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François Mitterrand

President of the French Republic

In office

21 May 1981 – 17 May 1995

Prime Minister Pierre Mauroy

Laurent Fabius

Jacques Chirac

Michel Rocard

Édith Cresson

Pierre Bérégovoy

Édouard Balladur

Preceded by Valéry Giscard d'Estaing

Succeeded by Jacques Chirac

Co-Prince of Andorra

In office

21 May 1981 – 17 May 1995

Prime Minister Òscar Ribas Reig

Josep Pintat-Solans

Òscar Ribas Reig

Marc Forné Molné

Representative Jean-Yves Caullet

Preceded by Valéry Giscard d'Estaing

Succeeded by Jacques Chirac

First Secretary of the Socialist Party

In office

16 June 1971 – 24 January 1981

Preceded by Alain Savary

Succeeded by Lionel Jospin

Minister of Justice

In office

31 January 1956 – 12 June 1957

President Rene Coty

Prime Minister Guy Mollet

Preceded by Robert Schuman

Succeeded by Edouard Corniglion-Molinier

Minister of the Interior

In office

19 June 1954 – 23 February 1955

President Rene Coty

Prime Minister Pierre Mendès-France

Preceded by Léon Martinaud-Deplat

Succeeded by Maurice Bourgès-Maunoury

Minister-Delegate to the Council of Europe

In office

28 June 1953 – 4 September 1953

President Vincent Auriol

Prime Minister Joseph Laniel

Preceded by Pierre Pflimlin (1952)

François MitterrandFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

"Mitterrand" redirects here. For other uses, see Mitterrand (disambiguation).

François Maurice Adrien Marie Mitterrand (French: [fʁɑs̃wa mɔʁis mitɛʁɑ]̃; 26 October 1916 – 8 January1996) was a French statesman, who served as the President of France from 1981 until 1995. He is the longest-servingPresident of France and, as leader of the Socialist Party, the first figure from the left elected President under the FifthRepublic.

Reflecting family influences, Mitterrand started political life on the Catholic nationalist right. He served under the VichyRegime in its earlier years. Subsequently, however, he joined the Resistance, moved to the left, and held ministerial officerepeatedly under the Fourth Republic. He opposed de Gaulle's establishment of the Fifth Republic. Although at times apolitically isolated figure, Mitterrand outmanoeuvred rivals to become the left's standard bearer in every presidentialelection from 1965 to 1988, except 1969. Elected President in the May 1981 presidential election, he was re-elected in1988 and held office until 1995.

Mitterrand invited the Communist Party into his first government, a controversial move at the time. In the event, theCommunists were boxed in as junior partners and, rather than taking advantage, saw their support erode. They left thecabinet in 1984. Early in his first term, Mitterrand followed a radical economic program, including nationalization of keyfirms, but after two years, with the economy in crisis, he reversed course. His foreign and defense policies built on thoseof his Gaullist predecessors. His partnership with German Chancellor Helmut Kohl advanced European integration via theMaastricht Treaty, but he accepted German reunification only reluctantly. During his time in office he was a strongpromoter of culture and implemented a range of costly "Grands Projets". He was twice forced by the loss of aparliamentary majority into "cohabitation governments" with conservative cabinets led, respectively, by Jacques Chirac(1986–88), and Édouard Balladur (1993–95). Less than eight months after leaving office, Mitterrand died from theprostate cancer he had successfully concealed for most of his presidency.

Beyond making the French left electable, Mitterrand presided over the rise of the Socialist Party to dominance of the left,and the decline of the once-mighty Communist Party (as a share of the popular vote in the first presidential round, theCommunists shrank from a peak of 21.27% in 1969 to 8.66% in 1995, at the end of Mitterrand's second term, and to1.93% in the 2007 election).

Contents

1 Family

2 Early life

3 Second World War

4 Fourth Republic

5 Fifth Republic

5.1 Opposition to de Gaulle

5.1.1 His "crossing of the desert"

5.1.2 1965 presidential election and aftermath

5.1.3 Socialist Party leader, 1971–81

6 Presidency (1981–95)

6.1 First term, 1981–88

6.1.1 Economic policy6.1.2 Social policy

6.1.3 Cultural policy

6.1.4 Foreign policy

6.1.5 First Cohabitation (1986–88)6.2 Second term, 1988–95

6.2.1 Second Cohabitation (1993–95)

7 Death

8 Foreign policy8.1 East/West relations8.2 European policy

8.3 1990 speech at La Baule8.4 Discovery of HIV

8.5 Apology to the Huguenots8.6 Co-Prince of Andorra

9 Prime Ministers during presidency10 Controversies

10.1 Medical secrecy10.2 Pétain

10.3 Urba10.4 Wiretaps

10.5 Rwanda10.6 Bombing of the Rainbow Warrior

10.6.1 Killing of Fernando Pereira11 Political career

12 Honours12.1 France12.2 Foreign honours

13 Vexillology and heraldry14 References

15 Further reading16 External links

Family

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Preceded by Pierre Pflimlin (1952)

Succeeded by Edgar Faure (1958)

Minister of State

In office

20 January 1952 – 28 February 1952

President Vincent Auriol

Prime Minister Edgar Faure

Minister of Overseas France

In office

12 July 1950 – 15 August 1951

President Vincent Auriol

Prime Minister René Pleven

Henri Queuille

Preceded by Paul Coste-Floret

Succeeded by Louis Jacquinot

Minister of Veterans and War Victims

In office

24 November 1947 – 19 July 1948

President Vincent Auriol

Prime Minister Robert Schuman

Preceded by Daniel Mayer

Succeeded by André Maroselli

In office

22 January 1947 – 21 October 1947

President Vincent Auriol

Prime Minister Robert Schuman

Preceded by Max Lejeune

Succeeded by Daniel Mayer

Personal details

Born François Maurice Adrien Marie

Mitterrand

26 October 1916

Jarnac, France

Died 8 January 1996 (aged 79)

Paris, France

Political party Cross of Fire

(1934–36)

Democratic and Socialist Union of the

Resistance

(1945–64)

Convention of Republican Institutions

(1964–71)

Socialist Party

(1971–96)

Spouse(s) Danielle Gouze (m. 1944; his death 1996)

Children Pascal

Jean-Christophe

Gilbert

Mazarine

Alma mater University of Paris

Free School of Political Studies

Signature

Website François Mitterrand Institute

(http://www.mitterrand.org/index.php)

Mitterrand was born in Jarnac, Charente, and baptized François Maurice Adrien Marie Mitterrand, the son of

Joseph Mitterrand and Yvonne Lorrain. His family was devoutly Roman Catholic[1] and conservative. His father workedas an engineer for la Compagnie Paris Orléans. He had three brothers, Robert, Jacques and Philippe, and four sisters,Antoinette, Marie-Josèphe, Colette and Geneviève.

Mitterrand's wife, Danielle Mitterrand (née Gouze, 1924–2011), came from a socialist background and worked forvarious left-wing causes. They married on 24 October 1944 and had three sons: Pascal (10 June 1945 – 17 September1945), Jean-Christophe, born in 1946, and Gilbert, born on 4 February 1949. He also had two children as results ofextra-marital affairs: a daughter, Mazarine (born 1974) with his mistress Anne Pingeot, and a son, Hravn Forsne (born

1988), with Swedish journalist Christina Forsne.[2] Hravn Forsne is currently running for a seat in the Swedish

parliamentary election.[3][4]

Mitterrand's nephew Frédéric Mitterrand is a journalist, Minister of Culture and Communications under Nicolas Sarkozy(and a supporter of Jacques Chirac, former French President), and his wife's brother-in-law Roger Hanin is a well-knownFrench actor.

Early life

Further information: France in the twentieth century, French Third Republic and Mitterrand and the farright

Mitterrand studied from 1925 to 1934 in the Collège Saint-Paul in Angoulême, where he became a member of theJeunesse Etudiante Chrétienne (JEC), the student organisation of Action catholique. Arriving in Paris in autumn 1934, hethen went to the École Libre des Sciences Politiques until 1937, where he obtained his diploma in July of that year.Mitterrand took membership for about a year in the Volontaires nationaux (National Volunteers), an organisationrelated to François de la Rocque's far-right league, the Croix de Feu; the league had just participated in the 6 February

1934 riots which led to the fall of the second Cartel des Gauches (Left-Wing Coalition).[5]

Contrary to some reports, Mitterrand never became a formal member of the Parti Social Français (PSF) which was the

successor to the Croix de Feu and may be considered the first French right-wing mass party.[5] However, he did writenews articles in the L'Echo de Paris newspaper, which was close to the PSF. He participated in the demonstrationsagainst the "métèque invasion" in February 1935 and then in those against law teacher Gaston Jèze, who had beennominated as juridical counsellor of Ethiopia's Negus, in January 1936.

When Mitterrand's involvement in these conservative nationalist movements was revealed in the 1990s, he attributed hisactions to the milieu of his youth. Mitterrand furthermore had some personal and family relations with members of the

Cagoule, a far-right terrorist group in the 1930s.[6]

Mitterrand then served his conscription from 1937 to 1939 in the 23rd régiment d'infanterie coloniale. In 1938, hebecame the best friend of Georges Dayan, a Jewish socialist, whom he saved from anti-Semite aggressions by the

national-royalist movement Action française.[7] His friendship with Dayan caused Mitterrand to begin to question someof his nationalist ideas. Finishing his law studies, he was sent in September 1939 to the Maginot line near Montmédy, withthe rank of Sergeant-chief (infantry sergeant). He became engaged to Marie-Louise Terrasse (future actress CatherineLangeais) in May 1940 (but she broke it off in January 1942). Following an observation of Nazi concentration camps atthe end of World War II, Mitterrand broke from the Catholic ideology he was raised in and identified himself as an

agnostic.[8]

Second World War

François Mitterrand's actions during World War II were the cause of much controversy in France in the 1980s and1990s.

Mitterrand was at the end of his national service when the war broke out. He fought as an infantry sergeant and wasinjured (ref unknown) and captured by the Germans on 14 June 1940. He was held prisoner at Stalag IXA nearZiegenhain (today part of Schwalmstadt, a town near Kassel in Hesse). Mitterrand became involved in the socialorganisation for the POWs in the camp (ref unknown). He claims this, and the influence of the people he met there, began

to change his political ideas, moving them towards the left.[9] He had two failed escape attempts in March and thenNovember 1941 before he finally escaped on 16 December 1941, returning to France on foot. In December 1941 hearrived home in the unoccupied zone controlled by the French. With help from a friend (ref unknown)of his mother he gota job as a mid-level functionary of the Vichy government, looking after the interests of POWs. This was very unusual foran escaped prisoner, and he later claimed to have served as a spy for the Free French Forces.

Mitterrand worked from January to April 1942 for the Légion française des combattants et des volontaires de larévolution nationale (Legion of French combatants and volunteers of the national revolution) as a civil servant on atemporary contract. He worked under Jean-Paul Favre De Thierrens who was a spy for the British secret service. Hethen moved to the Commissariat au reclassement des prisonniers de guerre (Service for the orientation of POWS).During this period, Mitterrand was aware of Thierrens's activities and may have helped in his disinformation campaign. Atthe same time, he published an article detailing his time as a POW in the magazine France, revue de l'État nouveau (the magazine was published as propaganda by the Vichy

Regime).[10]

Mitterrand has been called a "Vichysto-résistant" (an expression used by the historian Jean-Pierre Azéma to describe people who supported Marshal Philippe Pétain, the head of

the Vichy Regime, before 1943, but subsequently rejected the Vichy Regime).[11]

From spring 1942, he met other escaped POWs Jean Roussel, Max Varenne, and Dr. Guy Fric, under whose influence he became involved with the resistance. In April,Mitterrand and Fric caused a major disturbance in a public meeting held by the collaborator Georges Claude. From mid-1942, he sent false papers to POWs in Germany (ref

unknown) and on 12 June and 15 August 1942, he joined meetings at the Château de Montmaur which formed the base of his future network for the resistance.[12] FromSeptember, he made contact with France libre, but clashed with Michel Cailliau, General Charles de Gaulle's nephew (and de Gaulle's candidate to head-up all POW-related

resistance organizations).[13] On 15 October 1942, Mitterrand and Marcel Barrois (a member of the resistance deported in 1944) met Marshal Philippe Pétain along with other

members of the Comité d'entraide aux prisonniers rapatriés de l'Allier (Help group for repatriated POWs in the department of Allier).[14] By the end of 1942, Mitterrand metPierre Guillain de Bénouville, an old friend from his days with La Cagoule. Bénouville was a member of the resistance groups Combat and Noyautage des administrations

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Pierre Guillain de Bénouville, an old friend from his days with La Cagoule. Bénouville was a member of the resistance groups Combat and Noyautage des administrationspubliques (NAP).

In late 1942, the non-occupied zone was invaded by the Germans. Mitterrand left the Commissariat in January 1943, when his boss Maurice Pinot, another vichysto-résistant, wasreplaced by the collaborator André Masson, but he remained in charge of the centres d'entraides. In the spring of 1943, along with Gabriel Jeantet, a member of Marshal Pétain'scabinet, and Simon Arbellot (both former members of La Cagoule), Mitterrand received the Ordre de la francisque (the honorific distinction of the Vichy Regime).

Debate rages in France as to the significance of this. When Mitterrand's Vichy past was exposed in the 1950s, he at first denied having received the Francisque (some sources say

he was designated for the award, but never received the medal because he went into hiding before the ceremony took place)[15] Jean Pierre-Bloch says that Mitterrand was

ordered to accept the medal as cover for his work in the resistance.[16] Pierre Moscovici and Jacques Attali remain skeptical of Mitterrand's beliefs at this time, accusing him ofhaving at best a "foot in each camp" until he was sure who the winner would be. They noted Mitterrand's friendship with René Bousquet and the wreaths he was said to have

placed on Pétain's tomb in later years (see below) as examples of his ambivalent attitude.[17]

Mitterrand built up a resistance network (ref unknown), composed mainly of former POWs. The POWs National Rally (Rassemblement national des prisonniers de guerre orRNPG) was affiliated with General Henri Giraud, a former POW who had escaped from a German prison and made his way across Germany back to the Allied forces. In 1943Giraud was contesting with General Charles de Gaulle for the leadership of the French Resistance. From the beginning of 1943, Mitterrand became involved with setting up apowerful resistance group called the (ref unknown)Organisation de résistance de l'armée (ORA). He obtained funding for his own RNPG network, which he set up with Pinot in

February. From this time on, Mitterrand was a member of the ORA.[18] In March, Mitterrand met Henri Frenay, who encouraged the resistance in France to support Mitterrand

over Michel Cailliau.[19] 28 May 1943, when Mitterrand met with Gaullist Philippe Dechartre, is generally taken as the date Mitterrand split with Vichy.[20]

During 1943, the RNPG gradually changed from providing false papers to information-gathering for France libre. Pierre de Bénouville said, " Mitterrand created a true spy network

in the POW camps which gave us information, often decisive, about what was going on behind the German borders."[21] On 10 July Mitterrand and Piatzook (a militant communist)interrupted a public meeting in the Salle Wagram in Paris. The meeting was about allowing French POWs to go home if they were replaced by young French men forced to go andwork in Germany (in French this was called "la relève"). When André Masson began to talk about "la trahison des gaullistes" (the Gaullist treason), Mitterrand stood up in theaudience and shouted him down, saying Masson had no right to talk on behalf of POWs and calling "la relève" a "con" (i.e., something stupid). Mitterrand avoided arrest as

Piatzook covered his escape.[22]

In November 1943 the Sicherheitsdienst (SD) raided a flat in Vichy, where they hoped to arrest François Morland, a member of the resistance.[23] "Morland" was Mitterrand'scover name. He also used Purgon, Monnier, Laroche, Captain François, Arnaud et Albre as cover names. The man they arrested was Pol Pilven, a member of the resistance whowas to survive the war in a concentration camp. Mitterrand was in Paris at the time.

Warned by his friends, he escaped to London aboard a Lysander plane on 15 November 1943 (piloted by then-Squadron Leader Lewis Hodges). From there he went to Algiers,where he met de Gaulle, by then the uncontested leader of the Free French. The two men clashed. Mitterrand refused to merge his group with other POW movements if de

Gaulle's nephew Cailliau was to be the leader.[24] Under the influence of Henri Frenay, de Gaulle finally agreed to merge his nephew's network and the RNPG with Mitterrand in

charge.[25]

Mitterrand returned to France by boat via England. In Paris, the three Resistance groups made up of POWs (Communists, Gaullists, RNPG) finally merged as the POWs andDeportees National Movement (Mouvement national des prisonniers de guerre et déportés or MNPGD) and Mitterrand took the lead. In his memoirs, he says that he had

started this organisation while he was still officially working for the Vichy Regime. From 27 November 1943 Mitterrand ran the Bureau central de renseignements et d'action.[26][27]

In December 1943 Mitterrand ordered the execution of Henri Marlin (who was about to order attacks on the "Maquis") by Jacques Paris and Jean Munier, who later hid out withMitterrand's father. After a second visit to London in February 1944, Mitterrand took part in the liberation of Paris. When de Gaulle entered Paris following the Liberation, he wasintroduced to various men who were to be part of the provisional government. Among them was Mitterrand, as secretary general of POWs. When they came face to face, deGaulle is said to have muttered: "You again!" He dismissed Mitterrand 2 weeks later.

In October 1944 Mitterrand and Jacques Foccart developed a plan to liberate the POW and concentration camps. This was called operation Viacarage. On the orders of deGaulle, in April 1945 Mitterrand accompanied General Lewis as the French representative at the liberation of the camps at Kaufering and Dachau. By chance Mitterranddiscovered his friend and member of his network, Robert Antelme, suffering from typhus. Antelme was restricted to the camp to prevent the spread of disease, but Mitterrand

arranged for his "escape" and sent him back to France for treatment.[28][29]

Fourth Republic

Further information: French Fourth Republic

After the war Mitterrand quickly moved back into politics. At the June 1946 legislative election, he led the list of the Rally of the Republican Lefts (Rassemblement des gauchesrépublicaines or RGR) in the Western suburb of Paris, but he was not elected. The RGR was an electoral entity composed of the Radical Party, the centrist Democratic andSocialist Union of the Resistance (Union démocratique et socialiste de la Résistance or UDSR) and several conservative groupings. It opposed the policy of the "Three-partiesalliance" (Communists, Socialists and Christian Democrats).

In the November 1946 legislative election, he succeeded in winning a seat as deputy from the Nièvre département. To be elected, he had to win a seat at the expense of theFrench Communist Party (PCF). As leader of the RGR list, he led a very anti-communist campaign. He became a member of the UDSR party. In January 1947, he joined thecabinet as War Veterans Minister. He held various offices in the Fourth Republic as a Deputy and as a Minister (holding eleven different portfolios in total), including as a mayor ofChâteau-Chinon from 1959 to 1981.

In May 1948 Mitterrand participated in the Congress of The Hague, together with Konrad Adenauer, Winston Churchill, Harold Macmillan, Paul-Henri Spaak, Albert Coppé andAltiero Spinelli. It originated the European Movement.

As Overseas Minister (1950–1951), he opposed the colonial lobby to propose a reform program. He connected with the left when he resigned from the cabinet after the arrest ofMorocco's sultan (1953). As leader of the progressive wing of the UDSR, he took the head of the party in 1953, replacing the conservative René Pleven.

In June 1953 Mitterrand attended the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II. Seated next to the elderly Princess Marie Bonaparte, he reported having spent much of the ceremony beingpsychoanalyzed by her.

As Interior Minister in Pierre Mendès-France's cabinet (1954–1955), Mitterrand had to direct the response to the Algerian War of Independence. He claimed: "Algeria is France."He was suspected of being the informer of the Communist Party in the cabinet. This rumor was spread by the former Paris police prefect, who had been dismissed by him. Thesuspicions were dismissed by subsequent investigations.

The UDSR joined the Republican Front, a center-left coalition, which won the 1956 legislative election. As Justice Minister (1956–1957), Mitterrand allowed the expansion ofmartial law in the Algerian conflict. Unlike other ministers (including Mendès-France), who criticized the repressive policy in Algeria, he remained in Guy Mollet's cabinet until itsend. As Minister of Justice, he had a role in 45 executions of the Algerian natives, recommending President Rene Coty to reject clemency in 80% of the cases, an action he later

came to regret.[30]

As Minister of Justice he was an official representative of France during the wedding of Prince of Monaco Rainier III and actress Grace Kelly. Under the Fourth Republic, he wasrepresentative of a generation of young ambitious politicians. He appeared as a possible future Prime Minister.

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François Mitterrand in

1959

representative of a generation of young ambitious politicians. He appeared as a possible future Prime Minister.

Fifth Republic

Further information: French Fifth Republic

Opposition to de Gaulle

His "crossing of the desert"

In 1958, Mitterrand was one of the few to object to the nomination of Charles de Gaulle as head of government, and to de Gaulle's plan for a French Fifth Republic. He justifiedhis opposition by the circumstances of de Gaulle's comeback: the 13 May 1958 quasi-putsch and military pressure. In September 1958, determinedly opposed to Charles deGaulle, Mitterrand made an appeal to vote "no" in the referendum over the Constitution, which was nevertheless adopted on 4 October 1958. This defeated coalition of the "No"was composed of the PCF and some left-wing republican politicians (such as Mendès-France and Mitterrand).

This attitude may have been a factor in Mitterrand's losing his seat in the 1958 elections, beginning a long "crossing of the desert" (this term is usuallyapplied to de Gaulle's decline in influence for a similar period). Indeed, in the second round of the legislative election, Mitterrand was supported bythe Communists but the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) refused to withdraw its candidate. This division caused the election ofthe Gaullist candidate. One year later, he was elected to represent Nièvre in the Senate, where he was part of the Group of the Democratic Left. Atthe same time, he was not admitted to the ranks of the Unified Socialist Party (Parti socialiste unifié, PSU) which was created by Mendès-France,former internal opponents of Mollet and reform-minded former members of the Communist Party. The PSU leaders justified their decision byreferring to his non-resignation from Mollet's cabinet and by his past in Vichy.

Also in that same year, on the Avenue de l'Observatoire in Paris, Mitterrand claimed to have escaped an assassin's bullet by diving behind a hedge,

in what became known as the Observatory Affair.[31] The incident brought him a great deal of publicity, initially boosting his political ambitions.Some of his critics claimed, however, that he had staged the incident himself, resulting in a backlash against Mitterrand. He later said he had earlierbeen warned by right-wing deputy Pesquet that he was the target of an Algérie française death squad and accused Prime Minister Michel Debré ofbeing its instigator. Before his death, Pesquet claimed that Mitterrand had set up a fake attempt on his life. Prosecution was initiated againstMitterrand but was later dropped. Nonetheless, the Observatory Affair cast a lasting shadow over Mitterrand's reputation. Years later in 1965,when Mitterrand emerged as the challenger to de Gaulle in the second round of the presidential elections, de Gaulle was urged by an aide to use the

Observatory Affair to discredit his opponent. "No, and don't insist" was the General's response, "It would be wrong to demean the office of the Presidency, since one day he

[Mitterrand] may have the job."[32]

Mitterrand visited China in 1961, during the worst of the Great Chinese Famine, but denied the existence of starvation.[33]

In the 1962 election, Mitterrand regained his seat in the National Assembly with the support of the PCF and the SFIO. Practicing left unity in Nièvre, he advocated the rallying ofleft-wing forces at the national level, including the PCF, in order to challenge Gaullist domination. Two years later, he became the president (chairman) of the General Council ofNièvre. While the opposition to De Gaulle organized in clubs, he founded his own group, the Convention of Republican Institutions (Convention des institutions républicaines orCIR). He reinforced his position as a left-wing opponent to Charles de Gaulle in publishing Le Coup d'État permanent (The permanent coup, 1964), which criticized de Gaulle'spersonal power, the weaknesses of Parliament and of the government, the President's exclusive control of foreign affairs, and defence, etc.

1965 presidential election and aftermath

In 1965, Mitterrand was the first left-wing politician who saw the presidential election by universal suffrage as a way to defeat the opposition leadership. Not a member of anyspecific political party, his candidacy for presidency was accepted by all left-wing parties (the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO), French Communist Party(PCF), Radical-Socialist Party (PR) and Unified Socialist Party (PSU)). He ended the cordon sanitaire of the PCF which the party had been subject to since 1947. For the SFIOleader Guy Mollet, Mitterrand's candidacy prevented Gaston Defferre, his rival in the SFIO, from running for the presidency. Furthermore, Mitterrand was a lone figure, so he didnot appear as a danger to the left-wing parties' staff members.

De Gaulle was expected to win in the first round, but Mitterrand received 31.7% of the vote, denying De Gaulle a first-round victory. Mitterrand was supported in the secondround by the left and other anti-Gaullists: centrist Jean Monnet, moderate conservative Paul Reynaud and Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour, an extreme right-winger and the lawyerwho had defended Raoul Salan, one of the four generals who had organized the 1961 Algiers putsch during the Algerian War.

Mitterrand received 44.8% of votes in the second round and de Gaulle, with the majority, was thus elected for another term, but this defeat was regarded as honourable, for noone was really expected to defeat de Gaulle. Mitterrand took the lead of a centre-left alliance: the Federation of the Democratic and Socialist Left (Fédération de la gauchedémocrate et socialiste or FGDS). It was composed of the SFIO, the Radicals and several left-wing republican clubs (such the CIR of Mitterrand).

In the legislative election of March 1967, the system where all candidates who failed to pass a 10% threshold in the first round were eliminated from the second round favoured thepro-Gaullist majority, which faced a split opposition (PCF, FGDS and centrists of Jacques Duhamel). Nevertheless, the parties of the left managed to gain 63 seats more thanpreviously for a total of 194. The Communists remained the largest left-wing group with 22.5% of votes. The governing coalition won with its majority reduced by only one seat(247 seats out of 487).

In Paris, the Left (FGDS, PSU, PCF) managed to win more votes in the first round than the two governing parties (46% against 42.6%) while the Democratic Centre of Duhamel

got 7% of votes. But with 38% of votes, de Gaulle's Union for the Fifth Republic remained the leading French party.[34]

During the May 1968 governmental crisis, Mitterrand held a press conference to announce his candidacy if a new presidential election was held. But after the Gaullistdemonstration on the Champs-Elysées, de Gaulle dissolved the Assembly and called for a legislative election instead. In this election, the right wing won its largest majority since theBloc National in 1919.

Mitterrand was accused of being responsible for this huge legislative defeat and the FGDS split. In 1969, Mitterrand could not run for the Presidency: Guy Mollet refused to givehim the support of the SFIO. The left wing was eliminated in the first round, with the Socialist candidate Gaston Defferre winning a humiliating 5.1 percent of the total vote. GeorgesPompidou faced the centrist Alain Poher in the second round.

Socialist Party leader, 1971–81

After the FGDS's implosion, Mitterrand turned to the Socialist Party (Parti socialiste or "PS"). In June 1971, at the time of the Epinay Congress, the CIR joined the "PS", whichhad replaced the SFIO in 1969. The executive of the "PS" was then dominated by Guy Mollet's supporters. They proposed an "ideological dialogue" with the Communists. ForMitterrand, an electoral alliance was necessary to rise to power. With this project, Mitterrand obtained the support of all the internal opponents to Mollet's faction and he waselected as the first secretary of the "PS".

In June 1972, Mitterrand signed the Common Programme of Government with the Communist Georges Marchais and the Left Radical Robert Fabre. With this programme, he ledthe 1973 legislative campaign of the "Union of the Left".

At the 1974 presidential election, Mitterrand received 43.2% of the vote in the first round, as the common candidate of the left wing. He next faced Valéry Giscard d'Estaing in the

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Mitterrand with U.S.

President Ronald Reagan,

1981

At the 1974 presidential election, Mitterrand received 43.2% of the vote in the first round, as the common candidate of the left wing. He next faced Valéry Giscard d'Estaing in thesecond round. During the national TV debate, Giscard d'Estaing criticized him as being "a man of the past", due to his long political career. Mitterrand was defeated in a near tie byGiscard d'Estaing, Mitterrand receiving 49.19% and Giscard 50.81%.

In 1977, the Communist and Socialist parties failed to update the Common Programme, then lost the 1978 legislative election. While the Socialists took the leading position onthe left, by obtaining more votes than the Communists for the first time since 1936, the leadership of Mitterrand was challenged by an internal opposition led by Michel Rocard whocriticized the programme of the PS as being "archaic" and "unrealistic". The polls indicated Rocard was more popular than Mitterrand. Nevertheless, Mitterrand won the vote at theParty's Metz Congress (1979) and Rocard renounced his candidacy for the 1981 presidential election.

For his third candidacy for presidency, Mitterrand was not supported by the PCF but only by the PS. He projected a reassuring image with the slogan "the quiet force". He

campaigned for "another politics", based on the 110 Propositions for France Socialist program,[35] and denounced the performance of the incumbent president. Furthermore, hebenefited from the conflict in the right-wing majority. He obtained 25.85% of votes in the first round (against 15% for the PCF candidate Georges Marchais), then defeatedPresident Giscard d'Estaing in the second round, with 51.76%. He became the first left-wing politician elected President of France by universal suffrage.

Presidency (1981–95)

First term, 1981–88

In the presidential election of 10 May 1981, Mitterrand became the first socialist President of the Fifth Republic, and his government became thefirst left-wing government in 23 years. He named Pierre Mauroy as Prime Minister and organised a new legislative election. The Socialistsobtained an absolute parliamentary majority, and four Communists joined the cabinet.

Economic policy

The beginning of his first term was marked by a left-wing economic policy based on the 110 Propositions for France and the 1972 CommonProgramme between the Socialist Party, the Communist Party and the Left Radical Party. This included several nationalizations, a 10% increaseof the SMIC (minimum wage), a 39-hour work week, 5 weeks holiday per year, the creation of the solidarity tax on wealth, an increase in socialbenefits, and the extension of workers' rights to consultation and information about their employers (through the Auroux Act). The objective was

to boost economic demand and thus economic activity (Keynesianism). However, unemployment continued to grow[citation needed] and the francwas devalued three times.

Old age pensions were raised by 300 francs per month to 1,700 francs for a single person and to 3,700 francs for a couple, while healthinsurance benefits were made more widely available to unemployed persons and part-time employees. Housing allocations for the low-paid wereraised by 25% in 1981, and in the two years following May 1981 family allowances were increased by 44% for families with 3 children and by81% for families with 2 children. In 1981, the purchasing power of social transfers went up by 4.5% and by 7.6% in 1982. In addition, the

minimum wage (which affected 1.7 million employees) was increased by 15% in real terms between May 1981 and December 1982.[36]

Major efforts were made to improve access to housing and health care, while the government also attempted to tackle working-class under-achievement in schools by reinforcing the comprehensive system, modernizing the curriculum and reducing streaming. As a means of increasing political participation, thegovernment increased the financial allowances of local politicians, who also became entitled to paid leave from their jobs to attend courses in public administration. Allowances forthe handicapped were improved, while improvements were also made in the pay and conditions for those serving in the army. A decree of January 1982 provided for “solidaritycontracts” whereby firms would be subsidized for introducing part-time work or early retirement if they also allowed the creation of new jobs, while a decree of March 1982provided employees with the right to retire at the age of 60 on 50% of average earnings during their 10 best years of employment. In 1983, legislation was passed to encouragegreater equality in the private sector. Firms now had to make an annual report on the training opportunities and employment conditions for women and present a statistical analysis

of their position in the firm, whilst the works committee had to ensure that equality promoting measures are taken.[37] In addition, a new benefit was introduced for unemployed

workers who had exhausted their eligibility for unemployment insurance.[38] In December 1982, a law was passed that restored to workers the right to elect administrators to the

social security funds, a practice that Charles De Gaulle had broken back in 1967.[39]

In what concerns new French Technologies initiated by his predecessor Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, Mitterrand continued to push them: the TGV high speed train and the Minitel, a

pre-World Wide Web interactive network similar to the web.[40] The Minitel and the TGV connection Paris-Lyon were inaugurated only a few weeks after the election. In

addition, Government grants and loans for capital investment for modernisation were significantly increased.[41]

Mitterrand passed the first decentralization laws, the Defferre Act.

After two years in office, Mitterrand made a substantial u-turn in economic policies, with the March 1983 adoption of the so-called "tournant de la rigueur" (austerity turn). Prioritywas given to the struggle against inflation in order to remain competitive in the European Monetary System. Although there were two periods of mild economic reflation (first from

1984 to 1986 and again from 1988 to 1990), monetary and fiscal restraint was the essential policy orientation of Mitterrand's presidency from 1983 onwards.[42] Nevertheless,

compared to the OECD average, fiscal policy in France remained relatively expansionary during the course of the two Mitterrand presidencies.[43]

Social policy

In 1983, all members of the general pension scheme obtained the right to a full pension at the age of 60 payable at a rate of half the reference wage in return for 37.5 yearscontribution. The government agreed at the same time to improve the pension position of some public sector employees and to increase the real value of the minimum pension. Inaddition, later negotiations brought retirement at 60 years into the occupational schemes although the financial terms for doing so could only be agreed for a 7-year period. A

comparison between 1981 and 1986 showed that the minimum state pension had increased by 64% for a couple and by 81% for one person. During that same period, familyallowances had increased by 71% for three children and by 112% for two children. In addition, the single-parent allowance for mothers or fathers with one child had beenincreased by 103% and for two or more children by 52% for each child

In order to mark the importance of the problems of the elderly, the government appointed a Secretary of State (attached to the Ministry of Social Affairs and National Solidarity) tocarry special responsibility for them, and in an effort to try to relate policy to the felt needs of the elderly, it set up a central advisory committee to examine social policy from theirpoint of view and carry out special studies and enquiries. This body became especially concerned with monitoring the attempts at coordination and encouraging policies which were

aimed at helping he elderly stay at home instead of entering residential care.[37]

In the field of health care, some prescription charges were abolished, hospital administration was decentralised, workers’ rights in the health service were reaffirmed, and equipment

was provided for researchers.[44] From 1983 onwards, wage-earners who had contributed to a pension fund for 37.5 years became eligible to retire on a full pension. This rightwas extended to the self-employed in 1984 and to farmers in 1986. People who had retired at the age of 60 were, however, not initially eligible for reductions on public transport

until they reached the age of 65. The qualifying age for these reductions was, however, reduced to 62 in 1985.[45] A number of illegal immigrants had their position regularizedunder the Socialists and the conditions pertaining to residence and work permits were eased. Educational programmes were implemented to help immigrant communities, whileimmigrants were allowed the right to free association. The Socialist government also opened up talks with the authorities in some of the main countries of origin, easing nationalityrules in the public sector, associating representatives of migrant groups with public authority work, and established an Immigrants Council in 1984.

Although the income limit for allowances varied according to the position of the child in the family and the number of dependent children, these ceilings were made more favourable

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Although the income limit for allowances varied according to the position of the child in the family and the number of dependent children, these ceilings were made more favourablein cases where both parents were working or where a single parent was in charge and were linked to changes in wage levels. Those taking parental leave to care for three or morechildren (provided that they fulfilled the rules for eligibility) also received certain benefits in kind, such as a non-taxable, non-means-tested benefit and priority on vocational trainingcourses. A new boost was also given to research into family problems including an interest in the effects of changing family structures, of women’s employment and the impact of

local social policies on family life.[37] In addition, while a law on equal opportunities in employment was passed in July 1983 which prohibited all forms of unequal treatmentregardless of the circumstances, together with providing for positive action plans to be established in major companies. In January 1984, a decree was made granting state aid to

companies which implemented equality plans for staff.[46] That same year, a law was passed that gave the regional Caissess des Allocations Familiales the task of collecting unpaid

alimony, initially for lone parents and subsequently for remarried or cohabiting mothers.[47]

In the field of education, more resources were devoted to the educational system, with the education budgets of 1982, 1983, and 1984 increased by approximately 4% to 6% per

year above the rate of inflation. From 1981 to 1983, the corps of teachers was increased by 30,000.[48] Authorization was restored for a number of advanced undergraduate and

graduate programmes which the previous centre-right minister Saunier-Seite had rejected on grounds of economy and "rationalization" of resources.[49] Numerous initiatives werecarried out such as the teaching of civics, the reintroduction of the teaching of French history and geography at the primary level, the introduction of new professional degrees, apartnership between schools and enterprises, and the introduction of computers in classrooms. Priority areas were set up in 1981 as part of a systematic effort to combat

underachievement in schools, while technical education was encouraged. In addition, nursery education was expanded,[50] while efforts by the Socialists to promote joint research

between industry and the research agencies increased the number of such contracts by a half each year between 1982 and 1985, with a 29% increase in joint patents.[51] Thebaccalauréat professionnel, introduced in 1985, enabled holders of a Brevet d'études professionnelles (or in some cases of a Certificat d’aptitude professionnelle) to continue for

another two years and study for the baccalauréat.[52]

Mitterrand abrogated the death penalty as soon as he took office (via the Badinter Act), as well as the "anti-casseurs Act" which instituted collective responsibility for acts ofviolence during demonstrations. He also dissolved the Cour de sûreté, a special high court, and enacted a massive regularization of illegal immigrants. Tighter regulations on thepowers of police to stop, search and arrest were introduced, and the "loi securite et liberte" (a controversial public order act) was repealed. In addition, the legal aid system was

improved.[53]

In 1984, a law was passed to ensure that divorced women who were not in receipt of maintenance would be provided with assistance in recovering the shortfall in their incomefrom their former husband. By 1986, particular attention was being focused on assisting women in single-parent families to get back into employment, in recognition of the growingproblems associated with extra-marital births and marital breakdown. Parental leave was extended to firms with 100 employees in 1981 (previously, parental leave provision hadbeen made in 1977 for firms employing at least 200 employees) and subsequently to all employees in 1984. From 1984 onwards, married women were obliged to sign tax returns,men and women were provided with equal rights in managing their common property and that of their children, and in 1985 they became responsible for each other’s debts.

Childcare facilities were also expanded, with the number of places in crèches rising steadily between 1981 and 1986.[45] In addition, the minimum wage was significantly increased.

From 1981 to 1984, the SMIC rose by 125%, while prices went up by only 75% during that same period.[54] Various maesures were also introduced to mitigate the effects ofrising unemployment. Between 1981 and 1986, there had been just over 800,000 young people placed on special work schemes, 800,000 early retirements, 200,000 enterprise

allowance successes, and 30,000 retrained workers from declining industrial sectors.[37]

Cultural policy

With respect to cultural policies, grants were allocated to non-profit associations and community cultural initiatives,[55] Mitterrand liberalized the media, created the CSA mediaregulation agency, and authorized pirate radio and the first private TV (Canal+), giving rise to the private broadcasting sector.

In terms of the theatre, some transfer of resources was made from the subsidy of the national theatres to the support for theatre companies which did not necessarily have aninstitutional home. A significant investment was made in music education with the creation of 5 new music schools in the departements and the revamping of the ConservatoireNational de la Musique at Lyon, while the range and capacity of performance facilities in Paris was considerably increased, with the Cite Musicale de la Villette and the Opera dela Bastille allowing for specialist performance in a way that was lacking in Paris previously, and a 2,000 seat concert hall called le Zenith, which was designed primarily for rockmusic concerts but adapted for all uses.

The Socialists continued the policies of their predecessors with the Grand Louvre project and the opening of the Picasso Museum at the Hotel Sale, while the museum budget wasquadrupled and particular sums were set aside for the first time for large regional projects including the establishment of a number of new museums in the provinces such as theEcomuseum at Chartres and the Museum of Prehistory at Carnac. A fonds regional des Acquisitions was established to assist provincial museums in the purchase of works of art,while the state actively continued an existing policy of encouraging bequests in lieu of death duties.

Libraries and publishing benefited from new thinking and an injection of funds, while aid to authors and publishers was restructured and book prices were fixed once again, with theobjective being to assist smaller publishing houses and specialist bookshops. The network of regional lending libraries was significantly reinforced, while financial assistance was

provided for the export of French books. In addition, archaeology, ethnography and historical buildings and monuments all benefited from the general increase in resources.[37]

Foreign policy

In terms of foreign policy, Mitterrand did not significantly deviate from his predecessors and he continued nuclear weapons testing in the South Pacific in spite of protests fromvarious peace and environmentalist organizations. In 1985, French agents sunk the Greenpeace-owned ex-trawler Rainbow Warrior which the group had used in demonstrationsagainst nuclear tests, whaling, and seal hunting. One Greenpeace member was killed, and when news broke of the event, a major scandal erupted that led to the resignation ofDefense Minister Charles Hernu. France subsequently paid reparations of 1.8 million USD to Greenpeace.

France also retained her independent stance under Mitterrand by staying outside of NATO and continued an active involvement in African affairs, the French military and ForeignLegion frequently intervening on behalf of various African governments and training local forces.

The Left lost the 1983 municipal elections and the 1984 European Parliament election. At the same time, the Savary Bill, to limit the financing of private schools by localcommunities, caused a political crisis. It was abandoned and Mauroy resigned in July 1984. Laurent Fabius succeeded him, and the Communists left the cabinet.

First Cohabitation (1986–88)

Before the 1986 legislative campaign, proportional representation was instituted in accordance with the 110 Propositions. It did not prevent, however, the victory of the Rally forthe Republic/Union for French Democracy (RPR/UDF) coalition. Mitterrand thus named the RPR leader Jacques Chirac as Prime Minister. This period of government, with aPresident and a Prime Minister who came from two opposite coalitions, was the first time that such a combination had occurred under the Fifth Republic, and came to be known as

"Cohabitation".[56]

Chirac mostly handled domestic policy while Mitterrand concentrated on his "reserved domain" of foreign affairs and defence. However, several conflicts erupted between the two.In one example, Mitterrand refused to sign executive decrees of liberalization, obliging Chirac to pass the measures through parliament instead. Mitterrand also reportedly gavecovert support to some social movements, notably the student revolt against the university reform (Devaquet Bill). Benefiting from the difficulties of Chirac's cabinet, the President'spopularity increased.

With the polls running in his favor, Mitterrand announced his candidacy in the 1988 presidential election. He proposed a moderate programme (promising "neither nationalisations

nor liberalisation") and advocated a "united France," and laid out his policy priorities in his "Letter to the French People."[57] He obtained 34% of the votes in the first round, thenfaced Chirac in the second, and was re-elected with 54% of the votes. Mitterrand thus became the first President to be elected twice by universal suffrage.

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faced Chirac in the second, and was re-elected with 54% of the votes. Mitterrand thus became the first President to be elected twice by universal suffrage.

Second term, 1988–95

After his re-election, he named Michel Rocard as Prime Minister, in spite of their poor relations. Rocard led the moderate wing of the PS and he was the most popular of theSocialist politicians. Mitterrand decided to organize a new legislative election. The PS obtained a relative parliamentary majority. Four centre-right politicians joined the cabinet.

The second term was marked by the creation of the Insertion Minimum Revenue (RMI), which ensured a minimum level of income to those deprived of any other form of income;the restoring of the solidarity tax on wealth, which had been abolished by Chirac's cabinet; the institution of the Generalized social tax; the extension of parental leave up to the

child's third birthday;[45] the reform of the Common Agricultural Policy; the 1990 Gayssot Act on hate speech and Holocaust denial; the Besson law of 1990;[58] the Mermaz Law

of 1989;,[59] the introduction of a private childcare allowance;[60] the Urban Orientation Law of 1991;[61] the Arpaillange Act on the financing of political parties; the reform of thepenal code; the Matignon Agreements concerning New Caledonia; the Evin Act on smoking in public places; the extension of the age limit for family allowances to 18 years in

1990;[45][45][62] and the 1989 Education Act which, amongst other measures, obliged local authorities to educate all children with disabilities.[63] Several large architectural workswere pursued, in what would become known as the Grands Projets of François Mitterrand with the building of the Louvre Pyramid, the Channel Tunnel, the Grande Arche at LaDéfense, the Bastille Opera, the Finance Ministry in Bercy, and the National Library of France. On 16 February 1993, President Mitterrand inaugurated in Fréjus a memorial tothe wars in Indochina.

But the second term was also marked by rivalries within the PS and the split of the Mitterrandist group (at the Rennes Congress, where supporters of Laurent Fabius and LionelJospin clashed bitterly for control of the party), the scandals about the financing of the party, the contaminated blood scandal which implicated Laurent Fabius and former ministersGeorgina Dufoix and Emond Hervé, and the Elysée wiretaps affairs.

Second Cohabitation (1993–95)

Disappointed with Rocard's apparent failure to enact the Socialists' programme, Mitterrand dismissed Rocard in 1991 and appointed Édith Cresson to replace him. She was thefirst woman to become Prime Minister in France, but proved a costly mistake due to her tendency for making acerbic and racist public remarks. After the Socialists experiencedheavy losses in the 1992 regional elections, Cresson resigned from office. Her successor Pierre Bérégovoy promised to fight unemployment and corruption but he could notprevent the catastrophic defeat of the left in the 1993 legislative election. The Socialist Party suffered a crushing defeat with the right-wing parties winning 485 seats to the left's 92.He killed himself on 1 May 1993.

Mitterrand named the former RPR Finance Minister Edouard Balladur as Prime Minister. The second "cohabitation" was less contentious than the first, because the two men knewthey were not rivals for the next presidential election. By this point, Mitterrand was nearly 80 years old and suffering from cancer in addition to the shock of his friend François deGrossouvre's suicide. His second and last term ended after the 1995 presidential election in May 1995 with the election of Jacques Chirac. Socialist candidate Lionel Jospin lostthe presidential election.

Overall, as President, Mitterrand maintained the "basic characteristic of a strong welfare base underpinned by a strong state." A United Nations Human Development report

concluded that, from 1979 to 1989, France was the only country in the OECD (apart from Portugal) in which income inequalities did not get worse.[64] During his second term as

president, however, the gap between rich and poor widened in France,[65] with both unemployment and poverty rising in the awake of the economic recession of 1991–1993.[66]

Death

Mitterrand died in Paris on 8 January 1996 at the age of 79 from prostate cancer, a condition he and his doctors had concealed for most of his presidency (see section on Medical

Secrecy below).[67] A few days before his death, he was joined by family members and close friends for a "last meal" that attracted controversy because, in addition to other

gourmet dishes, it included the serving of roast ortolan bunting, a small wild songbird that is a protected species whose sale is (and was at the time) illegal in France.[68]

Foreign policy

Main article: Foreign policy of François Mitterrand

East/West relations

Mitterrand supported closer European collaboration and the preservation of France's special relationship with its former colonies, which he feared were falling under "Anglo-Saxon

influence." His drive to preserve French power in Africa led to controversies concerning Paris' role during the Rwandan Genocide.[69] Despite Mitterrand's left-wing affiliations, the1980s saw France becoming more distant from the USSR, especially following events such as the expulsion of 47 Soviet diplomats and their families from the country in 1982 afterthey were accused of large-scale industrial and military espionage. Mitterrand also sharply criticized the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan as well as the country's nuclear weaponsbuildup. When Mitterrand visited the USSR in November 1988, the Soviet media claimed to be 'leaving aside the virtually wasted decade and the loss of the Soviet-French 'specialrelationship' of the Gaullist era'.

Nevertheless, Mitterrand was worried by the rapidity of the Eastern bloc's collapse. He was opposed to German reunification but came to see it as unavoidable.[70] He wasopposed to the swift recognition of Croatia and Slovenia, which he thought would lead to the violent implosion of Yugoslavia.

France participated in the Gulf War (1990–1991) with the U.N. coalition.

European policy

His major achievements came internationally, especially in the European Economic Community. He initially opposed further membership fearing the Community was not ready and

it would water it down to a free trade area.[71]

He supported the enlargement of the Community to include Spain and Portugal (which both joined in January 1986). In February 1986 he helped the Single European Act comeinto effect. He worked well with Helmut Kohl and improved Franco-German relations significantly. Together they fathered the Maastricht Treaty, which was signed on 7 February1992. It was ratified by referendum, approved by just over 51% of the voters.

British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was against a German reunification[72] and also against the then discussed Maastricht Treaty. When Helmut Kohl, then GermanChancellor, asked Mitterrand to agree to reunification (France was one of the four Allies who had to agree to the Two Plus Four-treaty), Mitterrand told Kohl he accepted it onlyin the event Germany would abandon the Deutsche Mark and adopt the Euro. Kohl accepted this package deal (even without talking to Karl Otto Pöhl, then President of the

Bundesbank).[73][74]

1990 speech at La Baule

Responding to a democratic movement in Africa after the 1989 fall of the Berlin Wall, he made his La Baule speech in June 1990 which tied development aid to democratic effortsfrom former French colonies, and during which he opposed the devaluation of the CFA Franc. Seeing an "East wind" blowing in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, hestated that a "Southern wind" was also blowing in Africa, and that state leaders had to respond to the populations' wishes and aspirations by a "democratic opening", which

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stated that a "Southern wind" was also blowing in Africa, and that state leaders had to respond to the populations' wishes and aspirations by a "democratic opening", whichincluded a representative system, free elections, multipartyism, freedom of the press, an independent judiciary, and abolition of censorship. Claiming that France was the countrymaking the most important effort concerning development aid, he announced that the least developed countries (LDCs) would henceforth receive only grants from France, asopposed to loans (in order to combat the massive increase of Third World debt during the 1980s). He likewise limited the interest rate to 5% on French loans to intermediate-income countries (that is, Ivory Coast, Congo, Cameroon and Gabon).

He also criticized interventionism in sovereign matters, which was according to him only another form of "colonialism". However, according to Mitterrand, this did not implylessened concern on the part of Paris for its former colonies. Mitterrand thus continued with the African policy of de Gaulle inaugurated in 1960, which followed the relative failureof the 1958 creation of the French Community. All in all, Mitterrand's La Baule speech, which marked a relative turning point in France's policy concerning its former colonies, has

been compared with the 1956 loi-cadre Defferre which was responding to anti-colonialist feelings.[75]

African heads of state themselves reacted to Mitterrand's speech at most with indifference. Omar Bongo, President of Gabon, declared that he would rather have "events counselhim;" Abdou Diouf, President of Senegal, said that, according to him, the best solution was a "strong government" and a "good faith opposition;" the President of Chad, HissèneHabré (nicknamed the "African Pinochet") claimed that it was contradictory to demand that African states should simultaneously carry on a "democratic policy" and "social andeconomic policies which limited their sovereignty", in a clear allusion to the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank's "structural adjustment programs". Hassan II, the kingof Morocco, said for his part that "Africa was too open to the world to remain indifferent to what was happening around it", but that Western countries should "help young

democracies open out, without putting a knife under their throat, without a brutal transition to multipartyism."[76]

All in all, the La Baule speech has been said to be on one hand "one of the foundations of political renewal in Africa French speaking area", and on the other hand "cooperation

with France", this despite "incoherence and inconsistency, like any public policy".[77]

Discovery of HIV

Controversy surrounding the discovery of the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) was intense after American researcher Robert Gallo and French scientist Luc Montagnierboth claimed to have discovered it. The two scientists had given the new virus different names. The controversy was eventually settled by an agreement (helped along by themediation of Dr Jonas Salk) between President Ronald Reagan and Mitterrand which gave equal credit to both men and their teams.

Apology to the Huguenots

In October 1985, to commemorate the tricentenary of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, Mitterrand gave a formal apology to the descendents of Huguenots around the

world.[78] At the same time, a special postage stamp was released in their honour. The stamp states that France is the home of the Huguenots ("Accueil des Huguenots"). Hencetheir rights were finally recognised.

Co-Prince of Andorra

On 2 February 1993, in his capacity as co-prince of Andorra, Mitterrand and Joan Martí Alanis, who was Bishop of Urgell and therefore Andorra's other co-prince, signedAndorra's new constitution, which was later approved by referendum in the principality.

Prime Ministers during presidency

As of 2015, Mitterrand has had the most prime ministers during the regime of the 5th Republic.

Prime minister from to Notes

Pierre Mauroy 1981 1984

Laurent Fabius 1984 1986 The youngest PM since Decazes (39 years old)

Jacques Chirac 1986 1988 First cohabitation of the Fifth Republic

Michel Rocard 1988 1991

Édith Cresson 1991 1992 First female prime minister

Pierre Bérégovoy 1992 1993

Édouard Balladur 1993 1995 Second Cohabitation

Controversies

Medical secrecy

Following his death, a controversy erupted when his former physician, Dr Claude Gubler, wrote a book called Le Grand Secret ("The Great Secret") explaining that Mitterrandhad had false health reports published since November 1981, hiding his cancer. Mitterrand's family then prosecuted Gubler and his publisher for violating medical secrecy.

Pétain

Mitterrand came under fire in 1992 when it was revealed that he had arranged for the laying of a wreath of flowers on the grave of Philippe Pétain each Armistice Day since 1987.Pétain had been the leader of French forces at the dramatic Battle of Verdun in World War I, for which he was revered by his contemporaries. Later, however, he became leaderof Vichy France after the French defeat by Germany (June 1940) in World War II, collaborating with Nazi Germany and putting anti-semitic measures into place.

The placing of such a wreath was not without precedent. Presidents Charles de Gaulle and Valéry Giscard d'Estaing had wreaths placed on Pétain's grave to commemorate the50th and 60th anniversaries of the end of World War I. Similarly, President Georges Pompidou had a wreath placed in 1973 when Pétain's remains were returned to the Ile d'Yeuafter being stolen. Nonetheless, Mitterrand's regular annual tributes went beyond the marking by his predecessors of exceptional occasions, and offended sensibilities at a timewhen France was re-examining its role in the Holocaust.

Urba

The Urba consultancy was established in 1971 by the Socialist Party to advise Socialist-led communes on infrastructure projects and public works. The Urba affair became publicin 1989 when two police officers investigating the Marseille regional office of Urba discovered detailed minutes of the organisation's contracts and division of proceeds between theparty and elected officials. Although the minutes proved a direct link between Urba and graft activity, an edict from the office of Mitterrand, himself listed as a recipient, preventedfurther investigation. The Mitterrand election campaign of 1988 was directed by Henri Nallet, who then became Justice Minister and therefore in charge of the investigation atnational level. In 1990 Mitterrand declared an amnesty for those under investigation, thus ending the affair. Socialist Party treasurer Henri Emmanuelli was tried in 1997 forcorruption offences, for which he received a two-year suspended sentence.

Wiretaps

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Wiretaps

From 1982 to 1986, Mitterrand established an "anti-terror cell" installed as a service of the President of the Republic. This was an unusual set-up, since such law enforcementmissions against terrorism are normally left to the National Police and Gendarmerie, run under the cabinet and the Prime Minister, and under the supervision of the judiciary. Thecell was largely staffed by members of these services, but it bypassed the normal line of command and safeguards. 3000 conversations concerning 150 people (7 for reasonsjudged to be contestable by the ensuing court process) were recorded between January 1983 and March 1986 by this anti terrorist cell at the Elysée Palace. In one of its firstactions, the cell was involved in the "Irish of Vincennes" affair, in which it appeared that members of the cell had planted weapons and explosives in the Vincennes apartment ofthree Irish nationals who were arrested on terrorism charges. Most markedly, it appears that the cell, under illegal presidential orders, obtained wiretaps on journalists, politiciansand other personalities who may have been an impediment for Mitterrand's personal life. The illegal wiretapping was revealed in 1993 by Libération; the case against members of

the cell went to trial in November 2004.[79][80]

It took 20 years for the 'affaire' to come before the courts because the instructing judge Jean-Paul Vallat was at first thwarted by the 'affaire' being classed a defence secret, but inDecember 1999 la Commission consultative du secret de la défense nationale declassified part of the files concerned. The Judge finished his investigation in 2000, but it still tookanother four years before coming on 15 November 2004 before the 16th chamber of the Tribunal correctionnel de Paris. 12 people were charged with "atteinte à la vie privée"(breach of privacy) and one with selling computer files. 7 were given suspended sentences and fines and 4 were found not guilty.

The 'affaire' finally ended before the Tribunal correctionnel de Paris with the court's judgement on 9 November 2005. 7 members of the President's anti-terrorist unit were

condemned and Mitterrand was designated as the "inspirator and essentially the controller of the operation."[81]

The court's judgement revealed that Mitterrand was motivated by keeping elements of his private life secret from the general public, such as the existence of his illegitimate daughterMazarine Pingeot (which the writer Jean-Edern Hallier, was threatening to reveal), his cancer which had been diagnosed in 1981, and the elements of his past in the Vichy Régimewhich were not already public knowledge. The court judged that certain people were tapped for "obscure" reasons, such as Carole Bouquet's companion, a lawyer with family inthe Middle East, Edwy Plenel, a journalist for le Monde who covered the Rainbow Warrior story and the Vincennes Three affair, and the lawyer Antoine Comte. The courtdeclared "Les faits avaient été commis sur ordre soit du président de la République, soit des ministres de la Défense successifs qui ont mis à la disposition de (Christian Prouteau)tous les moyens de l'État afin de les exécuter" (translation: these actions were committed following orders from the French President or his various Defence Ministers who gaveChristian Prouteau full access to the state machinery so he could execute the orders) The court stated that Mitterrand was the principal instigator of the wire taps (l'inspirateur et ledécideur de l'essentiel) and that he had ordered some of the taps and turned a blind eye to others and that none of the 3000 wiretaps carried out by the cell were legally

obtained.[82]

On 13 March 2007 the Court of Appeal in Paris awarded €1 damages to the actress Carole Bouquet and €5000 to Lieutenant-Colonel Jean-Michel Beau for breach of

privacy.[83]

The case was taken to the European Court of Human Rights, which gave judgement on 7 June 2007 that the rights of free expression of the journalists involved in the case were notrespected.

In 2008 the French state was ordered by the courts to give Jean-Edern Hallier's family compensation.[84]

Rwanda

Paris assisted Rwanda's president Juvénal Habyarimana, who was assassinated on 6 April 1994 while travelling in a Dassault Falcon 50 given to him as a personal gift ofMitterrand. Through the offices of the 'Cellule Africaine', a Presidential office headed by Mitterrand's son, Jean-Christophe, he provided the Hutu regime with financial and militarysupport in the early 1990s. With French assistance, the Rwandan army grew from a force of 9,000 men in October 1990 to 28,000 in 1991. France also provided training staff,experts and massive quantities of weaponry and facilitated arms contracts with Egypt and South Africa. It also financed, armed and trained Habyrimana's Presidential Guard.French troops were deployed under Opération Turquoise, a military operation carried out under a United Nations (UN) mandate. The operation is currently the object of politicaland historical debate.

Bombing of the Rainbow Warrior

Main article: Sinking of the Rainbow WarriorFurther information: France–New Zealand relations

Killing of Fernando Pereira

On 10 July 1985, the Rainbow Warrior, a Greenpeace vessel, was in New Zealand preparing to protest against French nuclear testing in the South Pacific when two explosionssank the ship. Photographer Fernando Pereira tried, following the first explosion, to retrieve his equipment, and was caught by the second explosion and drowned. The New

Zealand government called the bombing the first terrorist attack in the country.[85][86] In mid-1985, French Defence Minister Charles Hernu was forced to resign after thediscovery of French involvement in the attack against the Rainbow Warrior.

On the twentieth anniversary of the sinking it was revealed that Mitterrand had personally authorised the bombing which resulted in Pereira's death.[87] Admiral Pierre Lacoste, theformer head of the DGSE, made a statement saying Pereira's death weighed heavily on his conscience. Also on that anniversary, Television New Zealand (TVNZ) sought to accessa video recording made at the preliminary hearing where two French agents pleaded guilty, a battle they won in 2006.

Political career

President of the French Republic: 1981–1995. Reelected in 1988.

Governmental functions

Minister of State, minister of Justice: 1956–1957.

Minister of Interior: 1954–1955.

Minister for Council of Europe: June–September 1953

Minister of State: January–March 1952.

Minister of Overseas and Colonies: 1950–1951.

Secretary of State for Presidency of Council: 1948–1949.

Secretary of State for Information: July–September 1948.

Minister of Veterans and War Victims: 1947–1948.

Electoral mandates

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National Assembly of France

Member of the National Assembly of France for Nièvre: 1946–1958 / 1962–1981 (resignation, became President of the French Republic in 1981). Elected in 1946, reelected in1951, 1956, 1962, 1967, 1968, 1973, 1978.

Senate of France

Senator of Nièvre: 1959–1962 (resignation, reelected member of the National Assembly of France in 1962). Elected in 1959.

General Council

President of the General Council of Nièvre: 1964–1981 (resignation, became President of the French Republic in 1981). Reelected in 1967, 1970, 1973, 1976, 1979.

General councillor of Nièvre: 1949–1981 (resignation). Reelected in 1955, 1961, 1967, 1973, 1979.

Municipal Council

Mayor of Château-Chinon (Ville): 1959–1981 (resignation, became President of the French Republic in 1981). Reelected in 1965, 1971, 1977.

Municipal councillor of Château-Chinon (Ville): 1959–1981 (resignation). Reelected in 1965, 1971, 1977.

Political function

First Secretary (leader) of the Socialist Party: 1971–1981 (resignation, became President of the French Republic in 1981). Reelected in 1973, 1975, 1977, 1979.

Honours

France

Grand Master of the Legion of HonourGrand Master of the Ordre national du Mérite

Foreign honours

This list is incomplete; you can help by expanding it (https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Fran%C3%A7ois_Mitterrand&action=edit).

Iceland: Grand Cross with Collar of the Order of the Falcon (12 April 1983) [88]

Italy: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic (July 1982)[89]

Netherlands: Grand Cross of the Order of the Netherlands Lion (1991)[90]

Portugal: Grand Collar of the Order of Prince Henry (29 September 1983)[91]

Portugal: Grand Collar of the Order of Liberty (28 October 1987)[91]

South Africa: Grand Cross of the Order of Good Hope in 1994 [92]

Sweden: Knight of the Royal Order of the Seraphim (11 May 1984)[93][94]

United Kingdom: Honorary Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (See List) [95]

Philippines: Raja of the Order of Sikatuna (11 July 1989)

Vexillology and heraldry

President Mitterrand had chosen a tree half oak half olive-tree as symbol for his presidential flag.[96]

President Mitterrand received from King Carl XVI Gustav of Sweden a coat of arms linked to the reception of the Order of the Seraphim, which reproduces this symbol.[93]

References

1. Tiersky, Ronald. François Mitterrand: a Very French President. 2003, Rowman and Littlefield. pp. 38–42.2. "‘Okay, François Mitterrand was my dad,’ Swedish politician reveals". France 24. 9 August 2014. Retrieved 10 August 2014.3. "Hravn Forsne | Nya Moderaterna". moderat.se. Retrieved 7 December 2014.4. "Mitterrands son vill in i riksdagen – DN.SE". dn.se. Retrieved 7 December 2014.5. Pierre Péan, Une jeunesse française (biography on Mitterrand), p.23-356. Henry Rousso, Le Syndrome de Vichy, p.3657. Jean Lacouture, Mitterrand, une histoire de Français, éd. du Seuil, « Points », pp. 46/488. https://books.google.com/books?id=LiHLZQ6XtzEC&pg=PA287&lpg=PA287&dq=Fran%C3%A7ois+Mitterrand+agnostic&source=bl&ots=SdsQqn7-

f3&sig=46mlNDFUTfLpdaqUJJVt6vIguS0&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0CCkQ6AEwAmoVChMI06KOja3hyAIVy52ICh01JgyC#v=onepage&q=Fran%C3%A7ois%20Mitterrand%20agnostic&f=false9. *François Mitterrand, Mémoires interrompus, éd. Odile Jacob, 1996

10. reprinted in Politique I, in 197811. Robert Belot in La Résistance sans De Gaulle, éd. Fayard, 2006, et Henry Rousso in l'Express n° 2871, du 13 juillet 200612. Jean Lacouture, Mitterrand, une histoire de Français, op. cit., pp. 75/79 et Franz-Olivier Giesbert, François Mitterrand, une vie, éd. du Seuil, « Points », 1996, pp. 77/7913. Pierre Péan, Une jeunesse française, op. cit., pp. 217/218 et Jean Lacouture, Mitterrand, une histoire de Français, op. cit., p. 8114. a photograph taken at this meeting is on the cover of Pierre Péan's book. Marcel Barrois is in the photo.15. "autumn 1943", from : Franz-Olivier Giesbert, François Mitterrand ou la tentation de l'histoire, Éditions du Seuil, 1977 ISBN 2-02-004591-5, chap. 5, p.49.16. Jean Pierre-Bloch, De Gaulle ou le temps des méprises (pp. 216/218) « C'était sur notre ordre que François Mitterrand était resté dans les services de prisonniers de Vichy. Lorsqu'il

avait été proposé pour la francisque, nous avions été parfaitement tenus au courant ; nous lui avions conseillé d'accepter cette "distinction" pour ne pas se dévoiler. ».17. Jacques Attali, C'était François Mitterrand, Fayard, 200518. Pierre Péan, op. cit., p. 30219. Pierre Péan, op. cit., pp. 309/31020. Patrick Rotman et Jean Lacouture, "le roman du pouvoir" (http://www.lexpress.fr/info/france/dossier/mitt/dossier.asp?ida=418472), L'Express21. Franz-Olivier Giesbert, François Mitterrand, une vie, p. 94. "François Mitterrand avait réussi à mettre sur pied un véritable réseau de renseignement dans les camps. Grâce aux

prisonniers de guerre, nous avons pu prendre connaissances d'informations, parfois décisives, sur ce qui se passait derrière les frontières"22. On 12 July 1944 Maurice Schumann (la voice of the Free French) recounted this event on BBC radio.23. Jean Lacouture, Mitterrand, une histoire de Français, op. cit., pp. 97 et 9924. Franz-Olivier Giesbert, François Mitterrand, une vie, éd. du Seuil, 1996, p. 10025. Pierre Péan book pp. 364/36526. Jean Lacouture, Mitterrand, une histoire de Français, tome 1, p. 10227. Mémoires de guerre, tome 3, de Gaulle28. Jean Lacouture, Mitterrand, une histoire de Français, éd. Seuil, 2000, the book is quoted on La Fabrique de sens (http://www.fabriquedesens.net/Robert-Antelme-signataire-du)29. Entretiens inédits François Mitterrand – Marguerite Duras, éd. sonores Frémeaux & Associés, 2007 ?

option=com_virtuemart&page=shop.livrets&content_id=2087&product_id=834&category_id=69 en ligne (http://www.fremeaux.com/index.php)

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option=com_virtuemart&page=shop.livrets&content_id=2087&product_id=834&category_id=69 en ligne (http://www.fremeaux.com/index.php)30. "Les guillotinés de Mitterrand – Le Point". lepoint.fr. Retrieved 7 December 2014.31. Paxton, Robert O. (28 June 1987). "The Mitterrand Mystery". The New York Times. Retrieved 2 May 2010. [sic]32. Tiersky, Ronald. François Mitterrand: a Very French President. Page 30. Lanham, Maryland; Rowman and Littlefield; 2000.33. Mishra, Pankaj (20 December 2010). "Staying Power". The New Yorker. Retrieved 27 August 2012.34. René Rémond, Notre siècle, 1988, Fayard, p.664 ff.35. "Élection présidentielle de 1981". Miroirs.ironie.org. Retrieved 11 March 2013.36. Socialism, the State and Public Policy in France edited by Philip G. Cerny and Martin A. Schain37. Mitterrand's France Edited by Sonia Mazey and Michael Newman38. Vail, Mark I. (2009). Recasting Welfare Capitalism Economic Adjustment in Contemporary France and Germany. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. ISBN 978-1-59213-967-5.39. Contemporary France: Politics and Society Since 1945 by D. L. Hanley, Miss A P Kerr, N. H. Waites40. "History of the Minitel". Whitepages.fr. Retrieved 11 March 2013.41. Schmidt, V.A. (1996). From State to Market?: The Transformation of French Business and Government. Cambridge University Press. p. 125. ISBN 9780521555531. Retrieved

7 December 2014.42. Smith, W. Rand (1998). The Left's Dirty Job: The Politics of Industrial Restructuring in France and Spain. University of Pittsburgh Press. p. 102. ISBN 978-0-8229-7189-4.

Retrieved 28 August 2014.43. Bearce, D. (2009). Monetary Divergence: Domestic Policy Autonomy in the Post-Bretton Woods Era. University of Michigan Press. p. 107. ISBN 9780472023097. Retrieved

7 December 2014.44. The French Socialist Party: Resurgence and Victory by D. S. Bell and Byron Criddle45. France during the socialist years by Gino Raymond46. Hoskyns, C. (1996). Integrating Gender: Women, Law and Politics in the European Union. Verso. p. 217. ISBN 9781859840788. Retrieved 7 December 2014.47. European Welfare Policy: Squaring the Welfare Circle edited by Vic George and Peter Taylor-Gooby48. Corbett, Anne; Moon, Bob (2002-03-11). Education in France: Continuity and Change in the Mitterrand Years 1981–1995. Taylor & Francis. pp. 96–. ISBN 978-0-203-03568-9.

Retrieved 28 August 2014.49. The French Socialist Experiment by John S. Ambler50. The French Socialists in Power, 1981–1986 by Patrick McCarthy51. New Scientist. Reed Business Information. p. 29. ISSN 0262-4079. Retrieved 7 December 2014.52. PSI. "Education – France in the United Kingdom – La France au Royaume-Uni". ambafrance-uk.org. Retrieved 7 December 2014.53. Shields, J. (2007). The Extreme Right in France: From Pétain to Le Pen. Taylor & Francis. p. 200. ISBN 9781134861118. Retrieved 7 December 2014.54. The Death of Politics: France under Mitterrand by John Laughland55. Winter, B. (2008). Hijab and the Republic: Uncovering the French Headscarf Debate. Syracuse University Press. p. 113. ISBN 9780815651321. Retrieved 7 December 2014.56. "Socialist Party". Spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk. 1914-07-31. Retrieved 11 March 2013.57. "Élection présidentielle de 1988". Miroirs.ironie.org. Retrieved 11 March 2013.58. [1] (http://www.oecd.org/gov/publicsectorinnovationande-government/2537279.pdf) Archived

(https://web.archive.org/web/20130514193530/http://www.oecd.org/gov/publicsectorinnovationande-government/2537279.pdf) 14 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine59. "France: Letting in France, Rules & Regulations, Various rules and regulations apply to the letting of". justlanded.com. Retrieved 7 December 2014.60. Armingeon, K.; Bonoli, G. (2007). The Politics of Post-Industrial Welfare States: Adapting Post-War Social Policies to New Social Risks. Taylor & Francis. p. 218.

ISBN 9781134179107. Retrieved 7 December 2014.61. "National Analytical Study on Housing" (PDF). Retrieved 11 March 2013.62. "Le portail du service public de la Sécurité sociale / L’allocation de rentrée scolaire est (...)". securite-sociale.fr. Retrieved 7 December 2014.63. Innovation, C.E.R. (1997). Implementing Inclusive Education. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. p. 24. ISBN 9789264155893. Retrieved 7 December 2014.64. France since 1870: Culture, Politics, and Society by Charles Sowerine65. One Hundred Years of Socialism: The West European Left in the Twentieth Century by Donald Sassoon66. The Mitterrand Years: Legacy and Evaluation edited by Mairi Maclean67. Whitney, Craig R. (9 January 1996). "Francois Mitterrand Dies at 79; Champion of a Unified Europe". The New York Times (The New York Times Company): 1. Retrieved

10 November 2011.68. See discussion page, including reference to the accounts of Roger Hanin and George-Marc Benhamou (Link at: http://www.denistouret.net/textes/Benamou.html). See also "The Last

Meal" by Michael Paterniti, Esquire Magazine, 1 May 1998. Accessed on 1 January 2011 at: http://www.esquire.com/features/The-Last-Meal-0598.69. Mitterrand's role revealed in Rwandan genocide warning (http://news.independent.co.uk/europe/article2730430.ece), 3 July 2007. The Independent70. Binyon, Michael (11 September 2009). "Thatcher told Gorbachev Britain did not want German reunification". The Times (London). Retrieved 2 May 2010.71. Beyond Enlargement Fatigue? The Dutch debate on Turkish accession (http://www.esiweb.org/index.php?lang=en&id=156&document_ID=74), European Security Initiative 200672. sueddeutsche.de 10.9.2009: Für Thatcher war Deutschland eine gefährliche Kröte (http://www.sueddeutsche.de/politik/deutsche-einheit-fuer-thatcher-war-deutschland-eine-

gefaehrliche-kroete-1.28579)

73. spiegel.de: Mitterrand forderte Euro als Gegenleistung für die Einheit (http://www.spiegel.de/politik/ausland/0,1518,719608,00.html); spiegel.de 27. April 1998: Dunkelste Stunden. –Der Kanzler öffnet die Akten über die deutsche Einheit. Die Dokumente zeigen: Frankreich hat das schnelle Ende der Mark erzwungen. (http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/print/d-7870401.html); spiegel.de 2. März 1998: Weg ohne Wiederkehr. – Hinter der Fassade ihrer deutsch-französischen Freundschaft haben Helmut Kohl und François Mitterrand erbittertum Einheit und Euro gerungen, wie jetzt neue Dokumente aus dem Kanzleramt zeigen. (http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/print/d-7833746.html)

74. spiegel.de 8. May 2012: Operation Self-Deceit: New Documents Shine Light on Euro Birth Defects (http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/euro-struggles-can-be-traced-to-origins-of-common-currency-a-831842.html)

75. François Mitterrand et la démocratie en Afrique, huit ans après (http://helios.univ-reims.fr/Labos/CERI/Mitterrand_et_la_democratie_en_Afrique.htm#UN%20DISCOURS%20DE%20CIRCONSTANCE), by Albert Bourgi, Centre d'études et de recherches

internationales (CERI) (mixed study unit with the CNRS, dependent of the Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques) (French)76. Les 22 premières conférences des chefs d'Etat de France et d'Afrique (http://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/fr/IMG/pdf/B0100_-fiche22sommets.pdf), on French government website –

URL accessed in January 2007 (French)77. Le discours de la Baule et le pluralisme en Afrique noire francophone. Essai d'analyse d'une contribution à l'instauration de la démocratie dans les états d'Afrique noire d'expression

française (http://doc-iep.univ-lyon2.fr/Ressources/Documents/Etudiants/Memoires/detail-memoire.html?ID=310), 1993–94 DEA mémoire of Félix François Lissouck, under the

direction of Paul Bacot, held in the Political Studies Institute (IEP) of Lyon. (French)78. "Allocution de M. François Mitterrand, Président de la République, aux cérémonies du tricentenaire de la Révocation de l'Edit de Nantes, sur la tolérance en matière politique et

religieuse et l'histoire du protestantisme en France, Paris, Palais de l'UNESCO". Discours.vie-publique.fr. 1985-10-11. Retrieved 11 March 2013.79. "(Subscription)". Le Monde. France. Retrieved 3 June 2010.80. Von Derschau, Verena. "Le procès des "écoutes de l'Elysée" doit commencer lundi à Paris". La Presse Canadienne.81. "La police française déploie ses grandes oreilles, 30 mai 2007". News.fr. Retrieved 3 June 2010.82. Les oreilles du Président de Jean-Marie Pontaut et Jérome Dupuis, Fayard, 1996. Les mots volés de Edwy Plenel, Stock, 1997. Le Journaliste et le Président de Edwy Plenel, 2006.83. « Carole Bouquet victime des écoutes de l'Elysée » (http://www.lexpress.fr/info/quotidien/actu.asp?id=9840), L'Express, mardi 13 mars 2007, 18h19 ; « Carole Bouquet rétablie

comme victime des écoutes de l'Elysée » (http://fr.news.yahoo.com/13032007/290/carole-bouquet-retablie-comme-victime-des-ecoutes-de-l-elysee.html), PARIS (Reuters), mardi 13mars 2007, 17h03, cité par Yahoo! News ; Libération, 17 mars 2007 cité dans « Les écoutes de l’Élysée » : la cour d’appel de Paris à l’écoute ... d’une nouvelle civilisation(http://www.agoravox.fr/article.php3?id_article=20952), AgoraVox, le média citoyen

84. J.-B., Écoutes de l'Elysée : l'État devra indemniser la famille Hallier (http://www.lefigaro.fr/actualite-france/2008/07/25/01016-20080725ARTFIG00385-ecoutes-de-l-elysee-l-etat-devra-indemniser-la-famille-hallier-.php.), Le Figaro, 25 juillet 2008

85. Greenpeace, vingt ans après : le rapport secret de l'amiral Lacoste (http://www.lemonde.fr/web/article/0,1-0@2-3226,36-671207@51-671291,0.html), Le Monde, 10 July 2005

(Subscription) (French)86. Painton, Frederick (30 September 1985). "France "Criminal, Absurd . . . and Stupid" – 30 Sep. 1985". Time. Retrieved 3 June 2010.87. "Mitterrand ordered bombing of Rainbow Warrior, spy chief says – 11 July 2005". Times Online. Retrieved 11 March 2013.88. Icelandese Presidency Website (http://falkadb.forseti.is/orduskra/fal03.php?term=Mitterand%2C+Fran%E7ois&sub=Leita), Mitterrand, François ; forseti Frakklands ; Frakkland ;

1983-04-12 ; Stórkross með keðju (François Mitterrand ; Président of France ; France ; 1983-04-12 ; Grand Cross with Collar)89. Italian Presidency Website, S.E. Francois MITTERAND (http://www.quirinale.it/elementi/DettaglioOnorificenze.aspx?decorato=15708), "Cavaliere di Gran Croce Ordine al Merito

della Repubblica Italiana"90. Volks krant, State visit of Netherlands in France (Mitterrand), 1991, Group Photo (http://static2.volkskrant.nl/static/photo/2012/5/3/3/album_large_1067178.jpg)91. Portuguese Presidency Website, Orders search form (http://www.ordens.presidencia.pt/?idc=154&list=1) : type "MITTERRAND" in "nome", then click "Pesquisar"92. "1994 National Orders awards". Info.gov.za. 2007-12-06. Retrieved 11 March 2013.93. Heraldry (http://www.debatthuset.com/forums/showthread.php?t=12637) of the Order of the Seraphim94. Photos (http://www.reservoirphoto.com/fotoweb/Search_results.fwx?folderid=5000&search=%28IPTC025%20contains%20%28Carl%20XVI%20Gustav%29%29) of the state visit

in Sweden95. Photo (http://media.tipsimages.it/MediaNews/Logo/RDA00028436.jpg) of the state visit in United Kingdom96. "Flags of President of the Republic". Svowebmaster.free.fr. Retrieved 11 March 2013.

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Wikimedia Commons hasmedia related to FrançoisMitterrand.

Wikiquote has quotationsrelated to: FrançoisMitterrand

Further reading

Bell, David S. "François Mitterrand: the President as ‘Political Artist’." in David S. Bell and John Gaffney, eds. The Presidents of the French Fifth Republic (2013): 136+

Cogan, Charles. "Mitterrand, France, and NATO: the European transition." Journal of Transatlantic Studies (2011) 9#3 pp: 257-267.Cole, Alistair. François Mitterrand: a study in political leadership, London, Routledge, 1994, ISBN 0-415-07159-3.

Laughland, John. The Death of Politics: France Under Mitterrand (1994)Short, Philip. Mitterrand. A study in ambiguity, London, Bodley Head, 2014; published in the United States as "A Taste for Intrigue: The Multiple Lives of François

Mitterrand

External links

Louvre inauguration speech by Mitterrand (http://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Inauguration_du_Grand_Louvre)

François Mitterrand Institute (http://www.mitterrand.org)French President Poll (01/2006) (http://www.guardian.co.uk/france/story/0,,1676950,00.html)

"Mitterrand's Legacy" (http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=19960129&s=singer) (1996) in The NationSource of quoted article

Assembly seats

Preceded byRoger Gillot

Deputy from the 3rd district of Nièvre10 November 1946 – 8 December 1958

Succeeded byJehan Faulquier

Preceded byJean Doussot

Senator from Nièvre26 April 1959 – 13 December 1962

Succeeded byDaniel Benoîst

Preceded byJehan Faulquier

Deputy from the 3rd district of Nièvre6 December 1962 – 21 May 1981

Succeeded byBernard Bardin

Political offices

Preceded byMax Lejeune

Minister of Veterans and War Victims1947

Succeeded byDaniel Mayer

Preceded byDaniel Mayer

Minister of Veterans and War Victims1947–1948

Succeeded byAndré Maroselli

Preceded byPaul Coste-Floret

Minister of Overseas France1950–1951

Succeeded byLouis Jacquinot

Preceded byLéon Martinaud-Deplat

Minister of the Interior1954–1955

Succeeded byMaurice Bourgès-Maunoury

Preceded byRobert Schuman

Minister of Justice1956–1957

Succeeded byEdouard Corniglion-Molinier

Preceded byValéry Giscard d'Estaing

President of France1981–1995

Succeeded byJacques Chirac

Party political offices

New titleFirst Direct Elections

SFIO nominee for President of France1965

Succeeded byGaston Defferre

Communist nominee for President of France1965

Succeeded byJacques Duclos

Preceded byAlain Savary

First Secretary of the Socialist Party1971–1981 Succeeded by

Lionel JospinNew political party

Socialist nominee for President of France1974, 1981, 1988

Regnal titles

Preceded byValéry Giscard d'Estaing

Co-Prince of Andorra1981–1995

Served alongside: Joan Martí i Alanis

Succeeded byJacques Chirac

Catholic Church titles

Preceded byValéry Giscard d'Estaing

Honorary Canon of the Basilica of St. John Lateran1981–1995

Succeeded byJacques Chirac

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Valéry Giscard d'Estaing 1981–1995 Jacques Chirac

Diplomatic posts

Preceded byPierre Trudeau

Chairperson of the Group of 71982

Succeeded byRonald Reagan

Preceded byBrian Mulroney

Chairperson of the Group of 71989

Succeeded byGeorge H. W. Bush

Academic offices

Preceded byRuud Lubbers

Speaker of the College of Europe Opening Ceremony1987

Succeeded byMargaret Thatcher

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=François_Mitterrand&oldid=687667429"

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