth Century

Bengal (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999). pp.148-200.

231

‘poor Hindus’ (bechare Hindus, or helpless Hindus who live in slum or rural

areas) were scared of Muslims and they did not oppose their hostile acts and

thus the Muslims got encouragement and terrorize the poor Hindus.105

The Bajrang Dal organizes several camps in many places of the Gujarat to

make the “poor” Hindus realize their strength. “It is due to the efforts of

Bajrang Dal that the poor Hindus have now become strong enough to fight

against the enemy (Muslims).106

The Bajrang Dal also attacked the conversion movement of missionaries in

Gujarat, mainly among the tribals. Since 1997, (in south Gujarat, which is a

tribal belt) Bajrang Dal made Hindu Vanvasi (tribals) aware about the

meaning of Hinduism and nationalism. “It is the result of these efforts by

Bajrang Dal that the Tribals have now realized that by changing religion,

they are cut off from their own traditions, customs and nation.”107 The

Bajrang Dal, with the help of VHP has organized several re-conversion

programs in the tribal belt of Gujarat. Those who do not reconvert to

‘Hinduism’ are now seen as the ‘enemy of religion, tribal culture and

nation’.108 Bajrang Dal has created a divide among the tribals with the Hindu

tribals now indulging in anti-Christian tribal activities. Since 1998 many

Christian institutions such as churches, missionary schools, hospitals etc

were systematically attacked in Dang, Surat and Valsad districts.109 It shows

105 Interview with Dr. Kaushal Bhai Mehta. opp.cite. 106 Ibid. 107 Ibid. 108 Ibid. 109 “History of Communal Violence in Gujarat,” Concerned Citizen’s Tribunal-Gujarat

2002. opp. cite.

232

the active and undisputed presence of Bajran Dal in the politico-civic

domain among the masses.

Picture 4

Source: Dionne Bunsha (2004), “Organized Intolerance”, Frontline Volume

21-Issue-06, March 13-march 26. Accessed Via:

http://www.frontlineonnet.com/fl2106/stories/20040326004301700.htm.

Dated. 18/01/2011.

Besides these organizations, there are the Rashtriya Sevika Samiti, Durga

Vahini, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram etc which work continuously among different

sections of the ‘Hindu society’ to maintain the influence of the ideology of the

Sangh Parivar to protect the constituencies the BJP has won and to widen the

support base of Sangh Parivar in Gujarat.

Rashtriya Sevika Samiti (RSSw)

Rashtriya Sevika Samiti was formed on 2 October 1936 with the

understanding that Hindu nationalism should not be limited to men only and

there should be a national organization for women for Hindu nationalist

cause on the lines of the RSS. The Samiti became functional in Ahmedabad

233

during 1960s and started actively working among the ‘Hindu women and

young girls during 1980s. The main activities of the Samiti are weekly

meetings with women and young girls of different localities, conferences in

the city, women teachers training camps and mobilization of Hindu women

for processions, calls for bandh or strikes etc by RSS or other Hindu

nationalist organizations.110 The Samiti also organizes sewing classes,

training and teaching for self employment at home, active participation in

different Anganvadis in Ahmedabad and its adjacent villages.111

The Rashtriya Sevika Samiti organizes camps in different areas in

Ahmedabad. Mainly the women (30 years or above and married) and girls

(12 to 25 years and unmarried) of upper castes and middle class families

participate in it. Generally, their parents or husbands are the members of

some organization of the Sangh Parivar. These camps are generally

organized during May and June every year for fifteen days.112 These camps

are properly managed and guarded by the members of the RSS for the safety

of the women and young girls who participate. The participants are supposed

to pay a nominal fee for the uniform and transportation expenses. The active

members of Samiti collect fund from the city for the smooth running of the

camp. The instructors are the main figures in camp/s, they teach and

propagate anti-Muslim male feelings among the participants. They warn

them against Muslim men and boys and advise them not to have any kind of

relation with the Muslims men and boys. They train them to protect their

110 Interview with Ms. Sujata Bahan Rawal, (name changed) Chief Functionary of

Rashtriya Sevika Samiti, Ahmedabad. 111 Ibid 112 Ibid.

234

ijjat (virtue or honor) against the Muslims men and boy. The abduction and

rape of Hindu ladies by Muslim men are the most important themes of the

discussion in the camps. They discuss the private and public harassment of

Hindu women, public harassment by Muslim men and private harassment by

Hindu women, (ironically the domestic violence of Hindu men and their

atrocities against Hindu women are not discussed. The Samiti classifies

these as family matters and states that it should not interfere in family

matter/s). The instructor gives physical training and martial arts training to

the participants to make them equipped to confront public harassment.113

The activities of the Samiti among many women and girls make them loyal

to Hindu nationalist ideology Thereby many Hindu women have been

mobilized against Muslims and for the Hindutva. Therefore the sexual

thematic has been given due importance in Hindutva practices.

Durga Vahini

The Durga Vahini is also known as the female version of Bajrang Dal. It was

formed in 1991 on the recommendation of Sadhvi Rithambara and with the

support of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. The Durga Vahini has more than

8000 female members in Gujarat and in Ahmedabad almost 1500 members

actively participate in the several camps and work in Ahmedabad.114 The

Durga Vahini, since 1992, has been working among the women and girls of

poor backgrounds to combat their sense of inferiority due to a lack of

113 Ibid. 114 Interview with Dr. Kaushal Bhai Mehta of Bajrang Dal and Ms. Chetna Vyas of

Durga Vahini (name changed). Ms. Chetna Vyas is the chief functionary of Durga Vahini

in Ahmedabad, she provides instructions and nominate instructors for the different camps

organized in Ahmedabad by Vahini.

235

education, awareness and atrocities against them. The Vahini dedicates itself

to improving the sharirik, mansik and vaudhik vikas (physical, mental and

knowledge capacities) of the poor women and girls. The Vahini also works

to ensure the greater participation of women and young girls in different

Pujas (prayers, like Durga Puja, Krishna Janmashtami, Ram Navami etc) and

the cultural activities organized by RSS, VHP and Durga Vahini itself.115

I asked the Ms. Vyas about the class structure of Durga Vahini and

similarities and differences between Rashtriya Sevika Samiti and Durga

Vahini. She replied that,

“there is no difference as far as our ideology is

concerned. The difference between us and Samiti is that

Samiti belongs to Rashtriya Sawayam Sevak Sangh, we

belong to VHP and Bajrang Dal. All of us are different

branches of same tree.” There is no caste, class

differences and any women, girl can join, it is all upto

them whom to join.”116

The Durga Vahini has been organizing several camps and giving martial arts

training to its members and participants. The participants and members have

also been given gun shooting training (see the pictures below). The Durga

Vahini is trying its best to persuade Gujarati females that they must be

courageous to fight against the enemy of their religion and nation. The

115 Ibid 116 But I have found a different fact. Many members of Durga Vahini belong to lower

castes/class families and the members of Rashtriya Sevika Samiti are from upper

castes/middle class families.

236

members of the Vahini also visit different villages and slums in the city to

discuss religion and ‘Hindu vichardhara (Hindutva ideology) to strengthen

the women and to make them confident enough to fight against that alleged

atrocities done against them by the members of other religion (Muslims

men). The story of Shivaji and his mother is very popular among the

members of the Vahini. According to this story, the mother of Shivaji

encouraged him to fight against the ‘Muslim’ as they indulged in activities

against Hindu women. They kept on kidnapping, raping, molesting the

Hindu women for their entertainment and thereby insulted their honor during

Muslim rule in India. Shivaji fought for the dignity of Hindu women against

Muslim. I heard a set of interesting questions story from a member of

Vahini. She related;

“Their prophet was mentally sick, he married a nine

years old girl and stole her childhood.” The Muslim

pretends that their women enjoy more freedom than

those of Hindus, I ask them, why are their women not

allowed to visit the mosque for Namaz? Why do Muslim

women cover their face (veil) and why are Muslim men

allowed to keep four wives and why can they divorce

their wives by saying talak three times?

Anti-Muslim feeling was also implemented among many Hindu women in

Ahmedabad. Some of the members of Durga Vahini told me, if the Muslim

men do not respect their own women, how can they respect the women of

other religion? For them women are born to entertain them.117

117 Meeting with some active members of Durga Vahini in Ahmedabad.

237

It is due to the efforts of the Durga Vahini, according to its spokespersons

and supporters, that many women and young girls now feel safe and vocally

oppose incidents of eve teasing or harassment – especially by Muslim men.

According to the Vahini, the Muslim men, who used to tease, abduct or rape

the poor Hindu young girls and women in Ahmedabad, are now scared of

them, primarily because of the work by Durga Vahini and the confidence it

has provided to the females of Ahmedabad. The Durga Vahini has been

receiving funds from individuals and business institutions for its ‘awareness

programs’, different camps and other activities which are dedicated for the

development of female of Gujarat.118

Picture 5

Arm Training to the Participants in one of the camps of Durga Vahini

118 Ibid.

238

Picture 6

Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram

The Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (hereafter VKA) became functional in

Ahmedabad in 1952 with the help of the RSS. It works among the tribal

communities of Gujarat (mainly south Gujarat, which is known as tribal belt

of Gujarat). The Gujarat Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram supported many activities

of VHP, RSS and Bajrang Dal among the tribal people. It supported the

Vyasan Mukti (de-addiction) program of VHP and Bajrang Dal among the

tribals. It also helped the RSS to regularly organize its shakhas in the tribal

areas of the state. It supported the anti-conversion movement of VHP and

Bajrang Dal against Christian missionary/s and helped these organizations to

re-convert tribals. The Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram helped many programs of

these organizations to Hinduise the tribals and to make them anti-

Muslims.119

Besides supporting the Hindu nationalist organizations, the VKA has also

been doing several relief and social work among the tribal people of Gujarat

initially to produce sympathy for Hindu nationalism and mobilize them on 119 Interview with Shankar Bhai Jain (name changed, age 54 years), who is a media

convener of Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram.

239

the basis of communal ideology, and now to maintain the influence of

Hindutva on them. The VKA has introduced several programs for the

welfare of tribal communities. It works among them to bring them to the

mainstream of social life. It endeavored to open the Sewa Ashram for the

overall development of tribal communities in Gujarat. Sewa Ashrams mainly

work in the southern parts of Gujarat and are said to have a good influence

on the tribal communities.120 Mr. Shankar Bhai Jain provided me with

information on the VKA and the Sewa Ashram in Gaygoton (Dhang

District), Vagai (Dhang District), Narwad (Dharmpur District) and

Siddumber (Dharmpur District).121

The sewa ashram of Gaygoton (Dhang District) is spread over 50 acres of

land, which contained a school with 270 students together with a hostel

which accommodates 160 students. Out of 270 students, 115 attend the

school of ashram; they study up to the eight standard while the remaining

students attend a nearby government school for 11 and 12th standards. The

Ashram also provides food for those tribal students who do not stay in the

hostel and come from the nearby villages and cannot afford to purchase or

bring food from homes.

The Ashram has also started a medical clinic which remains open during the

morning hours. In the afternoon, the facilities of the mobile medical

dispensary are provided to the tribals on a weekly basis, covering all the

120 Ibid. 121 Shankar Bhai Jain suggested me an online document of the several social works of

Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram and Sewa Ashram. The information presented here is based on

the online document, see, “The Great Work of Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Accessed Via:

http://www.hindunet.org/vanvasi/vanvasi.htm. Dated: 19/11/2010.

240

villages. The ashram helps tribals to obtain treatment in the hospital at

Valsad (a city and a municipality in ‘Valsad District’) during an emergency

or if the patient is suffering from a major disease.

The ashram has strong hold over the Vanvasis (tribals) by providing

assistance to them in all aspects of their lives. It is said that the tribals are

poor and they cannot afford the marriage ceremonies to be performed. The

young couples start to live together as married couples. During my talk with

Mr. Shankar Bhai it emerged that marriages had not been the part of local

tribal culture. But the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram introduced ‘Hindu’ ways to

perform marriage ceremonies. The VKA also have introduced the puja

(worship or prayer) of Hindu gods and goddesses, bhajans, kirtans and

organised many Hindu festivals in the tribal areas. Many idols, photos of

Hindu gods and goddesses (mainly lord Hanuman, who is projected as a

tribal god) have been distributed among them with different religious books

(mainly Hanuman Chalisa). They have also spread the message among the

tribals to protect their ‘religion and culture’ against the Muslims. The tribals

are trained to protect their women and young girls from abduction, forced

marriages or rape by Muslims and they have realized the dangers of

Christian missionary work.122 Therefore the several works among the tribals

by VKS has successfully implemented the ‘Hindu identity’ among the tribals

and have mobilized them against the Muslims and Christians. Similar work

by VKS is going on in the Narwad (Dharmpur District), Vagai (Dhang

District) and Gaygoton (Dhang District) etc.

122 Ibid.

241

Such activities by the communal party society in Gujarat resulted in the

implementation of ‘Hindu identity’ and anti-Muslim feelings among many

lower castes and tribals and the communal party society has successfully

mobilized ‘Hindus’ to make Gujarat a ‘Hindu State’ and the resulting hate,

bias, loss of trust etc between Hindus and Muslims. This environment has

produced the destruction of civic life.

The Kargil war of 1999 caused communal violence in Ahmedabad. The

Muslims were projected by many Sangh organizations as being pro-Pakistan

and anti-India. In 2000, Amarnath Yatris were attacked and many killed

during a terrorist attack and this led to the killings of Muslims in

Ahmedabad and the destruction of their property in retaliation. The Sangh

organizations played an active role in these incidents of violence.123 The

internal disturbance in BJP and its lack of political functions forced these

Sangh organizations to work more rigorously among the ‘mobilized Hindus’

to widen their base and maintain the hold of Hindutva among the ‘mobilized

Hindus’. It was the period of Narendra Modi’s appointment as chief minister

that the BJP started doing the state functions. Thus the period from 2001

again witnessed the politico-civic activities among the masses by the

communal party society. This resulted in the spread of communal

nationalism among many Hindus and the complete destruction of civic life.

In short, the BJP won different elections primarily because the Sangh

organizations (RSS, VHP, Bajrang Dal etc) communalized the politico-civic

life of the masses.

123 See, “History of Communal Violence in Gujarat,” Concerned Citizen’s Tribunal-

Gujarat. opp. cite.

242

The State Functions of BJP and the Communalization of Politico-Civic

Life (1995-2002)

Narendra Damodar Modi replaced Keshubhai Patel and became the chief

minister of Gujarat in 2001. The BJP under the leadership of Modi

undertook several state works.124 The major challenge which he faced was

the reconstruction and rehabilitation of the earthquake affected areas of

January 2001. The city of Bhuj was ruined and badly affected. Thousands of

people were living in temporary shelters without any basic infrastructure.

Narendra Modi undertook the task of rehabilitating the affected people and

he carefully used the funds for the earthquake affected areas.

In 2001, when he became the chief minister of Gujarat, the economic

condition of state was in dire straits and the domestic growth was

stagnant.125 The state of Gujarat was facing massive economic losses. To

control this and to stimulate economic growth, Modi re-organized the

government's administrative structure and embarked upon a massive cost-

cutting exercise.126 The administrative efforts resulted in a massive GDP

124 The civic functions are performed by the other organizations of Communal Party

Society and state functions are performed by BJP. 125 See, Laveesh Bhandari, “Riots + Economic Growth=?,” Indian Express (October. 15,

2007).AccessedVia: http://www.indianexpress.com/news/riotseconomic-growth/228419/.

Dated. 16/5/2011. see also, “Gujarat Progress Under Narendra Modi,” opp.cite. 126 See, “Socio-Economic Review: 2007-2008,” Gujarat State. Accessed Via:

http://www.gujaratindia.com/pdf/ser0708.pdf. Dated. 16/5/2011. see also, “How to

achieve 10% GDP growth,” (March, 16, 2006). Accessed Via:

http://www.rediff.com/money/2006/mar/16gdp.htm. Dated. 16/5/2011.

243

growth rate of over ten percent during 2001. This growth rate was the

highest among all Indian states.127

Modi also introduced various 'yojanas' (plans). These include

the Panchamrut Yojana,128 which is a five-pronged strategy for integrated

development of Gujarat; the Sujalam Sufalam yojna, a scheme to generate a

grid of water resources in the state for the conservation of water and its

appropriate utilization.129

Besides these two plans, Modi introduced several other schemes for the

welfare of many people of Gujarat.130 By doing several state works the BJP

under the leadership of Modi created a sympathetic environment for itself 127 Ibid. 128 See, “With Panchamrut Modi Targets 10.2% Growth,” The Financial Express (June,

9, 2003). Accessed Via: http://www.financialexpress.com/news/with-panchamrut-modi-

targets-10.2-growth/81673/ Dated: 16/5/2011. 129 See, “Sujalam, Sufalam Yojana,” Narmada, Water Resources, Water Supply and

Kalpsar Department. Accessed Via:

http://guj-nwrws.gujarat.gov.in/showpage.aspx?contentid=1473&lang=English. Dated:

16/5/2011. 130 For example; the Krishi Mahotsav, which is introduced for the agricultural research

labs for the land in the state, the Chiranjeevi Yojana that is for reducing the infant

mortality rate, Matru Vandana, to provide preventive and curative services under the

Reproductive and Child Health Program, Beti Bachao yojna, a campaign against female

infanticide for improving the male-female sex ratio in Gujarat and to save the girl child,

Jyotigram Yojana was introduced to provide electricity to every village of the state,

Karmayogi Abhiyan for providing training and to educate the government employees,

Kanya Kelavani Yojana to encourage female literacy and education in the state, Balbhog

Yojana a mid-day meal scheme for school going students to encourage school attendance

from the students of poor

244

among the people. Many people in my field survey talked about how

Narendra Modi works eleven hours for the overall development of

Gujarat.131 Such work for the welfare of state and masses made the BJP

(under the leadership of Modi) unchallengeable in Gujarat, people in Gujarat

are convinced that the BJP is an ideal party and Narendra Modi is an ideal

Chief Minister. Therefore the welfare schemes and development agenda of

BJP under the leadership of Modi made many Hindus loyal to Sangh Parivar

and its ideology.

Civil Society and Communal Party Society in Ahmedabad

Bar Council of Ahmedabad

I interviewed Mr. Rajkumar J Patel (name changed, age, 50 years; Member

Bar Council, Ahmedabad) about the ideology of Hindu nationalism and its

influence among the Bar council. He replied that ‘the lawyers do not have

any ideology, we fight our case as per the law of the land. In court, many of

us do not follow any ideology nor do we talk about the ideology of

Hindutva. But we support Bhajap and the other organizations, because they

are continuously and without any greed working among the poor and

helpless people. Their social service and their commitment to ‘Hindus’ made

us support Bhajap in different elections. Many lawyers visit RSS shakhas in

their respective localities and take active part in the ‘cultural/religious

programmes’ of the VHP and RSS.

131 Many people of Dariapur, Naroda-Patia, Bapunagar, admitted to the fact that it is

because of Narendra Modi that Gujarat is progressing and that they have work for

themselves.

245

When I asked about the Muslims and their behavior, he replied that, ‘all

Muslims are not bad or anti-national, but a section among them is communal

and is involved in anti-national activity. We should criticize only those

Muslims who are communal and anti-Indian. A section of lawyers follow the

ideology of Hindutva and many lawyers charge extra money from Muslims

to fight their cases.132 I have not found any active involvement of any of the

Sangh organizations in ‘New Gujarat High Court’ and Bar Council, but

many lawyers follow their ideology, support them and participate in their

activities, like Rath Yatras, Puja (Prayer) ceremony or any other cultural

activity.

Ahmedabad Medical Association (AMA)

I interviewed Mr. Sanjeev Bhai Dixit (name changed, age 52 years) during

my field survey in Ahmedabad. Although Mr. Dixit is affiliated with

‘Maninagar Medical Association’ he is also active in the AMA. He informed

me that ‘doctors do not treat any patient by religion. We provide treatment to

anyone who comes with a disease. But at the same time, when our personal

life is concerned many among us follow the ideology of Bhajap. No one asks

Muslims when they visit Mecca and government provides subsidy to them,

no one bothers about the ongoing atrocities against the ‘Hindus’ in Kashmir.

The so called secular government of India favors one religion and keeps its

eyes closed whenever the matter/s of ‘Hindus’ comes up. So I do not find

anything wrong if I am a Hindu in my personal life and follow the party who

talks about the ‘protection of Hindus’. In Gujarat the government (BJP) is

132 Interview with some lawyers in Ahmedabad, Bar Council.

246

doing well. It is working hard for the welfare of the people and development

of Gujarat, why should I not follow Bhajap?

I asked him about the controversy over use of Swastika by AMA,133 instead

of the Red Cross symbol. He answered that ‘we are Indians and Hindus, why

should we take the borrowed sign, if we have our own sign, which is

religiously and culturally belongs to us. We support the Arogya Bharti134 and

we really feel disheartened when we are denied to use our own symbols in

our country.

Clearly the impact of the ideology of Hindutva is seen among many doctors

of AMA. The AMA also organizes various cultural activities for doctors.

They organize drama, seminars and any other cultural activity among the

doctors.135

Except these two, the presence of Hindutva ideology can be seen among

many teachers and students of University and colleges in Gujarat. The

teachers and students actively participate in the program organized by RSS

133 See, “Doctors Using ‘Swastika’ As An Options to Red Cross: IMA Unhappy,” The

Economic Times (April 3, 2008). Accessed Via:

http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2008-04-03/news/27703854_1_symbol-

doctors-red-cross. Dated. 19/08/2010. 134 Arogya Bharati is a voluntary organization supported by the RSS in medical field to

serve the for the better health of the people. The doctors who support it are inspired by a

sense of dedication. They are motivated by the values of Bharatiya life, who have respect

and appreciation for different branches of medicine and treatment. The doctors affiliated

with Arogya Bharti are engaged in coordinating and organising them to build a healthy

nation. 135 Interview with Sanjeev Bhai Dixit.

247

or VHP or any of the Sangh outfit. The Sangh Parivar has also made its

presence felt among many other organizations in Gujarat, like Jains, Sikhs,

Buddhists and some Dalit organizations.136 I also visited Namo Namah

Parivaar,137 Shree Yogkshem Foundation For Human Dignity,138 Sewa

Kalakruti,139 Vishwa Gujarati Samaj,140 Sadbhav Seva Kendra141 and

Eklavya Education Foundation School.142 They denied me to give any

information about their area/s of work and the work that they carry out in

Ahmedabad. But after visiting their offices, I could realize that all of these

organizations follow the ideology of Sangh Parivar, the reading material/s,

pamphlets and some of the posters which had the images of Hindu symbols

and identity testified me. Therefore many other civil society organizations

either emerged or are influenced by the ideology of communalism and

Sangh Parivar.

Although there are many civil society organizations who do not follow the

ideology of communalism and are working to restore the communal

136 Interview with Mr. Anil Bhai Jain of RSS, Ahmedabad. 137 Namo Namah Parivaar, Naroda,Ahmedabad, Ahmedabad – 380001. 138 Shree Yogkshem Foundation For Human Dignity, A-47/48, Pariseema Complex, Nr

Bodyline, C G Road, C G Road, Ahmedabad – 380009. 139 Sewa Kalakruti, 21-22 , Goyal Tower, Nr Jhanvi Restaurant, Above Archies

Gallery, University Road, Gulbai Tekra, Ahmedabad – 380015. 140 Vishwa Gujarati Samaj, 102 Maniprabhu Appartment, 1st Floor, Navrang School Six

Roads, Navrangpura, Ahmedabad – 380009. 141 Sadbhav Seva Kendra, V S Hospital Compound, Nr Blood Bank

Office, Ellisbridge, Ahmedabad – 380006. 142 Eklavya Education Foundation School, Core House, NR Parimal Garden, Opp Doctor

House,, Off C G Road, Ellisbridge, Ahmedabad.

248

harmony and principles of secularism, their influence in Ahmedabad is very

limited and they are not strong enough to make any impact against the Sangh

Parivar and its mobilization of the masses on communal grounds.143

Therefore the active presence of Sangh Parivar has communalized many

civil society organizations in Gujarat.

Political Society and the Communal Party Society in Ahmedabad (1985-

2002)

I covered two localities in Ahmedabad where the members of political

society reside. They are Bapunagar and Gomtipur. The members of these

localities are known as illegal, they do not pay tax and have occupied land

illegally. Many people of these localities are generally poor labour,

rickshaw-pullers, work in small shops etc. Many among them also have

migrated from other states (like Uttar Pradesh or Bihar, Jharkhand etc) for

seeking jobs etc.144 They accept; to quote Partha Chatterjee, “that their

activities are often illegal and contrary to civic behavior, but they make a

claim to a habitation and a livelihood as a mater of right.145 The people of

these localities used to bargain with the state for their survival and there had

been many attempts by the government to displace these localities. They are

thus not rights bearing citizen and are regarded by modernizing elites as dirt

to be eliminated. But at the same time they negotiate with the state, political

143 Some of them are, SEED-Society For Education Empowerment And

Development,Valmiki Samaj Nyay Parishad, Institue of Social Research and

Development etc. 144 Findings are base on the field survey in Bapunagar and Gomtipur locality. 145 Cited in, Partha Chatterjee. The Politics of the Governed: Reflections on Popular

Politics in Most of the World (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2004). p.40.

249

parties and other political/non-political groups, caste associations etc for

their survival.

Late 1980s was a period of economic scarcity and political instability in

Gujarat. It hit these populations hard; they lost their jobs and were finding it

hard for their survival. The communal organizations visited them and

worked among them during late 1980s. They helped these populations in

finding jobs, arranging money for running small businesses etc. The

population of these localities welcomed the support provided by the Sangh

Parivar and bargained with them. This provided the Sangh Parivar ground to

recruit members from these communities and trained them. Mainly the

activists of VHP and Bajrang Dal recruited many people from these

localities. The ideology of communalism found its way and the Hindutva

movement occurred in political society.146 Therefore for their survival they

bargained with the communal organizations and helped the Sangh Parivar in

spreading communalism and later years in communal nationalism.

In Gujarat communal violence of 2002, many people from Bapunagar and

Gomtipur localities took active part in anti-Muslim pogrom.147 Many people

146 Interview with Mr. Jeevan Bhai Mehta, General Secretary of VHP (Ahmedabad) and

Kaushal Bhai Mehta, General Secretary of Bajrang Dal (Ahmedabad) during my field

survey in Ahmedabad. (emphasis added for analyzing their role in political society, they

are not aware about the term political society, they call them poor and backward people).

The names of the office bearers are changed. 147 see, “15 Injured in Ahmedabad Violence,” Deccan Herald. 8/11/2002. Accessed Via:

http://indiarightsonline.com/Sabrang/relipolcom12.nsf/5e7647d942f529c9e5256c310037

6e2e/7e386ac5efbf1c4fe5256cce003d8b54?OpenDocument. Dated: 30/1/2012. see also,

Sanjeevini Badigar, “ A ‘Normal’ Anomaly: Displacement due to Communal Violence in

250

of these localities are committed workers of communal party society and

participate in every gathering, public meetings or programmes which were

organized and invited by the communal party society.

At the same time, these localities and people are still considered the dirt and

the population which illegally has occupied the land. Although, the

Government of Gujarat recognizes that, to quote Partha Chatterjee, “these

population groups do have some claims on the welfare programs (what I

term as state functions of BJP) of the government, but those claims could not

be regarded as justiciable rights since the state did not have the means to

deliver those benefits to the entire population.148 Therefore the government

recognizes that if they accept their claim as rights, it would only be violation

of public property and civic laws.

Thus, Ahmedabad Municipal Council (hereafter AMC), demolished around

seventy sheds on the eighty foot wide road in Bapunagar claiming it as

encroachment by the people of Bapunagar149, and noone came to rescue or

oppose the decision/action by the AMC. On 23rd February 2010, the BJP

government issued notice to the residents of Bapunagar locality and the

estate department of AMC issued notice to Gomtipur locality to clear their

hutments. The BJP was labeled as anti-poor political party by the Congress.

Gujarat,” Economic and Political Weekly Vol. XLVII, No. 3. (January 21, 2012). pp. 42-

44. 148 Cited in, Partha Chatterjee, The Politics of the Governed. opp.cite. p. 40. 149 see, “AMC Continues Anti-Encroachment Drive,” The Times of India. April 22.

2003. Accessed Via: http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2003-04-

22/ahmedabad/27279400_1_anti-encroachment-drive-amc-aneesa-mirza. Dated:

30/1/2012.

251

This move was criticized by many leaders of opposition party and the

residents of these localities. The residents even claimed that they were ready

to go jail just to ensure that the voices of poor were heard by the government

and AMC. Therefore the Sangh Parivar helped many political society groups

during late 1980s and 1990s, it also recruited many members from the

political society for its Hindutva agenda and many members of political

society also took active part in anti-Muslim communal violence of 2002.

Once the aim of communal party society is completed, these populations

remained the classes to be governed, and dirt to be eliminated.

Communal Nationalism in Gujarat and the Violence of 2002.

The above mentioned political and civic functions among the masses

resulted in the successful implementation of the ideology of Hindutva

among many Hindus of Gujarat. The Sangh Parivar carefully worked and

mobilized different sections of the Gujarat society under the influence of its

ideology. The everyday engagements of civic life and associational life

resulted in the powerful presence of communal party society and the

influence of its ideology of Hindutva in the politico-civic domain of the

masses.

The official records testify that more then a thousand people were killed and

more than one hundred and fifty thousand people were either displaced or

injured in the communal violence 2002. However, independent observers,

252

fact finding missions and NGOs estimate the figure of killed people higher,

which is nearer to 2000.150

The large-scale communal violence, which spread almost throughout state,

was described by the Sangh Parivar and the BJP ruled the Gujarat

government as a spontaneous, uncontrollable and indeed justifiable reaction

to the Godhra train burning and killing of 58 ‘Hindu passengers. Other

observers have termed the violence a ‘massacre’ or ‘pogrom’ against the

Muslims and alleged that the anti-Muslim ‘pogrom or massacre’ was pre-

planned, organized and supported by the local authorities and political

leaders of the state.151

Godhra Train Burning

On February 27, 2002, 58 people (said to be the Kar Sevaks or Ram Bhakts),

including 25 women and 15 children were burnt alive in coach number S6 of

Sabarmati Express in the town of Godhra. There was said to be a quarrel

150 For official records, see, “Gujarat Riot Death toll Revealed”, BBC NEWS, Wednesday,

(May 11, 2005). Accessed Via: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4536199.stm.

Dated. 22/5/2011. for non-official records, see, “We have no Orders to Save You: State

Participation and Complicity in Communal Violence in Gujarat,” Vol. 14, No. 3 (c).

(April. 2002). Accessed Via:

http://www.coalitionagainstgenocide.org/reports/2002/hrw.apr2002.vol14.no3c.pdf.

Dated. 22/5/2011. see also, Paul R Brass. Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in

Contemporary India (Washington: University of Washington Press, 2003).p. 388. 151 For both of these claims see, Allan D Cooper. The Geography of Genocide (Suite:

University of America Press, 2009). pp. 183-184. see also, T.K Oommen. Reconciliation

in Post Godhra Gujarat: The Role of Civil Society (New Delhi: Pearson Longman, 2002).

p.71.

253

between local Muslims and activists of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (Kar

Sevaks) who were returning from Ayodhya. The media initially blamed the

local Muslims for setting the coach on fire. The chief minister of Gujarat

Narendra Damodar Modi and many VHP leaders alleged that it was a pre-

planned attack. The burnt bodies were brought to Ahmedabad, where a

procession organized by the Sangh Parivar was held. The VHP issued a call

for a state-wide bandh on February 28, 2002, which was supported by the

state government.152

Post Godhra violence

Nearly 151 cities and almost 993 villages were affected by the post-Godhra

communal violence, which was most severe in Ahmedabad, Baroda,

Saberkantha and, Gandhinagar on 28 February.153 On 29 February, the

communal violence spread to the rural areas of Panchmahals, Mehsana,

Kheda, Junagadh, Banaskantha, Patan, Anand and Narmada. The next two

days witnessed the spread of violence in Bharuch and Rajkot and later Surat

152 See, “Call For a Calm After Indian Train Attacked,” (February 27, 2002), Accessed

Via:http://edition.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/asiapcf/south/02/27/india.train.1000/index.htm

l. Dated. 12/01/2011. see also, The Times of India, “Shoot-at Sight Orders, Curfew in

Godhra,” (February 27, 2002). Accessed Via:

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/msid-2256789,prtpage-1.cms. Dated:

12/01/2011. see also, BBC News, “Scores Killed in India Train Attack,” (February 27,

2002). Accessed Via: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/1843591.stm. Dated:

12/01/2011. 153 See, T.K Oommen. Crisis and Contestation in Indian Society (Delhi: Sage

Publications, 2005). p.120.

254

was burnt in the fury of communal violence.154 The violence which started

on February 28 continued till March 3 and after a lull it again restarted on

March 15 and continued till mid June.155

In Ahmedabad, the violence against Muslims first started when many

Hindus began throwing stones at the houses and shops and burned a Muslim

housing society known as the Gulburg Society (popularly known as Gulberg

Society Massacre), and then spread throughout the city. The rumors spread

by VHP of the kidnap of three young girls by Muslims in Godhra provoked

many Hindus. They began to kill Muslims and loot their shops.

In the Naroda-Patia locality of Ahmedabad, more than sixty five Muslims

were killed during the anti-Muslim violence and many women were also

physically assaulted.156 Some BJP leader and activists of Bajrang Dal were

alleged to lead the violent mobs against Muslims on February 28 at Naroda-

Patia area.157 An ex-Congress M.P Ehsan Jafri with fifty other Muslims

(who took shelter at his house considering it to be a safer place for them)

was burnt to death.

154 See, Christophe Jaffrelot, “Communal Riots in Gujarat: The State at Risk,”

Heidelberg Papers in South Asian and Comparative Politics, Working paper No. 7.

(2003). Accessed Via:

http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/volltextserver/volltexte/2003/4127/pdf/hpsacp17.pdf.

Dated. 12/1/2011. 155 See, Paul R Brass (2004), “Gujarat Pogrom of 2002,” Contemporary Conflicts, March.

26. Accessed Via: http://conconflicts.ssrc.org/archives/gujarat/brass/. Dated. 12/1/2011. 156 See, “We Have no Orders to Save you,” opp.cite. 157 Ibid.

255

According to Human Rights Watch Report (hereafter HRW) HRW in its

widely-quoted report, the violent Hindu aggressors were dressed in saffron

scarves and khaki shorts (the uniform of RSS activists) and were armed with

swords, sophisticated explosives, gas cylinders and petrol bombs. They had

the voter lists and the papers with the addresses of Muslim-owned shops and

their houses.158

The violent Hindu mob also destroyed or damaged many mosques and

Muslim shrines. The dargah of Wali Gujarati (Shahibaug) who was a Sufi

saint-poet, the Gumte Masjid (16th century old) in Ishanpur and the Muhafiz

Khan Masjid at Gheekanta was destroyed by the Hindu attackers.159 The

Police records claim the destruction or damage of 298 dargahs, 205 mosques

and three churches during the mayhem which started in March and ran till

April 2002.160

Economic boycott of Muslims, the use of Pamphlets and

Communication Devices

The VHP circulated pamphlets to instigate violence against and appealed for

an economic boycott of the Muslims. (See Annexure 1). The pamphlets

circulated by VHP urged Hindus to boycott Muslim owned shops and other

businesses, the Muslim owned restaurants, work in Muslim-run offices, hire

Muslim workers or labors and avoid watching movies which were featured

158 Ibid. 159 Ibid. 160 See, Sanjay Pandey, “More Fall Prey to Police Firings in Gujarat,” The Times of India

(April 28, 2002). Accessed Via:

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/8283550.cms. Dated: 12/1/2011.

256

Muslim actors. It was thought that this would break their economic

backbone and it would be difficult for Muslims to survive anywhere in the

country.

The VHP and other Sangh organizations distributed many pamphlets to

mobilize Hindus and to inflame the conflictual situation. A widely circulated

pamphlet of VHP appealed to the ‘Hindus’ to provide funds for the

protection of ‘Hindus’ against the threat of Muslims. The pamphlet says that

“Your (Hindus) life is in danger. You can be murdered any time…We are

collecting funds for securing the interests of Hindus…. There are thousands

of more Godhra carnages being planned.”161

Mobiles phone were widely used during the carnage. The mobile phones

were used as a powerful mean by the rioters to either report or get

instructions to attack the Muslims. The National Human Rights Commission

in its report testifies that the rioters were equipped with mobile phones and

printout of addresses to locate the homes or business establishments of

Muslims to kill them and to destroy their property.”162. They were all guided

and instructed by the mobile phones.163

161 See, Aakar Patel, Dileep Padgaonkar & B.G Verghese, “Rights and Wrongs: Ordeal

by Fire in the Killing Fields of Gujarat,” Editors’ Guild Fact Finding Mission Report

(May 3, 2002). New Delhi. Accessed Via:

www.sabrang.com/gujarat/statement/report.htm. Dated. 12/1/2011. 162 Ibid. See also, “National Human Rights Commission,” (May 31, 2002). Accessed Via:

http://nhrc.nic.in/guj_finalorder.htm. Dated. 12/1/2011. 163 Aakar Patel, et.al. “Rights and Wrongs,” opp.cite.

257

Allegations of atrocities against women

There has been widespread public outrage regarding atrocities against

women during the riots, including acts of rape, murder of women, torturing

pregnant women and killing their unborn wombs.164

In the town of Vadodara, fourteen people, including women and children,

were killed by the mob of Hindu zealots at the Best Bakery on the night of

March 1st 2002. On March 3, a mob of attackers killed fourteen members of

Bilkis Bano's family including her two-month old daughter near

Chapparwad village in Dahod district. Bilkis Bano, who was five months

pregnant, was raped with six other Muslim women.165

Different Inquiry Commissions and their Reports

Shah-Nanavati commission

The Gujarat government appointed a commission on 6th March, headed by

retired High Court judge K.G Shah to enquire into the Godhra train burning

and consequent violence. The commission was supposed to submit its report

in three months. But the government had to reconstitute the commission

because of the allegations and criticisms from the victims of riots, activists

164 See, Intl Experts Spoils Modi’s Party, Say Gujarat Worse than Bosnia,” (December,

19, 2002). Accessed Via:

http://www.expressindia.com/news/fullstory.php?newsid=17823. Dated. 12/1/2011. see

also “Threatened Existence: A Feminist Analysis of the Genocide in Gujarat Report by

the International initiative for Justice (IIJ) (December. 2003). Accessed Via:

http://www.onlinevolunteers.org/gujarat/reports/iijg/2003/fullreport.pdf. Dated.

12/1/2011. 165 “Threatened Existence,” Ibid.

258

and political parties against Shah’s alleged relations with the BJP. The new

commission was formed on May 22 led by the retired Supreme Court judge

justice G.T Nanavati.166

The report of the Nanavati commission, which came out in 2008, largely

favored the Gujarat government. The commission claims that 140 litres of

petrol was acquired at the Godhra site long before the arrival of Sabarmati

express and was kept at the guest hose of Mr. Razzak Kurkur, the key

conspirator of the S6 coach burning of Sabarmati express. The findings of

Nanavati commission was further reinforced when the forensic report also

claimed that the petrol was poured on the coach before being burnt, thereby

denied the several claims which said that the coach was set on fire due to

some kar sevaks carrying kerosene which combusted during the confusion

caused by the stone throwing.167 The Communist Party of India (Marxist)

and the Indian National Congress party both vocally criticized the finding of

166 See, Manas Dasgupta, “Former Supreme Court Judge Joins Gujarat Probe,” The

Hindu (May 23, 2002). Accessed Via:

http://www.hindu.com/thehindu/2002/05/23/stories/2002052301541200.htm. Dated.

14/1/2011. see also, “Modi Succumbs to Pressure: Nanavati Put on Shah Panel,” The

Indian Express, (May 22, 2002). Accessed Via:

http://www.indianexpress.com/res/web/pIe/archive_full_story.php?content_id=3116.

Dated. 14/1/2011. 167 See, Editorial, “Nanavati Commission and Gujarat 2002,” Mainstream VOL. XLVI.

No. 42 (October.4. 2008). Accessed Via:

http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article975.html. Dated. 14/1/2011.

259

commission and alleged that the report reinforced communal prejudices and

divides.168

National Human Rights Commission

The NHRC set out its Preliminary Comments and Recommendations on the

incidents of violence against Muslims in various parts of the Gujarat state on

April 1, 2002 and sent a ‘Confidential Report’ to state and central

government, prepared by its team which visited Gujarat during 19-22 March

2002. The commission released the report due to the lack of response from

the Gujarat government.169 The report of the commission observed that the

Gujarat government and administration failed in its duty to protect the rights

of minorities of Gujarat by actually doing nothing against the rioters.170

The report of the commission also blames the government’s failures of

intelligence and to take appropriate actions against the fanatic mob, delay in

calling the army, prejudiced patterns of arrests, uneven and biased handling

of major cases, and "Distorted FIRs: ‘extraneous influences’, issue of

transparency and integrity" as the key factors which raise several questions

on the role of state machinery in the incidents of communal violence.171

168 See, “Congress, CPM Question Nanavati Report’s Credibility,” The Times of India,

(September, 27, 2008). Accessed Via: http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2008-

09-27/india/27895962_1_nanavati-report-nanavati-commission-justice-nanavati. Dated.

14/1/2011. 169 National Human Rights Commission, May 31, 2002, opp.cite. 170 Ibid. 171 Ibid.

260

Banerjee Committee

The central government appointed a panel headed by the retired Supreme

Court judge U.C Banerjee to investigate the Godhra train burning incident in

September 2004. The commission concluded in its report that the fire was

accidental and not planned.172 The findings of the Banerjee Committee were

challenged by the BJP and the inspector-general of the Gujarat police in the

Gujarat High court. The Gujarat High Court, in October 2006, ruled that the

panel was set up illegally which violates the Commissions of Inquiry Act,

1952. This Act of 1952 prohibits the formation of separate commission/s by

state and central governments to probe a matter of public importance.173

Concerned Citizens Tribunal

The citizen tribunal was headed by the retired Supreme Court judge Justice

Krishna Iyer to inquire into the Godhra train incident and subsequent

communal violence against Muslims. It visited several violence affected

areas of the state and interviewed many riots affected people, several

witnesses and others to collected the evidence and testimony to locate the

‘reality of Godhra and communal violence in many parts of the state. In its

final report the tribunal accused the Gujarat government and criticized the

172 See, “Indian Train Fire ‘Not Mob Attack’, BBC NEWS (January 17, 2005). Accessed

Via: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4180885.stm. Dated. 14/1/2011. 173 See, “HC Terms Sabarmati Express Panel Illegal,” The Financial Express, (October

14, 2006). Accessed Via: http://www.financialexpress.com/news/story/180656/. Dated.

14/1/2011.

261

negative role played by Narendra Modi, the then chief minister of the

state.174

The Role of Media

The local media of Gujarat and its role during the violence was essential

negative. It further caused in communalizing the public sphere and Gujarat

witnessed the gruesome killings of Muslims. On 28th February (very next

day after the Sabarmati train incident occurred), Sandesh (a local Gujarati

newspaper) published a provocative news with headline, “Avenge Blood

with Blood” followed by a printed statement submitted by the VHP. Except

Sandesh, Gujarat Samachar also published biased, incorrect and sensational

stories about the Godhra train incident. It falsely claimed that Muslim

militants sexually assaulted ten to fifteen ‘Hindu women’. Both newspapers

were charged with defamation for the negative coverage of previous

incidents of violence between Hindus and Muslims.175

Television

The Gujarat violence 2002 was first incident of violence in independent

India which was fully covered by the electronic media. It was the first time

that people saw the burnt bodies of Godhra train burning and the footages of

subsequent communal violence on the television screens. Unlike national

174 See, “Role of the Central Government,” Concerned Citizen’s Tribunal-Gujarat.

opp.cite. see also, “Now Citizen’s Tribunal Pins Modi for Riots,” The Indian Express,

(November, 22, 2002). Accessed Via:

http://www.indianexpress.com/storyOld.php?storyId=13479. Dated. 14/1/2011. 175 See, Dionne Bunsha, “Peddling Hate,” Frontline Issue. 15. (July 20 – Aug 2, 2002).

Accessed Via: http://www.frontlineonnet.com/fl1915/19150130.htm. Dated. 14/1/2011.

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television, the local channels (like JTV and Deep TV) were very biased and

broadcasted several speeches of the many organizations of Sangh parivar,

like VHP, Bajrang Dal and RSS etc.176 The national channels like Aaj Tak,

Star News etc criticized the incidents of violence. Consequently, the Gujarat

government banned many news channels (like Star News, Zee News, Aaj

Tak, etc) which were critical of the government's response and the ongoing

violence against Muslims.177

The nature of violence against Muslims indicates that it was pre-planned.178

The use of weapons, petrol bombs, cylinders, mobile phones testifies to the

fact that the violence was sponsored by the Sangh Parivar. Later the

statement of Modi which equated the incidents of violence with Action-

reaction Theory and the non-willingness of state to control it, further

supports the claims of many fact finding missions that the violence was pre-

planned with the help of the government machinery.179 Although other

176 Ibid. 177 See, Prasun Sonwalkar, “Shooting the messenger? Political Violence, Gujarat 2002

and the Indian News Media,” in Benjamin Cole (eds.) Conflict, Terrorism and the Media

in Asia (London: Routledge, 2006). pp. 82–97. see also, “An Ounce of Image, A Pound

of Performance,” The Hindu (April 28, 2002). Accessed Via:

http://www.hindu.com/thehindu/mag/2002/04/28/stories/2002042800010100.htm.

Dated.14/1/2011. 178 For details, see, Siddharth Varadarajan (eds.). Gujarat: The making of a Tragedy

(New Delhi: Penguine India, 2002). 179See, Kamal Mitra Chinoy. et.al, “Gujarat Carnage 2002: A Report to the Nation,”

(April. 10, 2002). Accessed Via: http://www.sacw.net/Gujarat2002/GujCarnage.html.

Dated: 11/9/2010. see also, T.K Oommen, Reconciliation in Post Godhra Gujarat.

opp.cite.

263

Sangh organizations were doing many civic functions among the masses,

what was significant were the internal fights within the BJP which was

losing its voters. Their meticulous work paid off and many Hindus indulged

in the anti-Muslim communal violence.

Many leaders and activists agitated against Narendra Modi and the negative

role played by his government during the violence which did actually

nothing to control it. It is alleged that Modi used government machinery in

favor of rioters.180

Narendra Modi requested the governor to dissolve the Gujarat Assembly to

gain maximum mileage out of the violence. But the Election Commission

ruled out the possibility of early elections due to the deteriorated law and

order situation in Gujarat. The election in Gujarat was held on 1st December

2002 and Modi came to power with a massive victory in Gujarat.

The violence of 2002 ghettoized the city on religious grounds. Many

Muslims were forced to leave certain areas like Juhapura etc, many localities

witnessed the total removal of Muslim population and the latter were forced

to get shelter in neighbouring Muslim localities. The ghettoisation of the

Muslims had begun in 1985 and to some extent even in 1969, in years that

had witnessed anti-Muslim violence. The violence in 2002 terrorised

Muslims so much that they either by will or by force left their homes and

settled in the localities which are known to be Muslims dominated. The

Juhapura locality (which is middle class and upper class and situated in the

180 See Kamal Mitra Chinoy et.al, “Electoral Political Calculations by the BJP?,” in

Gujarat Carnage 2002: A Report to the Nation (April. 10, 2002). Accessed Via:

http://www.sacw.net/Gujarat2002/GujCarnage.html. Dated: 11/9/2010.

264

western belt of the Sabarmati river and comes under the Vejalpur Police

station) witnessed the migration of many Muslim families during and after

the communal violence. Many Muslim families migrated to Juhapura as it is

the only Muslim dominated area which was free from incidents of violence.

Many sitting or retired Muslim Judges, police officers or bureaucrats stay in

this locality. Juhapura a Muslim locality was divided from its adjacent

Hindu locality (Venugopal Society), by a wall.181 The Naroda-Patia locality

has become a Hindu dominated locality. Such ghettoization, the fear of

violence and the activities of communal party society with many local civil

society organizations have affected the Muslim social standing and their

psyche. Their children have been denied admission to many schools or their

admissions have been canceled. The Hindus and Muslims of the city avoid

visiting each other because of fear.182 The civic life in Gujarat in general and

Ahmedabad in particular has been destroyed. The social fabric of secularism

and Hindu-Muslim comparably good relations are now the matter of past.

The Muslims are staying in Ahmedabad as secondary citizens at the mercy

of Hindu nationalist groups.

All these processes (the spread of negative form of religious ideas through

political and civic functions by Sangh Parivar) is responsible for the

destruction of civic life in Gujarat, and has fostered hate, lack of dialogue,

trust, respect etc among the different religious communities. At a broader

level this is manifest in the form of well organized communal violence; in

181 Interview with the people of Juhapura and Venugopal Society (Vejalpur) 182 See, Dionne Bunsha, “Ahmedabad’s Ghettos”, Frontline, Volume-20; Issue 20.

(September 27-October 10, 2003). Accessed Via:

http://hindu.com/fline/fl2020/stories/20031010003303900.htm. Dated: 18/5/2011.

265

such circumstances even a very small spark can ignite a large scale of

violence, which is precisely what happened in Gujarat 2002.

The Gujarat 2002 indicates the influence of communal party society in

instigating communal riots and in maintaining the conflictual situation

among the religious groups more particularly since 1995. The electoral win

of BJP in 1991 and later the state and civic functions of Sangh Parivar by

setting and following the common agenda to spread the ideology of

Hindutva among different sections of Hindu population and successful

protection of constituency/ies (or majority) in upcoming elections caused the

transformation of communal organizations into communal party society in

Gujarat. It is the influence of ideology of Hindutva among many Hindus that

Gujarat witnessed gruesome killings of Muslims in 2002.

While it is true that in such conditions, when many Hindus have developed

an anti-Muslim feelings, even a small spark can ignite communal violence, it

is also noteworthy that the violence would be controlled if it does not suit

the purpose/s of communal party society, it will not spread and will be

controlled, therefore the communal party society have developed a control

over the machinery of communal violence in the era of communal

nationalism. I tried to understand this in my field survey, the communal

party society systematically spread among the masses about the difference

between Dharm Yudha and Adharm Yudha. Many activists of the communal

party society admitted to the fact that ‘we are not like them (Muslims), who

create war without any reason/s. Our war contains logic and it is for making

266

them true patriots. We will again teach them a lesson if we find them to go

off the track.183

After 2002, Gujarat witnessed incidents of communal violence every year,

but the state with its administration successfully controlled them. Gujarat

witnessed the incidents of violence in 2004 (Vadodara, 6th January), 2005

(Vadodara, 4th February and 11th February), 2006 (Baroda, 17th January),

2008 (Baroda, 10th April, and September 15th on the occasion of Ganesh

Chaturthi), 2009 (Anand in Gujarat,27th May on the issue of killing of a

Muslim girl allegedly by a Hindu boy, who later committed suicide,

incidents of stone throwing were witnessed, but noone was killed, police

controlled the violence) and 2010 (25th May, Ahmedabad, Shahpur area, one

person was killed, the violence was controlled again).184 None of the

183 Testomny by the office bearers of many Hindu communal groups like RSS, VHP,

Bajrang Dal etc in Ahmedabad. (emphasis added). 184 See, Asghar Ali Engineer, “Communal riots: 2004”, Indian Muslims January (1-15,

2005). Accessed Via:

http://www.indianmuslims.info/reports_about_indian_muslims/communal_riots_2004_as

ghar_ali_engineer.html. Dated: 18/5/2011. Asghar Ali Engineer, “Communal Riots:

2005,” Indian Muslims (January 16-February 15, 2006). Accessed Via:

http://www.indianmuslims.info/reports_about_indian_muslims/communal_riots_2005_as

ghar_ali_engineer.html. Dated. 18/5/2011. Asghar Ali Engineer, “Communal Riots:

2006”,Countercurrents.org (January. 5, 2007). Accessed Via:

http://www.countercurrents.org/comm-engineer050107.htm.Dated.18/5/2011. see also,

“Communal Riots Report: 2007”, Indian Muslims. Accessed Via:

http://indianmuslims.in/communal-riots-report-2007/. Dated. 18/5.2011.

“Communal Riots during 2008”, Indian Muslims, Accessed Via:

267

violence spread and was controlled by the state. This shows the control over

violence by the communal party society and after 2002, Gujarat did not

witness any major violence.

In later years the state has witnessed the rise of Narendra Modi as the

dominant political figure who also has a very clean image Modi has adopted

the ‘development agenda’ for the overall development of Gujarat and its

people, this made many people his supporters. The next chapter is a

concluding remark which also analyzes the status of minorities in Gujarat

and the current status of communal party society and communal nationalism

in Gujarat.

http://indianmuslims.in/communal-riots-2008/. Dated. 18/5/2011. K.Samu (2009),

“Communal Riots 2009: January to December 2009”,human Rights Documentation.

Accessed Via:

http://www.isidelhi.org.in/hrnews/HR_THEMATIC_ISSUES/Communalriots/Communal

%20Riots-2009.pdf. Dated. 18/5/2011. Asghar Ali Engineer (2010), “Communal Riots

2010”, Communalism Watch, December. 31. Accessed Via:

http://communalism.blogspot.com/2010/12/communal-riots-2010.html. Dated. 18/5/2011.