family and capitalist farming- conceptural and historical
TRANSCRIPT
LUND UNIVERSITY
PO Box 117221 00 Lund+46 46-222 00 00
Family and capitalist farming: Conceptual and historical perspectives
Djurfeldt, Göran
Published in:Structural transformation and agrarian change in India
2016
Document Version:Early version, also known as pre-print
Link to publication
Citation for published version (APA):Djurfeldt, G. (2016). Family and capitalist farming: Conceptual and historical perspectives. In G. Djurfeldt, & S.Sircar (Eds.), Structural transformation and agrarian change in India Routledge.
Total number of authors:1
General rightsUnless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply:Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authorsand/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by thelegal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private studyor research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal
Read more about Creative commons licenses: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/Take down policyIf you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will removeaccess to the work immediately and investigate your claim.
Familyandcapitalistfarming:ConceptualandhistoricalperspectivesGöranDjurfeldt
Thisisthedraftintroductorychaptertoaforthcomingbook,1whichaimstotesta
generalpropositionaboutfamilyfarmingasgettingstrengthenedbystructural
transformationinIndia.2Weobviouslyneedtostartbydefiningourterms:structural
transformation(ST)andagrariantransformation.Brieflyputwerefertoasocialand
economicprocessduringwhichtheindustrialandservicesectorsaregrowingin
proportionsofGDPandofthetotallabourforce.Amainquestioninthisbookis
therefore:Whathappenstotheagrariansector,whentheeconomyasawholeis
transforming?
ReferringnotspecificallytoIndia,butmoregenerallytohistoricalexperiencesofST,
mainlyinthewest,therearetwoclassicalattemptsatanswerstowhathappenstothe
agrariansectorduringthetransformation.Thefirstoneisassociatedwithneoclassical
economics,withMarxismandwithmodernizationtheoriesinsociologyandpolitical
science.Forreasonsthatareinterestingassuch,butwhichwewillavoidhere,the
secondtypeofanswerwasneverpartofanymajorintellectualoracademictradition.
Thealternativeanswerhastodowithfamilyfarming.
Thefirstclassicalanswertotheabovequestionisthat‘traditional’agriculture,however
definedandtermed,transformsintocapitalistagriculturewithlargefarmsdependent
onhiredlabour.Suchfarmsareexpectedtobemoreefficientandtooutcompetesmaller
farmsdependentonfamilylabour.Thealternativeanswerisclassicallyisassociated
withnamesliketheRussianagriculturaleconomistA.V.Chayanov(1888–1937),and
theGermanSocialDemocratKarlKautsky(1854–1938)whowerecriticalofthebelief
inthesuperiorityoffactory-likeorganizationoffarming.
1Djurfeldt,G.andS.Sircar(2016).StructuraltransformationandagrarianchangeinIndia.NewYorkand
London,Routledge.
2AswillbeevidentinChapter2wepreferthetermagrarianstructuraltransformationtoagrarian
transition,whichisusedbymanyIndianauthors.
Whiletheconceptofstructuraltransformation(ST)willbeintroducedlater,wewill
heredevoteourselvestofamilyversuscapitalistfarming:Whataretheirrespective
characteristics?Whythesecontraryexpectationswhereonecampisconvincedofthe
technicalsuperiorityofcapitalistorganizationsinagriculture,whiletheotheris
scepticalandpointstotheresilienceoffamilyfarmorganization?Whatfollowsisan
outlineofaperspectivefromeconomicsociologyonagrarianstructures3andtheir
transformation.
Noneoftheauthorsisaneconomist.Ourperspectivescomefromsociologyand
geographyandourmethodologyismainlyWeberian(afterMaxWeber,1864–1920).A
keyconceptinWeberiansociologyisthatofanidealtype.
MaxWebercoinedhistermofidealtypeasakeyconceptinhismethodology,following
hisconclusionsfromthegreatmethodologicaldebateamongGermanhistoriansinthe
late19thcentury.ItismainlyacritiqueofHegelianism,whichatthetimehadadeep
influenceamonghistoriansandphilosophers,includingKarlMarxandtheMarxists.The
Hegelianswereconceptualrealists,workingfromamasterconcept,likeHegel’s‘Spirit’,
fromwhichanunderstandingofempiricalrealityinallitscomplexitieswastobe
deduced.PrevioustoWeber,thealternativetoconceptualrealismamonghistorianshad
alwaysbeenanempiricistoratheoreticalapproach.Usinganideal-typeapproachplaces
theWeberianinamid-positionbetweenconceptualrealismandempiricism.
Usingthisapproachwewillsketchtwoidealtypesofproductionunits,familyand
capitalistfarms.Wewillalsodiscusstheidealtypeagriculturallabourer.Withthese
definitionsinhand,webrieflydiscussLenin’stheoryofcapitalistdevelopment,whichas
afigureofthoughthasmoreincommonwithclassicalnotionsineconomics(for
examplewithArthurLewis)thanonewouldthink.
Incontinuingwetakeaccountofafact,whichisoftenneglectedintheoriesof
agriculturaldevelopmentthattendtoregardruraleconomiesaspurelyagricultural.We
useatermfromruralsociology,i.e.pluriactivity.Thetermhighlightsthefactthat
membersoffarmhouseholdsoftencombineseveralincomeearningactivities.
3AccordingtotheFAOdefinition,‘agriculture’refersalsoforestry,huntingandfishing.Weuseitmostlyto
denoteagricultureassuch.Weuse‘agrarian’inamoreextensivemeaningthanagricultural,referringnot
onlytoagriculturepersebutalsotoitsinstitutionalcontext.
Economistsrefertothesamephenomenonwithanacronym:RNFE,RuralNon-Farm
Enterprise(orEmployment,onecouldadd),whilegeographersusetheterms,multi-
localormulti-spatiallivelihoods.Alongwithmanyotherswearguethatinorderto
understandagriculturaldevelopment,currentlyandglobally,wehavetoabandonthe
tendencytoviewthefarmsectoraspurelyagricultural.
Drawingonthediscussionofpluriactivityandthethreeidealtypesofcapitalistfarms,
familyfarmsandagriculturallabourers,weformulateatypologyofreallyexistingfarms.
Aswewillsee,familyfarmspersistandevenincreasetheirpredominanceglobally,
despitemanyprognosesofpendingdemise.Oneofthereasonsforthisisexactly
pluriactivityandanotheroneistechnologyandthefactthatfarmtechnologieshave
proventobemorescale-neutralthanwhathasandisoftenpresumed.Thisiswhyideal,
orneartheidealtypicalcapitalistfarmsarerarehistorically,aswellascurrently.We
continuewithadiscussionofagrarianpolicies,intheWest,inIndiaandelsewhere,
whichinisturnlaysthegroundforthequestiontoberesearchedinlaterchapters:the
positionoffamilyfarminginIndiaandthehypothesisaboutitsincreasingprevalence.
Idealtypesoffarms
WeuseidealtypeasdefinedbyMaxWeber:
"Anidealtypeisformedbytheone-sidedaccentuationofoneormorepointsofviewandby
thesynthesisofagreatmanydiffuse,discrete,moreorlesspresentandoccasionallyabsent
concreteindividualphenomena,whicharearrangedaccordingtothoseonesidedly
emphasizedviewpointsintoaunifiedanalyticalconstruct..."(Weber1997,1949,p.90)
IdealtypesfeatureprominentlyinaWeberiantoolbox.Contrastingidealtypesoffarms,
inourcase,withreallyexistingonesisanimportantmethodologyaimedtobetter
understandthecomplexityoftherealworld.Ithelpsinmakingsenseofanempirical
material,aswellasinunderstandinghowpreconceivednotionsformourunderstanding
ofreality.Systematicallycollectedempiricalmaterial,i.e.notonlyanecdotalor
piecemealevidence,buthardevidence,intheformofmacro-andmicro-levelstatistics,
andreviewsofexistingresearch,historicallyaswellascurrently,helpsinexposingthe
idealtypetoakindoftestofitsempiricaladequacy.Thisisturnaidstheresearcherin
workingouttheoreticallygroundedtypologiesandempiricallyadequateaccountsof
socialreality.
Workingwithsuchamethodologywewilldiscussthreeidealtypes,viz.thatofthe
familyfarm,counterpoisedwiththecapitalistfarmandtheagriculturallabourer,on
whomthelatterdependsconceptuallyaswellasreally.
Themainhypothesisinthisworkisthatprocessesofstructuraltransformation,
historically,currently(andhypotheticallyinthecaseofIndia)willbringwithitan
increasingimportanceandeventualpredominanceoffamilyfarms.Thisobviouslycalls
foranexplanationbutfirstofalladefinitionoffamilyfarm.
Definingidealtypesoffarms
TheInternationalSteeringCommitteefortheInternationalYearofFamilyFarming,
celebratedin2014,developedthefollowingconceptualdefinitionoffamilyfarming:
FamilyFarming(whichincludesallfamily-basedagriculturalactivities)isameansof
organizingagricultural,forestry,fisheries,pastoralandaquacultureproductionwhichis
managedandoperatedbyafamilyandpredominantlyreliantonfamilylabour,including
bothwomen’sandmen’s.Thefamilyandthefarmarelinked,co-evolveandcombine
economic,environmental,socialandculturalfunctions.(FAO2014)
Obviouslypolitical,theabovedefinitionwasformulatedbytheSteeringCommittee,
presumablyafteralotofstrategicandtacticaldeliberationsandcompromises.To
functionmethodologicallythedefinitionistoobroadanddiverse.Inordertoworkout
anidealtypedefinitionweneedsomethingsharperthantheonecited.Oneofthe
backgroundpaperstotheFAOreportwrittenbyLowder,Skoetetal.(2014)isofgood
help.Theauthorsscrutinized36definitionsoffamilyfarmingandfoundthatnearlyall
ofthemincludedanelementoffamilymanagement,andspecifythatpartofthe
definitionofafamilyfarmisthatamemberofthehousehold“owns,operatesand/or
managesthefarmeitherinpartorfully”.Oftenaspecificationisaddedthatconcerns“a
minimumshareoflabourthatmustcomefromtheownerandhisorherrelatives”.
Anumberofothercriteriaareoftenusedtocomplementthedefinition,forexample,that
afamilyfarmshouldnotexceedacertainsizeintermsofarea,orthattheshareof
householdlabourshouldnotexceedacertainlevel.Thedefinitionsexaminedbythe
authorsapparentlydidnotincludeeitheroftheonesarguedforbyDjurfeldt(1996)and
Errington(1996).Inthestalemateddebateboththeseauthorsinsistedonone
overridingelementasessentialinadefinitionoffamilyfarming:Djurfeldtinsistedona
familylabourcriterion,whileErringtonasinsistentlyclungtoafamilymanagement
criterion.Withincreasingageandexperiencetheybothshouldhavegrownless
stubborn.Insteadofclingingtoanessentialistdefinition,wepreferanapproachthat
distinguishesbetweenthreedimensions,alongwhichdifferenttypesoffarmsmaydiffer
fromoneanother:
1. Theproportionoffamilylabourishigh,asopposedtoothertypesoflabour,casualorotherwise;4
2. Managementofthefarmispredominantlytakencareofbymembersofthefamilyratherthanbyemployedmanagersoragents.
3. Thefarmistoalargeextentownedbymembersofthefamilyorbykinshipnetworks,aswithcustomarylands,ownedbycommunitiesratherthanbytheirindividualmembers.5
Variouscombinationsofthesethreedimensionswouldgiveusthreevariantsofideal
types:(a)familylabourfarmswheremostofthelabourisputinbyfamilyornetwork
members;(b)familymanagedfarmswherethemanagementfunctionisperformedby
familymembers,relativesorpossiblybynetworklabour.Finally,weget(c)family
ownedfarms,whereownershipisinthehandsofafamilyorpossiblyanon-market
networkofsomesort.Atenantfarmwouldobviouslynotfulfilthelastcriterion,butmay
stillbeafamilyfarmbythefirsttwo.6
Combiningthethreedimensionsaboveyieldthemostinclusivedefinitionpossible:
Familyfarmsareeitherworked,managedorownedbyfamiliesorthroughnon-market
networks.Thisdefinitionimpliesthatanoverwhelmingmajorityofallfarmsgloballyare
familyfarms.TheFAOreportquotedaboveestimatesthenumberoffamilyfarms
worldwideto570millionoutofatotalof600million(FAO2014,p.8).Itaddsthatfor
mostcountries,familyfarmsinclusivelydefinedaccountformorethan90andinmany
cases100percentofallfarms.
4Thereisanintermediatecategorybesidesthesetwoforms,whichwecallnetworklabourincluding
labourrecruitedthroughkinshiporcommunitynetworks.
5Inmanysub-Saharancountries,butalsoelsewhere,theStateorthePresidentisconsideredthesupreme
owneroftheland.Historicallythisisalateadd-on,developedalongwiththecolonialandpost-colonial
State.
6AssuggestedbyPierre-MarieBosc(personalcommunication)majoremphasisshouldbegiventothe
firsttwocriteria.
Wearenotcontenthoweverwiththeinclusivedefinitionaboveandamoreexclusive
definitionoffamilyfarmsispreferableforanalyticalpurposes.Herewechoosetodefine
anidealtypefamilyfarmasdependentonfamilylabourinproductionandprimarily
managedbymembersofthefamily.Thisdefinitionwouldstillincludeahugemajorityof
the570millionfamilyfarmsworldwide.Whatwoulditexclude?
Theidealtypeofcapitalistfarm
Ofthe30millionfarmsthatarenotclassifiedasfamilyfarmsbytheFAOdefinitionthe
mostimportantone,foranalyticalpurposesatleast,isthecapitalistfarm.Wedefinethe
idealtypecapitalistfarmasanagriculturalproductionunitinwhichallfactorsof
production(land,labour,capitalandmanagement)areprocuredonthemarket:Thisis
anotherwayofsayingthatthefactorsofproductionarecommoditiesandhavemarket
value.Intermsofthethreecriteriadiscussedabove,theidealtypicalcapitalistfarm(or
firm)is:(i)workedbylabourershiredforwages(ratherthanrecruitedbynon-market
means;(ii)managedbyprofessionalmanagers(ratherthanbyfamilymembers);(iii)
ownedbycorporationshavinginvestedtheircapitalintothefarm.Thecapitalincludes
landthat,asforfamilyfarmers,maybeownedorleased.
Tobefinanciallysustainablethecapitalistfarmmust,likeallcapitalistenterprises,in
thelongrunyieldareturnofthecapitalinvested,atratesthatarecomparablewith
otherwithtypesofinvestment.Moreprecisely,theinvestmentinthefarmneedstoyield
highenoughreturnsonthecapitalinvestedinallfactorsofproduction,includingthe
land.7Thusthecapitalistfarmmustbecompetitivewithotherfarmsorfirmsoperating
onthesamemarkets(herewearemainlyconcernedwithoutputmarkets).Normallythe
competitorswouldincludealargenumberoffamilyfarms.Theextenttowhichtheyare
competitiveamongotherthingsisaquestionofeconomiesofscale.
Iftherewereeconomiesofscaleinagriculturalproduction,aspointedoutby
Binswangeretal.(1995,p.2664),capitalistfarmingwouldhaveupendedfamilyfarms
longago.Aswewillseelater,economiesofscalearerareinagricultureandoftenobtain
onlyinsomeofitsbranches.
Aswouldbeexpectedofanidealtype,fewreallyexistinglandedpropertiesliveupto
theidealtypedefinitionofacapitalistfarm,especiallynottherequirementtoyielda
returnontheimputedvalueofthelandor,ifmortgaged,interestontheloantaken.Land
notacquiredasaninvestment,perhapsinherited,orlandnotmortgaged,mayobviously
beprofitableinanaccountthatdoesnotincludethevalueoftheland.Thismakesit
easierforsuchfarmstocompetewithfamilyfarmsthat,bythewayoftenenjoythesame
advantageofmortgage-freeland.However,capitalistfarms:sufferanotherhandicap,
whichistheirrelianceonhiredlabour.Reallyexisting,asopposedtoidealtypical
capitalistfarmsoftensaveonlabourcostsbyhiringwhatwecall‘unfree’labour.
7Pierre-MarieBoscsuggestsanalternativedefinition,notunlikeours:”afarmrelyingexclusivelyonhired
laborwithoutanyfamily/kinshiplinkbetweentheworkersandtheownersofthemeansofproduction,
including(ornot-itcanbeleased)theland.Iwouldnotputfirst(orlimittoasinglecriteria)theneedto
geta"good"rateofreturn(RoR)oninvestment.Youmayfindcorporationsinvestinginagriculturefor
variousreasonsandnotexclusivelyguidedbytheRoR.Itmightbepartofaportfolioofactivitiesthat
compensatethelackofappropriatereturn.AnotherpointthatIwouldliketoshareistheissueofassets
mobilityvstheconventionalviewofagricultureasapurelocalisedandimmobileactivity,deeplyrooted...
Ifyouconsiderthefunds(whatscholarscall"financializationofagriculture")Ithinkthereisanotherstep
ordegree,orakindofbreakorprofoundchangeofnatureintheactivity.Theyshape"pure"capitalist
farmingbecausethey(i)workwithhiredworkers(ii)lookforhighRoRbut(iii)theyaddthemobilityof
theirassetssincetheyrentalltheoperationalassetsandhencereduceatnearlyzerotheir
immobilization:land,labor,mechanizedoperationarerented...andifthesituationchangestheycan
migratetomorefavorablesettingslikeindustrydoes,whenlookingtolowwages/highskills/lowsocial
regulationsconditions.ThisisthecaseinArgentina,UruguayandpartsofBrazilwhereyoualsofindthe
strongconsolidated"familybusinessfarms"category(inourdefintion)”(personalcommunication,
January2016).
Withthesedefinitionsoftheidealtypesoffamilyandcapitalistfarmsathandwewill
proceedbydiscussingrealtypes,asopposedtotheidealtypeofcapitalistfarming.It
deservestobestressedthatidealandrealtypesareendpointsonacontinuumfrom
moretolessabstract,fromidealtypefamilyfarmorcapitalistones,toreallyexisting
farms.Contrastingtheidealtypewithwhatweknoworhavelearntaboutarealsystem
isanimportanttoolindeepeningourunderstandingofthelatter.Whencontrasting
belowidealtypecapitalistfarmswithreallyexistinglargeestates,theaimistodeepen
ourunderstandingofthelatter.
Largeestatesareseldomcapitalistfarms
Definitionsofcapitalistfarmingfoundintheliteraturearevariable,butoftenreflect
whatwewouldarguearenon-rigorousdefinitionsofcapitalismitself.Itiscommonplace
toseeauthors,academicorpopular,explicitlyorimplicitlyusingdefinitionsoffarmsas
capitalistbecausetheyare(i)market-oriented,(ii)employmuchlabour,(iii)areheavily
mechanizedorbecause(iv)theyarelargeintermsofarea.Afifthpointisthat(v)
capitalistfarmsseldomwereestablishedbecausetheyweretechnicallysuperiorbut
moreoftenbecausepowerfulelitesthoughtthattheywere.Aswewillexplainneitherof
thesefivecriteriawouldqualifyafarmascapitalistintheidealsenseofthetermand
thuscannotbeusedinanidealtypedefinition.
Marketorientationversussubsistenceproduction
Whyisnotmarketorientationanindicatorofidealtypecapitalistfarming?Suchafarm
ismarketorientatedbydefinition,butsoaremostoftheestimated600millionfarms
foundglobally.Purelysubsistenceorientedfarms,producingnothingforthemarket
hardlyexist,exceptasaberrationsandinveryremoteareas.
TheFAOreportquotedexemplifiesvaryingdegreesofcommercializationusingstatistics
foreightcountries.OutofthesetheleastmarketorientatedoneisNepal,wherefarmers
inthelowestfarmsizequartileselllessthantenpercentofproduction,whilethosein
thetopquartilesellslightlymorethan20percent.Tanzaniaunexpectedlyisattheother
end,withfarmersinthelowestquartilemarketingmorethan60percentwhilefarmers
inthetopquartilesell66percentoftheirproduction(FAO2014,p.22).Withatoo
schematicconceptionofsubsistenceproductiononecouldhaveexpectedpoorer
Tanzaniatohaveahigherdegreeofproductionforownusethansomewhatbetteroff
Nepal.Wedonotknowwhyitistheotherwayround,butonemaysuspectthatthe
reasonisthatfamilyfarmsinNepalaresubsidized,notbygovernmentsasinEurope
andtheUS,butbyremittancesfrommigrantstotheGulfandelsewhere.Thus,
commercialproductionisnotanexclusivecriterionofcapitalistfarmingandneitheris
subsistenceproductionanindicatorofnon-capitalistagriculture.
Themajorityoffarmersworldwideproducepartlyforsubsistence,especiallyinpoor
andmiddle-incomecountries.Theyareusuallyreferredtoassmallholdersinthe
developmentdebate.Bythecriteriaproposedheretheyarefamilylabouraswellas
familymanagedfarms,withthespecificcharacteristicofbeingpartlysubsistence
oriented.Theymakeupamajorityoftheworld’spoor.
Acreagecriteria
Smallholdersareusuallydefinedbyanacreagecriterion,forexamplefarmsbelowtwo
hectares(Dixon,Tanyeri-Aburetal.2004).Areaisnotahomogeneousvariable
however:Twohectaresinanear-desertareacannotfeedafamily,whiletwointensively
cultivatedhectaresunderavaluablecropcanbequitealargeunitineconomicterms.In
practicalterms,thesmallholdercategorylumpstogetherfarmtypes,whichfor
analyticalpurposesonemaywishtokeepdistinct.Inthefollowingwewillavoidthe
term,althoughitwillrecurintheempiricalanalysisfromChapter5onwards.
Dependenceonhiredlabour
Somewhatsurprisinglyperhapswerejectdependenceonhiredlabourasadefining
characteristicfortheidealtypecapitalistfarm.ManylandedpropertiesinIndiaorin
otherpartsoftheworld,duetotheirsizeintermsofareaorinturnovercertainly
dependonlabourrecruitedeitherfromoutsidethefamilyorfromcommunityandkin
networks.Butbeingdependentonhiredlabourofvarioustypesdoesnotmakethe
employercapitalistintheidealtypemeaning.Morespecifically,dependenceonhired
labourdoesnotimply,astheidealtyperequires,thatsuchfarmsbeconstrainedtomake
aprofitoncapitalinvestedinland.Weleavetheissueofhiredlabourfornowbutwill
returntoitlater.
Mechanization
Aseveryoneknowsfamersofallkindsusemachines.Familyfarmingofthekindfound
inEuropeortheUSareheavilymechanized.Theystillfulfilthecriteriaoffamilyfarms
accordingtothedefinitionabove.Inotherwords,relianceonmachinesdoesmakethe
farmeracapitalist,aswedefinetheseterms.
Sizeoffarm
Similarlythesizeofafarmdoesnotautomaticallyreflectitsorganizationofproduction.
Alargeestatedoesnotbecomecapitalistjustbecauseofitssize.Thehistoryoflarge
landedpropertiesaroundtheworldsuggeststhatunlikeindustries,large-scaleestates
havenotemergedthrougheconomiesofscale.Theyoftenhaveacompletelydifferent
history.Forinstance,latifundiosinSouthernSpain(Djurfeldt1993)aswellasinSouth
Americahaveacommonhistoryasfeudalfiefs.Takeanotherexample:Theplantation
sectorinsub-SaharanAfricaneverproveditseconomicsuperiority,butwasestablished
bycolonialandmilitarymightandoftencontinuestobeprotectedbytherulersofpost-
colonialsocieties,ortakenoverbythemortheircronies.Malawiisagoodexamplehere
(Prowse2011,Prowse2013).ArecentWorldBankstudyshowedthatsuchplantations
cannot,exceptforcertaincrops,competeprice-wisewiththefamilyfarmsector(World
Bank2009).
LargelandedpropertiesareoftencreatedandprotectedbytheState
Politicalconsiderationsareevidentintheestablishmentoflarge-scalefarms.Takethe
nowdefunctChinesecommunes:Theywouldneverhavebeensetupwereitnotforthe
policymakersoftheChineseCommunistPartyhavingbeentakeninbythemythof‘big
isbeautiful’,inspiredbyscaleeconomiesinindustry.Neitherwouldtheyhavebeen
dismantledfrom1978andonwardsifscaleeconomieshadbeenthere.Thereforms
initiatedbyDengXiaopingestablishedbyadministrativefiatahugefamilyfarmsector
inChina.Thusthereformsaddedmanymillionsoffamilyfarmstothosealreadyexisting
aroundtheworld.Intermsofitsadditiontothecountry’sfoodsecurity,itwasa
uniquelysuccessfulreform(seeforexampleLin1992,Riskin1995).
Returningtothemainargument:Largelandedpropertiesseldomprovedtheir
superiorityintermsofproductivity,butwereestablishedbyadministrativeorpolitical
interventions.Thuslandtenureandotheragrarianinstitutionshaveapoliticalhistory
thatmustbeborneinmindwhentryingtounderstandtheirroleincurrentorfuture
foodproduction.Historicallypoliticalinterventionsoftencreatedlargelanded
properties,asinAndalusiaorintheformerSpanishorPortuguesecoloniesinSouth
America.
Corporateownership
Asarguedinitially,theidealtypecapitalistfarmrequiresthatlandownershipis
corporateratherthanfamilybased.Thiscriterionismorediscerningthanmightbe
expected.WhenDeiningerandByerleerecentlytriedtoestimatethenumberof
capitalistfarmsworldwidetheyfoundonlyonegoodexample:TheSwedishBlackSoil
ABwhichboughtuplargetractsoflandintheblacksoilareasofUkrainecultivating
thembymeansofso-calledprecisionagriculturewheretractorsandcombineharvesters
aresteeredbyGlobalPositioningSystems(GPS)andwherefertilizationregimesare
workedoutbymeansofsatelliteimagery(DeiningerandByerlee2012).SinceBlackSoil
ABisapubliclimitedfirm,listedontheStockholmStockExchange,itfulfilstherigorous
definitionanidealtypecapitalistfarm(andfirm),dependentforitslong-termsurvival
ongeneratingprofitonthecapitalinvestedinthefirm,includingtheland.
ArecentarticleinTheNewYorkTimeswastitled“CashCropsWithDividends:Financiers
TransformingStrawberriesIntoSecurities”.8Thearticlepointsoutthattherushforland
investments(landgrabs)thatgotintoahighspinfollowingtheglobalfoodpricecrisisin
2008hadalreadybeguntolosespeedsixyearslater.Anewfinancialproductishowever
exemplifiedinthearticleandpioneeredbyaprivate(notpublic)company,American
Farmland.Thenewproductisanexampleofwhatthejournalistcallsthelatesttwist,in
whichinvestorsandbankersare“combiningcropsandthesoiltheygrowinintoan
assetclassthatordinaryinvestorscanbuyapieceof”(Stevenson2014).Thisisan
exampleofthefinancializationofland,whichfulfilsonecriterionoftheidealtypeof
capitalistfarming.Sofarithasbeenrarelyfulfilledhowever.
InadditiontoAmericanFarmland,onlytwootherfarmcompaniesarelistedonthe
NASDAQstockexchange,FarmlandPartnersandGladstoneLandCorporation,and
indeed,investorsinterviewedbythejournalistarestillunsureifinthelongrunlanditis
aworthwhileinvestment.Thisisintheheartlandofworldcapitalismandgiventhatwe
havebeenfedwithprognosesoftheimminenttakeoverofworldagricultureby
capitalism,atleastsinceLenin’s“TheDevelopmentofCapitalisminRussia”,
1960`(1960,1899),9thisisnotoverlyimpressive.8CirculatedbyCraigHarristhroughtheRC40networkoftheInternationalSociologicalAssociationwho
addedacomment:“furthertofinancialization”.
9NottomentionhisstudyofUSagriculturewherehedidasimilarprognosis.
IntheUSandotherWesterncountriesitisnotuncommontofindfarms,whichlegally
arecorporationsbutmoreoftenthannotareentirelyormajorityfamily-ownedandthus
donotqualifyasidealtypecapitalistfarms.Theyarenotconstrainedtogenerating
profitonthevalueofthelandandnotsubjectedtothedisciplineofthefinancial
markets.Unlikeacapitalistfirmthereisnothingthatforcestheownerstocloseshopif
thefarmisnotprofitable.
Withthisdiscussionofidealtypeswemoveovertothedevelopmenttheoryassociated
withthoseenvisioningafutureinwhichagricultureisdominatedbycapitalistfarms
ClassicalLeninisttheory
TheprocessofcapitalistdevelopmentinagricultureasenvisionedbyLenin(1960,
1899)ismuchakintowhataclassicaldevelopmenteconomistlikeArthurLewishadin
mind.Lewisreferredtoa‘traditionalsector’,themainfunctionofwhichwastodeliver
surpluslabourtothemodernsectorasthestructuraltransformationproceeded.When
surpluslabourwasexhaustedagriculturehadtobemodernizedanddevelopinto
capitalistagriculture.
Leninsaidmuchthesame,asisschematicallyillustratedinFigure2.1.Forhim,
developmentofcapitalistagricultureisoneofdifferentiation.Intheprocessmiddle
peasantseither,forthemajority,becomedispossessedafterlosingoutincompetitionon
themarketandjointheranksoftheagriculturalproletariator,foraminority,graduate
totheclassofcapitalistfarmers.
Graph1.1.ThedevelopmentofcapitalistagricultureaccordingtoLenin
TheemergenceofcapitalisminfarmingaccordingtothevarietiesoftheLeninistmodel,
mustbeoneofthemostfrequentlyfailedpropheciesinintellectualhistory.Giventhe
estimatethatoutofabout600millionfarmsworldwide,asalreadypointedout,onlya
handfulcanbedeemedcapitalistintheidealtypesenseoftheword,theexpectationthat
theywouldtakeovertheentireglobalfarmsectorcanonlybeexplainedbyideological
andpoliticalfactors.
Puttingitstarkly:Waitingforthetechnologicalpreconditionsforcapitalistfarmingto
prevailislikewaitingforGodotinBeckets’splay:Heneverarrives.Thereforeweremain
scepticalwhenDeiningerandByerlee(2012)argue,thattechnologieslikeprecision
agriculturehavenowdevelopedsofarthat,finallyandwithadelayofacentury,large
landedpropertieshavegainedaproductivityedgeover(smallerscale)familyfarming.
Thelatterallegedlylosttheircompetitiveadvantageintermsoffamilylabourandfamily
management.Wearenotyetwillingtoacceptthisclaim,forthesimplereasonthatthe
newtechnologieswillbegettingcheaperastheyspreadand,althoughwithadelay,
becomeaffordablealsotofamilyfarmers;inthewesttheyare.
Withthiswecanmoveovertodiscussthethirdtypeweneed,i.e.theoneofagricultural
labourers.
Agriculturallabourersinsegmentedmarkets
Ifweweretodefineanidealtypeagriculturallaboureritistemptingtoresorttothe
Marxistview,accordingtowhichthecapitalistfarmisunthinkablewithoutthe
agriculturallabourer,andthereverse.Whetheroriginatingfromdispossessedpeasants
orfromgroupshistoricallydeniedaccesstoland,idealtypicalagriculturallabourerssell
theirlabourpowerinidealtypicalmarketswheretheforcesofdemandandsupplyenact
theirinexorablelaws.Theglitchhereisthevirtualnon-existenceofsuchmarkets,since
reallyexistinglabourmarketstendtobesegmentedwithdifferentmechanismsofwage
determinationindifferentsegments.
TakingtheIndiancase,agriculturallabourershavelongbeenrecruitsfromsocially
discriminatedgroups,theScheduledCastes(SC,so-calledex-Untouchables),Scheduled
Tribes(ST)orfromlowercastes,intheIndiandebateoftenreferredtoasOther
BackwardCastes(OBC).Discriminationimpliesasegmentedmarketwiththeevident
functionofkeepingwageslow.Intheabsenceofcompetitionforlabourfromservicesor
industries,discriminationthusmeanslockingSC,STandlowcastelabourersintolow
wagemarketsegments,condemningthemtolivesinmisery.
Whatiswellknownbutlessrecognizedisthatagriculturallabourmarketsalsointhe
heartlandofworldcapitalismtendtobesimilarlysegmented.Aclassicstudyfromthe
1980s(Thomas1985)ofsaladfarmsinCalifornia,showedthatfarmworkerswere
recruitedfromhighlysegmentednichesinthelabourmarket,withillegalimmigrantsat
thelowerrungsdoingthemosttediousjobsatthelowestwages.Greencardholders
occupiedahigherandsomewhatbetterniche,likeoverseers,qualitycontrollersetc.The
onlywagesatcompetitiverateswerepaidtoUScitizens,typicallyasmanagers,security
staffandothers.
TheEuropeanagriculturallabourmarkethasdevelopedinasimilardirectioninrecent
years,whenlegalandillegalimmigrantshaveswelledthelaboursupplyandcauseda
downwardtrendinwageswiththeeffectthatnationalsandcitizensremainonlyinthe
bestpaidjobs(KasimisandPapadopoulos1997,Gatti2007).
Thustheidealtypeagriculturallabourerisasrareabirdastheidealtypecapitalist
farm.Anecdotally,itcanberemarkedthemajorityofthemembersintheSwedish
agriculturallabourersunionwork,notinagriculture,butongolfcourses,inparks,and
ingardens.TheLeninisttheoryofcapitalistdevelopmentisoffthemarkalsointhis
respect.Todescribereallyexistingagrariansocieties,weneedrealtypesadatedamong
thingstosegmentedlabourmarkets.ThisdoesnotmeanthattheWeberiantypeisnota
usefultool,merelythatitisnotadescriptive,butananalyticaldevice.
Fromidealtypestorealones
IntheFigurebelowwesummarizethetypologytobeusedinthisbook(seeFig.1.2).
Graph1.2.Atypologyofcurrentagrariansocieties
Note:CFreferstocapitalistfarms,FFtofamilyfarmsandALtoagriculturallabourers
Thefigureemphasizesthepointthatrealagrarianstructuresarefarfromtheidealtypes
asdefinedabove,whetherwespeakofreallyexistingcapitalistfarmsorfamilyfarms,or
forthatmatteragriculturallabourers.Inthecaseofcapitalistfarmsthereisan
especiallyglaringmisfitbetweenprognosesofitsincreasingdominanceandthefact
theyareexceptionallyrare,notonlyinnumbersbutalsointermsofsharesof
production.10
Inthegraphtheidealtypesaresmallshadedcircleswithinbiggerwhiteones.Firstly,all
agriculturallabourersmakeupamuchbiggercirclethantheidealtypeagricultural
labourersand,althoughitisdifficulttofinddataonthis,wewouldcontendthat‘free’or
non-discriminatedlabourhasshownnoseculartrendtoincreaseitsshareofthelarger
circle.Moreoveragriculturallabourersaresometimesfarmersaswell,asdenotedbythe
overlapbetweenthetwowhitecirclesoffamilyfarmsandagriculturalworkers.
Secondly,theidealtypecapitalistfarmcircleisasmallpartofalllargeestates;moreover
thecorrespondingshadedcircleisnotcompletelywithinthelarge-landedproperty
circle,becausesomereallyexistingfarmsdependentonhiredlabouraresmallinterms
ofacreage,butlargeintermsofeconomicturnover,forexampleinthehorticultural
sector.Thirdlythewhitefamilyfarmcirclecontainsanewcategory,herecalled
combinationfarms,whichdenotefarmswherefarmingisnotfull-time,butisbaseda
combinationoffarmingwithoff-farmjobs.Thistypeofpluriactivity,asruralsociologists
termit,isnotnewtoagriculture.Wewillreturntotheissueinawhile.
Wearguethatthistypologyismoreaccurateindescribingcontemporaryagrarian
societiesandthatanalytically,togetherwiththeidealtypes;thetypologycanbeusedin
analysingthedevelopmentofagrarianstructures.11Withthismethodologicaltoolin
handwecanaskquestionsaboutthenature,prevalenceanddevelopmentoffamily
10Excludingtheplantationsectorwherecoloniallyestablishedestatestendtosurvive.
11Economistsmightliketocompareourrealtypology,i.e.thewhitecirclesinFig.1.2withthetypology
developedbyEswaranandKotwal.Theirmodelisapartialequilibriumoneandshowsthatwithunequal
accesstocapital(mainlyland)andhighsupervisioncostsforlabour,afourclassstructurecanbe
expectedtodevelopwith(i)labourer-cultivators,(ii)self-cultivators(familylabourfarmersinour
terminology),(iii)smallcapitalistsand(iv)largecapitalists.Anobviousweaknessofthismodelisthat
pluriactivityandcombinationfarmsarenotatallpartofit.Garner,E.andA.P.delaOCampos(2014).
Identifyingthe“familyfarm”:Aninformaldiscussionoftheconceptsanddefinitions.ESAWorkingPaper
14-10.Rome,AgriculturalDevelopmentEconomicsDivision,FoodandAgricultureOrganizationofthe
UnitedNations.Eswaran,M.andA.Kotwal(1986)."AccesstoCapitalandAgrarianProduction
Organisation."EconomicJournal96(382):482-498..
farminginagivensociety:aretheyfamilylabourandfamilymanagedfarmsandtowhat
extentaretheyfamilyowned?Thetypologyfurtherleadsustoenquireaboutlarge
estatesdependentonhiredlabour,theirhistoryandtheirformoflabourrecruitment:
Dotheyuse‘free’or‘unfree’labour?Aretheirlabourersfreetonegotiatetheirwages
andorganize,oraretheirwageskeptlowbytheirbeingdiscriminatedagainstby
citizenship,ethnicity,raceorcaste?Towhatextentareorweretheyhistorically
protectedbylegislation,subsidiesorprivilege?
Inthefollowingsectionwefirstgodeeperintothecharacteristicsoffamilyfarms.
Thecompetitiveadvantageoffamilyfarms
WithintheMarxisttraditionsinceMarxhimself,familyfarmshavebeenseenasaclass
facingextinction.ForLenin,thepeasantrywasdoomedtodisappearandsplitintotwo
parts,aminoritywhichwoulddevelopintoanagrariancapitalistclass,andamajority
whichwouldlosetheirlandandbeforcedeithertojointheranksoftheagricultural
proletariat,oritscounterpartsinthecities(Lenin1960,1899,Djurfeldt1981).A
presumptionofsuperiorproductivitywithincapitalistagricultureunderpinnedthis
visionofthefuture:Whencomparedtopeasantorfamilyfarmscapitalistagriculture,or
factoriesinthefieldwouldbelikeindustrycomparedtocraftsandathingofthepast,a
museumartefact.
Thatcraftproductionhasdifficultiesincompetingwithindustrialorganizationis
evidencetothesuperiorityofwhatMarxcalledthecapitalistmodeofproduction
(1977).LikeAdamSmithbeforehim(1904(1776)),hearguedthatthissuperiority
stemmed,notonlyfrommechanization,butalsofromtheadvanceddivisionoflabour
withinthefactory,withlabourersspecializingindifferentpartoftheproductionprocess
ratherthanproducingthewholeproduct,astheartisanwould.
Thistypeofspecializationoflabourholdsonlytoalimitedextentonreallyexisting
capitalistfarms,i.e.estatesdependingonhiredlabour.Strikinglysuchfarmsdependon
massesofworkerstoperformtasksthatarenoteasytomechanize,likepickingof
strawberries,wineortomatoes.
Largeestatesfinddifficultiesincompetingwithfamilyfarms,preciselybecausetheyare
notfactoriesinthefield,asthediscussionaboveclearlyillustrates.Historically,aswellas
currently,largeestatesgenerallyhavenotaccesstotechnologies,whicharenotalso
availabletofamilyfarms.BothinEuropeandtheUS,therearesmalldifferencesin
technologybetweenthetwosectors.Themaindifferencebetweenthemliesinthe
armiesoflabour,oftenfromsegmentedorunfreelabourmarkets,absorbedbyfarms
dependentonsuchlabour.Thisisincontrasttoamuchgreaterdependenceoffamily
farmsonownlabour.12
Whiletheoreticallyitisplausiblethattheirmodeoforganizationgivesacompetitive
edgetoestatesdependentonhiredlabour,historicallyaswellascurrently,thisis
seldomthecase.Bycontrast,giventheaccesstothesametechnologiesthe‘staffing’of
farmsunderfamilymanagementprovidestheircompetitiveadvantage.Hired(non-
family)labourislessmotivatedtowork,andmorepronetofootdraggingthanfamily
labour(Scott1985,EswaranandKotwal1986,Chayanov1986,1966).Familymembers
ontheotherhandworkforthemselvesorfortheirfamilies,includingfortheirkidsand
futuregenerations.Thisisapotentmotivatingforce.Duringcrisesfamilylabourisoften
preparedtoworkforlittleornoremuneration,whichisthefundamentalreasonforthe
resilienceoffamilyfarms(Chayanov1986).Thisiscontrasttofarmsdependentonhired
labour,forwhichthewagebillislargelyinelastic.
Thereisanon-goingdebatewithinagriculturalanddevelopmenteconomicson
economiesofscalewithinfarming(andforIndiaDyer1998,foroverviews,see
Eastwood,Liptonetal.2010,Chand,Prasannaetal.2011).Withfewexceptions,scalein
manystudiesisproxiedbyarea,eitheroffarmorofareaunderspecificcrops.Thereare
evidentproblemswiththisoperationalization,however.Areaisnotahomogeneous
variable.Whetherwespeakoffarmorplotsize,theproductivitydifferencesbetween
differentfarmsorplotsarevastanddependnotonlyonsoilfertility,butalsoon
irrigation,drainageandotherfactors.Modelsregressingproductivityonfarmorplot
size,asaresult,getlargeresiduals,noteasytominimizeandnotpronetobenormally
distributed.Inourview,thisisthefundamentalreasonwhythemanystudieson-have
yieldedlittleintermsofgeneralizableresults.Thuswewouldarguethatfarm(oreven
plot)sizeisnottherelevantoperationalization,whilefarmtypeis.Weknowofonlyone
12ThuswearecriticalofBrookfield’scharacterizationofsomelargelandedpropertiesasindustrialfarms
(bananaandsugarcaneplantationsforexample).Theymaybelarge-scale,buttheyarenotindustrialin
termsoftechnologyororganization:Brookfield,H.(2008)."Familyfarmsarestillaround:timetoinvert
theoldagrarianquestion."GeographyCompass2(1):108-126.
study,whichhasusedthisinsight,aWorldBankstudyoftheprofitabilityofaselection
ofcrops,comparingfamilyfarmsandlargeestatesinsub-SaharanAfrica(WorldBank
2009).Itconcludedthatinmostcrops,familyfarmersarecompetitivewiththeestate
sector.
EastwoodandLiptonarguethatthecompetitiveadvantageoffamilyfarmsoverlarge
estateswillgraduallydisappearandDeiningerandByerleewouldseemtoagree(Lipton
andJohn1991,Eastwood,Liptonetal.2010,DeiningerandByerlee2012).Allthree
teamsofauthorsmentionprecisionagricultureandgeo-sensing,whichintheirpresent
formrequirelargefarmareastomotivatetheinvestment.Asalreadypointedoutandin
inlineMoore’slaw,13currentlylarge-scaletechnologyislikelysoontobeavailableto
smaller-scalefarmers.Bethatasitmaybe,thissketchyoverviewseemstoindicatethat
wearefarfromthepointoftimewhencapitalistfarmsfortechnologicalreasonswill
replacefamilyfarms.
Thisargumentforfamilyfarminganditscompetitiveadvantagescanbeputineconomic
termsbyreferringtoCoase’stheoryofthefirm(Coase1937)andtheconceptof
transactioncosts(Williamson1979).Coase’sarticlebecameaclassicbecausehepointed
outthatneo-classicaleconomicscouldnotexplaintheemergenceorexistenceofthe
firm.ThisiswhereWilliamsonandhisterminologicalinnovationenter:thefirmisaway
ofminimizingtransactioncostsbyinternalizingthemintoanorganizationalunit.Onecan
arguealongthesamelinesaboutfamilyfarming,andfamilybusinessingeneral:By
internalizinglabourcostsintothefarm(orfirm)onereducestransactioncosts.Using
familyinsteadofhiredlabour,transactionscostsareloweredbecausetheneedfor
supervisionisnearlyeliminatedandshrinkageorfootdraggingavoided.Thisisnot
necessarilyadisadvantagetofamilyworkersandneednotimplyself-exploitation,as
hassometimesbeenalleged.Onthecontrary,byincreasingthequalityofthelabour
input,theremunerationtofamilylabourersmaybehigherthanitwouldhavebeento
thehiredlabouritreplaced.
Theremunerationoffamilylabouriscrucial.Whiletheremunerationofhiredlabouris
oftensimplyasumofmoneythatoffamilylabourisabundleofutilities,food,shelter,13Moore’slawstatesthatthenumberoftransistorsinanintegratedcircuitgrowsexponentiallyandtends
todoubleonceintwoyears.Forotherelectronicapplicationsthishasmeant,notonlyminiaturization,but
alsodecreasingcosts,makingthetechnologyavailabletonewgroups.
affectionandlove,noteasytoevaluateineconomicterms.Theeconomicpartsofthe
remunerationcanberegardedasthecorrespondenceofawage,orwhatEastwood,
LiptonandNewellcallareservationutility(Eastwood,Liptonetal.2010).Thusonecan
saythataslongasthereservationutilityoffamilylabourishigherthanprevailing
agriculturalwages,onecanexpectatendencyforhiredlabourtobereplacedbyfamily
labour(Schmitt1991).Anupwardpressureonwages,forexampleduetocompetition
withtheindustrialservicesector,wouldhavesimilareffect.
Supermarketizationandverticalintegration
Manyperceivethespreadofsupermarketsinmiddle-andlow-incomecountriesasthe
newthreattotheworld’sfamilyfarms.Thebasicargumentisthatthegiant
supermarketchains,Wal-Mart,Carrefourandtheothersprefertodealwithafewbig
suppliersratherthanawholelotofsmall-scaleproducers.Assupermarketsinvestin
erectingprocurementchainsforfreshfruitandvegetables,withthehighquality
demandsofdiscerningofmiddleclassconsumersinview,theytendtopreferlarge
estatesforproduction.Intheprocessofsupermarketizationfamilyfamersarederived
ofsometheirmarkets.Sogoestheargument.
Whilethisisundoubtedlybecomingahugepartofallfoodretailingandprocurement,
webelievethatitsconsequencesforfamilyfarmingworldwidemaynotbeas
apocalypticascouldbefeared.Eveninmarketscontrolledbyhugecorporations,family
farmsenjoyadvantagesthatservethemwell.
InhismostlyunspokencriticismofLeninandtheBolsheviks,theRussianagricultural
economistandpioneeroffamilyfarmstudies,AVChayanovprofferedanalternative
scenariotoLenin’shorizontalconcentration(cf.Figure1.1above),whichhestyled
verticalintegration.Chayanovstudiedhowurban-basedmerchantscontractedwith
familyfarmerstoproducecottonandothercashcropsandofferedcredittofacilitate
farmers’investments.HealsostudiedtheEuropeancooperativemovementduring
travelsinEuropeandwroteabouthisvisionforthefutureoffamilyfarming(Chayanov
1977):
“Iftothisweaddinthemostdevelopedcapitalistcountries,suchasthoseininNorth
America,widelydevelopedmortgagecredit,thefinancingoffarmcirculatingcapital,and
thedominatingpartplayedbycapitalinvestedintransport,elevator,irrigation,andother
undertakings,thenwehavebeforeusthenewwaysinwhichcapitalismpenetrates
agriculture.Thesewaysconvertthefarmersintoalaborforceworkingwithotherpeople’s
meansofproduction.Theyconvertagriculture,despitetheevidentscatteredand
independentnatureofthesmallcommodityproducers,intoaneconomicsystem
concentratedinaseriesoflargerundertakingsand,throughthem,enteringthesphere
controlledbythemostadvancedformsoffinancecapitalism.”(Chayanov1986,1966,p.
262)
TheleadingcurrentexpertonsupermarketizationisThomasReardonwithalonglistof
publicationstohiscredit.Heiscarefultostresstheenormousspeedwithwhichthe
processhasenvelopedthedevelopingworldincludingthepoorestpartsofsub-Saharan
Africa.Itisworthnotinghoweverthat,withitsrestrictionsonforeigndirectinvestment
inretailing,Indiaislessdrawnintotheprocessthanmanyothercountries(seefor
example,Reardon,Timmeretal.2003).Reardonetal.summarizestudiesonsub-
contractingtofarmersasfollows:
“Companiesingeneraltendtosourcefromlargerfarmersandeschewsmallerfarmersin
scale-dualisticcontexts.However,therearevariousexceptionstothispattern,where
companiessourcefromsmallfarmersevenwhenlargefarmersoperateinthesame
sector…Companiessourcefromsmallfarmersincontextswheresmallfarmersdominate
theagrarianstructure…Whencompaniessourcefromsmallfarmers,theytendtosource
fromthesubsetwiththerequisitenon-landassets(suchasirrigation,farmers’
associations,farmequipment,andaccesstopavedroads).However,wherecompaniesneed
orwanttosourcefromsmallfarmersbutthefarmerslackneededcredit,inputs,or
extension,companiessometimesuse“resource-provisioncontracts”toaddressthose
constraints....[Studies]tendtoshowpositiveeffectsonsmallfarmersofinclusionin
modernchannels,includingonincomesandassetsoffarmers,andpositiveexternalitiesto
thelocallabormarkets.”(Reardon,Barrettetal.2009)
Concludingfromtheabove:alarmbellsseemtoprematurelythependingdemiseofthe
world’sfamilyfarmers.Asisthecaseforadvancedtechnology,apocalypticmessagesare
toorash.Inthelongerrun,neithersupermarketization,norprecisionfarmingneedbeas
deleterioustofamilyfarmingassomeforesee.
Asafetyvalveforfarmersispluriactivity,whichwewillpresentlydiscuss.
Pluriactivityandcombinationfarms
Theterm‘combinationfarm’usedinFigure1.2aboveisadirecttranslationfrom
Norwegian‘kombinasjonsjordbruk’.UsedinaclassicalworkinScandinaviansociology
bythelateOttarBrox(Brox1969),thetermdenotesthecombinationofactivitiesand
incomesourcesinagrarianlivelihoods.Brox’examplerelatedtothecombinationof
small-scaleagriculturewithfishingalongtheNorthSeacoastandinthefjords,
especiallyinNorthernNorwaywherelivingexclusivelyonfarmingwaswellnigh
impossible.LaterruralsociologistshaveadoptedaFrenchterm,‘pluriactivity’to
describesuchcombinations,commonalloverbutlessvisiblebecausecensusesand
surveyslongrecorded‘primary’andatbest‘secondary’occupations.
Pluriactivityisnotanewphenomenon:Combinationfarmswerecommoncenturiesago,
bothinEuropeandelsewhere(HolmesandQataert1986),forexamplewithfarmers
frommountainousareasmigratingintheoff-seasontotheplainstogainextrathere.The
fisherman-farmer(Brox,op.cit.)andthelogger-farmercombinationisalsoage-old
(Bjerén1981).ThereisnodoubthoweverthatwiththeSTwecanexpectanincreasing
degreeofpluriactivity,involvingthewholecast,fishermen,loggers,herdsmen,
agriculturallabourers,familyfarmersandwellasownersoflargelandedproperties.
TherewasaspateofinterestinpluriactivityinEuropeinthe1990sthatresultedina
numberofpublications,stillworthreading.Inastudyfrom1992,FullerandBollman
summarizedthesituationinEurope,theUSandCanada.Theynotedanassociation
betweenpluriactivityandfarmsizewithincountries.Operatorsoflargerfarmswere
associatedwithlowerparticipationinoff-farmworkinCanada,theUSandtheten
membercountriesofwhatwasthencalledtheEuropeanCommunity.Theauthors
furthermentionedthattheparticipationinoff-farmworkbyspouseswasnotrelatedto
farmsize.Off-farmincomeswereimportantallover,especiallyintheUSandCanada
whereonthemeantheymadeupover37%oftotalincome.Manyfarmhouseholds
gainedmorethan50%oftheirtotalincomefromsuchsourcesorfromsocialtransfers,
remittancesandreturnoninvestments(FullerandRay1992,pp.206-9).
AstudybyMacKinnonandSpearmancomparedconditionswithinEuropeintheearly
1990s.14Theauthorsconcludedthat,whencomparingtheremunerationoffamily
labourinagricultureandothersectorsoftheeconomy,alargeproportionoffarms
acrossEuropedidnotprovideafull-timewage.Fornearlyahalfofthesampled
households,farm-basedincomeprovidedlessthanathirdofhouseholdincome;foronly
aroundfortypercentdiditprovidemorethan70%ofincome.Only28%ofthesample
farmsdrew90%ormoreoftheirincomefromthefarm.Theauthorsconcludedthat
62%offarmhouseholdsinthesamplewerepluriactiveontheirdefinition(Mackinnon,
Brydenetal.1991,pp.61-62).
Sincethe1990sinterestintheseissuesseemstohavewanedbothamongresearchers
andpolicymakersandnewerpublicationsaredifficulttofind.Itisunlikelyhowever
thatpluriactivitywouldhavedecreasedintheOECDcountries.
Bothneo-Leninistsandneo-classicaleconomistshavehadatendencytointerpret
pluriactivityasatemporaryphenomenon,whenhouseholdsduetotheSTtransferout
oftheagrariansector.Bothcampshavetendedtounderestimatethesustainabilityof
combinationfarmsandthelivelihoodsassociatedwiththem.
Inconclusion,pluriactivityismorethanatransitoryphenomenonandisanotherwayin
whichtheprognosesaboutthedevelopmentofcapitalistagriculture,attheexpenseof
familylabourhavecometoshame.
Thediceseemstobeloadedagainstcapitalistandforfamilyfarming.IntheIndiancase,
scholarsofvariouspersuasions,Marxistsandothershavebeenlookingforcapitalist
farmingforseventyyearswithoutfindingmuchofit.Sowewillturnthequestionupside
down:Intheempiricalanalysiswewillbeasking:Hasseventyyearsofagricultural
developmentinIndiapromotedfamilyfarmingand,ifso,whatkindoffamilyfarming?
WorkingwithaWeberianmethodologyrequiresworkingnotonlywithidealandreal
types,butalsowiththehistoryofthesocietiesyouarestudying.Aspectsofthehistoryof
familyfarmingandlargeestateselsewherethaninIndiaarerelevantinourcase.In
furtherpreparationfortheempiricalanalysiswecontinuebydiscussinghistorical
14Thesewereresultsfromasurveyfrom1987of300farminghouseholdsin24regionsofWestern
Europe.Thesurveywasnotstatisticallyrepresentativeinastrictsense,but20oftheresearchareaswere
chosentomatchtheEuropeanCommunityaswhole.Fourareaswerefromnon-ECcountries.
processesofagrariantransformation.WewillstartwiththeclassicalcaseofBritain,
sincethetimeofMarxatthecentreofdiscussionofagriculturaldevelopment.
Historicaltransformationofruraleconomies
Aswillbeevidentfromthefollowing,Britishagrariansocietydidnotatalldevelop
accordingtotheoreticalexpectations.15TherootsoftheBritishestatesystemare
medievalandcanbetracedtothepeasantuprisingsinthe14thand15thcenturies,which
thepeasantslost.‘TheirconsequentiallossoflandlaidthefoundationforBritain’s
extremelypolarizeddistributionofland(cf.Brenner1976).TheBlackDeathcontributed
furthertotheestablishmentofthishighlyunequalagrarianstructure,asdidthe
Reformation,thedissolutionofthemonasteriesandtheappropriationoftheirlandby
thecrownunderHenryVIII.Theseestateswerelaterawardedtothenobility(Tracy
1989,PartI).Thusasmalllandedeliteofmostlynoblefamiliesmonopolizedlanded
property.
Themajorityoftheruralpopulationlackedpropertyandwerecompelledtoseektheir
subsistenceinthecommons,untiltheearly17thcenturywhentheEnclosureActs
privatizedthecommonsanddeprivedthepeasantryalsoofthissourceofsustenance.
Fromthe18thcenturyonwardsthepovertyoftheruralpopulation,drovethepoorand
propertylesstoseekworkasagriculturallabourers,industrialworkers,servantsor,
alternativelytoseekpovertyrelief(Polanyi2001,1944).
Themonopolizationoflandbythenobilitymeantthattheproperty-owningpeasants,in
Englandcalledyeomanfarmersbecameasmallminorityinthecountryside.Besidesthe
propertylessandthelandlordsthemostimportantgroup,althoughsmallintermsof
numbers,wastheestatetenants.
Thelandownersusuallydidnotcultivatetheirlandthemselves,butleaseditout.
Tenantsoflargelandedpropertieswerepioneersintheapplicationofwhathasbeen
calledHighFarming.Thiswasahighlyproductivefarmingsystem,buildingon
permanentcultivation,i.e.withoutfallows.Stall-feedingofcattle,systematicmanuring
andcroprotationwithnitrogenfixingfoddercropsweremajorinnovationsinthenew
farmingsystem.Increasingdemandforcerealsspurredbyagrowingurbanand
15ThefollowingbuildsonChapter3in:Djurfeldt,G.(1994).Godsochgårdar:Jordbruketiettsociologiskt
perspektiv.Lund,Arkiv.
industrialpopulationstimulatedtheinnovations.HighFarmingreacheditspeakunder
thelatterhalfofthe19thcenturyandbeforetheagrariancrisisof1870(Chambersand
Mingay1966).
AtthistimeGreatBritainhadadistributionoflandremindingofsomeLatinAmerican
countriesbeforethelandreformsofthe1960s.JamesCaird,acontemporaryresearcher
describedthesystemasfollows:
"Whenwecomemorecloselytoanalysethepurelylandowningclass,theaggregationof
landamongsmallnumbersbecomesveryconspicuous.Onefourthofthewholeterritory,
excludingthoseunderoneacre,isheldby1,200persons,atanaverageof16,200acres;
anotherfourthby6,200personsatanaverageforeachof3,150acres;anotherfourthby
50,770personsatanaverageofeachof380acres;whilsttheremainingfourthisheldby
261,830personsatanaverageeachof70acres.Aninterestingcompilationbythe
ScotsmannewspapershowsthatthepeerageoftheUnitedKingdom,about600innumber,
possessamongthemrathermorethanafifthofalltheland,andbetweenatenthandan
eleventhofitsannualincome.”(Caird1961,1878quotedin)(Newby,Belletal.1978)
TheBritishagrarianstructurebefore1870layquiteclosetotheidealtypicalcapitalist
farmingdescribedearlier:Ithadasmallgroupofaristocraticlandowners,rentingout
theirlandtocapitalisttenantsandwithamassofagriculturallabourersdoingthe
drudgeryinfieldsandstables.Thesystemfulfilledoneofthedefinitionalrequirements
ofcapitalistagriculture,viz.capitalizationoftheland.Thenobilitylivedfromtheirrents,
andtheirtenantshadtorunanenterprise,whichcouldfinancenotonlythewagesand
theinputsofcapital,butalsothecapitalizedvalueoftheland,intheformofrent.Itisa
historicalironythatthissystem,whichaswehaveseenhardlyexiststoday,wasatits
high150yearsagoandsincethenitdecayed.
Theagrariancrisisfromthe1870sonwardsandwhatwetodaydescribeasthefirst
periodofhyperglobalization(seefurtherbelow)broughtaboutthedownfallofthe
Britishsystemofcapitalisttenants.Fallingfoodpricesareadeadlythreatto
landlordism,sincetheydecreasetherentalvalueofland.Landlordincomestumble;the
nobilitycannotmaintaintheircastles,theirextravagantstyleoflivingorpaytheir
servants.ThiswasthedestinythatbefellmanyBritishlandowners.
In1873thefirstsignsofthecomingcrisisappeared:Worldmarketpricesonfarm
productsfelldrasticallyandremainedlowforanumberofyears.Theestatetenants
tookthefirstblow,butsincepricesremainedlow,landlordsweregraduallyaffected.
Paradoxically,agriculturallabourerswerequickertorecover.Thecompetitionbetween
agricultureandindustryforlabourresultedinscarcityoflabourandpartlyprotected
theruralproletariatfromtheworsteffectsofthecrisis(Perry1972p.22).
TheagrariancrisishasbeeninterpretedasadelayedeffectofthefamousCornLaws,
adoptedinthe1840sbytheBritishParliamentinoppositiontothelandlords(Perry
1972p.14).TheCornLawsopenedBritaintoimportsoffarmproducts,buttheirimpact
wasdelayedbyabout30years,duetohightransportcoststhatcurbedinternational
tradeinbulkyproductslikecereals.Duringthesecondhalfofthe19thcentury,rapid
advancesinshippingledtofallingfreightcosts.After1870theywerelowenoughto
allowAmericanandArgentiniancerealstocompetewithEuropeanones,whichsetthe
bellstollingforBritishlandlordism:
“Thedismantlingofthelandedestates–thearistocraticdiasporafromtheland–although
usuallydatedfromtheperiodimmediatelyfollowingtheFirstWorldWar…beganmuch
earlier.Neverthelessadelugeoflandsalesbeganin1919,onascaleunprecedentedsince
thedissolutionofmonasteriesinthesixteenthcentury.Withinthreeyears,ithasbeen
estimated,one-quarterofthelandsurfaceoftheUnitedKingdomchangedhands.However,
asHobsbawmhasremarked,oneofthemostnoteworthyaspectsofthisforcedaristocratic
abdicationwasthatittookplacealmostunnoticedatthetime,outsidetherestricted
coterieoflandowners,farmers,andestateagentswhoweredirectlyinvolvedinthe
transactions.This,Hobsbawmadduces,indicatedjusthowfartheagriculturalinterestand
thelandowningaristocracyhadbecomeremovedfromthecentresofeconomicand
politicalpowerbytheearlydecadesofthetwentiethcentury.”(Hobsbawm1969,Newby,
Belletal.1978,pp.36-37)
Theagrariancrisisthusbroughtalandreform,notbytheState,butviathemarket.
Britishestatesweredividedandtakenoverbysmallerlandowners.Theywereoftenex-
tenants,butlandwasalsosoldinsmallerportionstofamilyfarmers.(Harrison1975).
AlthoughBritainstillhasahigherconcentrationoflandownershipthanWesternEurope,
itsstructureissimilartothatfoundintherestofEurope(Gasson1987)
TheBritishcaseisagoodillustrationoftheroleofagriculturallabourersintheST.As
Eastwood,LiptonandNewellremark(2010),therelationofthewagesoflabourers
comparedtotheshadowpriceoffamilylabourisdecisive.InBritainpricesofoutputfell
whilewagesincreased:Thisforcedlandlordstodivestinlandandmadeitpossiblefor
familyfarmstoinvestinit.ThedevelopmentintherestofEuropewasparallel.
ThecaseofEurope
WithpartialexceptionsofMediterraneanandSouthernEurope,agrariandevelopment
intherestofEuropefrom1870onwardsresembledthatoftheUK.Theestatesector
contractedinfavouroffamilyfarming.AclassicstudyofthisprocessistheonebyFolke
Dovring(1965,1955).Hisisacomparativestudyofagrarianchangeinthewholeof
Europe,especiallytheperiod1900to1950.Ascanbeseentodaytheperiodizationused
isnotoptimal:Todayonewouldhavechosentheperiodfrom1870to1914(thefirst
periodofhyperglobalization)and1920to1939(theinterwaryears,includingtheGreat
Depression).Inthelatterperiod1930isadivider,markingthebeginningoflarge-scale
subsidiestoagriculture.Roosevelt’sNewDealwasaforerunnerbutEuropesoongot
equivalentprogrammes.
DovringdocumentsthedevelopmentoflandownershipinEurope.Withgreatskillhe
avoidsthemanytrapslayingincomparativeanalysesofownershipstructuresandfarm
populationindifferentcountries.Hestartswiththedeciledistributionoflandand
owners,asonedoeswhencalculatingGiniindices,buthetakesintoaccountthe
heterogeneityoflandandthepossibilitythatthevalueofoutputonasmallfarm,as
definedbyareacanbehigherthanthatofalargerfarm.Thesecomplicationsmakearea
statisticsoflimiteduse,especiallyiftheaimiscomparativeandhistorical.Dovring
avoidsthisproblembyusingotherstatistics,forexampleman-landratiosand
standardizedlabourtimedata,whichbegantobecollectedinmanyEuropeancountries
alreadytowardstheendofthe19thcentury.Bytriangulatingthedifferentsourcesof
data,hearrivesataveryinterestingconclusion,withabearingonotherregionsand
historicalperiodsthanEuropeintheearly20thcentury:
“TheweightedmaterialunderlinestherigidityofthefarmstructureinwesternEurope,
andalsothesimilaritybetweencountries.England,withthemostextremelarge-farm
structureinWesternEurope,hasonlyone-tenthofitsdevelopedresourcesinfarmslarger
than200hectares,oremployingmorethan10men.Themedianisonly60hectaresand
ratherlessthan4man-years.OnthecontinentandinScandinavia,familyfarmsand
under-sizedfarmsareentirelydominant,withfarmsrequiringlargeamountsofhired
labordefinitelyinasmallminority”(Dovring1965,1955,p.135)
Thesamepatterntoalargeextentholdseventoday,althoughthemediansizeintermsof
areahasgrownmanifoldwhileaveragemanyearsoflabourinputisconsiderablylower,
withastrongmajorityoffarmsneedingoneman-yearorless(asdocumentedbyBailey
1973fortheperiodafter1945).
TheUS
WhendiscussingNorthAmericanagriculture,itisoftenpointedoutthattheUShasno
feudalpastandthatthishasleftanimprintonitsagrarianhistory.Ingeneraltermsthat
maybetrue,butinamoredetailedaccountitdoesnothold.True,largepartsoftheMid-
Westwascolonizedbysettlersthatwereallottedlandparcels,inprincipleofequalsize.
ThiscreatedthetypicalUSsettlementpatterns,withfarmsteadsspreadoutoverthe
landscapeandwithalowdegreeofinequalityintermsoflandownership.Butthereare
manyexceptionstothis.Firstly,manysettlersboughtlargerlandparcelsfrom
institutionallandowners,oftenrailwaycompaniesthatownedabout10percentallland
intheUS(Pfeffer1983p.554ff.).Moreimportantlythereareregionalexceptionstothe
settlerstory.
IntheSouthernStates,thehistoryofagricultureisrootedintheslaveplantations,
dominantuntilthelandreformsaftertheCivilWar.Manyhavewonderedwhyafterthe
abolitionofslavery,thelargecottonplantationswerenotconvertedtocapitalistfarms,
withblackwagelabourers.Thefactthattheydidnot,againpointstotheconstraintsto
thedevelopmentofcapitalistfarms,intherealworld,asopposedtotheory.MostDixie
landlordspreferredtoleaseoutlandparcelstosharecropperstorunningtheir
plantationswithhiredlabour.ThismayhavesomethingtodowithRoumasset’s
observation:
“Sharetenancygivesthetenantashareofbenefitsfrommaintenanceandland
improvementsandtherebylowersassetabuserelativetothatofthefixedlease
arrangement,whilesimultaneouslyloweringoptimalsupervisioncostsoflabor,relativeto
wagecontracts.”(Roumasset1995)
SincetheCivilWarSouthernlandlordismhasgivenwaytoasmallholderstructure:In
the1980stheSouthhadagreatershareofsmallholdingsthantherestofthecountry
(WilkeningandGilbert1987)andthisisprobablystillthecase.Ontheotherhand,
California,Arizona,TexasandFloridacontinuetobemarkedbyahugeconcentrationof
landownership.Mindyou,thisunequalstructureisnotaproductofcapitalist
development,butofhistory.CalifornianlandlordismisrootedintheSpanish/Mexican
past.Thelargelandedpropertiesformedatthattime,toalargeextenthaveweathered
thetimesandkepttheirdominanceintheState.In18700.2percentofCalifornia’s
populationcontrolledmorethanhalftheagriculturalarea:
"Tosomeextentthispatternoflandholdingisanartefactofthearea’scolonialheritage.
WiththecompletionoftheMexican-Americanwarof1846-48,Americanrulewassimply
exchangedforMexicanrulewithoutanybasicchangeinlandtenure.Spanishlandgrants
remainedessentiallyintactbutwereappropriatedthroughforceandfraudbypublic
officials,therailroads,andvariouspowerfulpersons.
"InordertounderstandthepresentdayindustrializedagricultureofCalifornia,withits
heavylaborrequirements,itisnecessarytokeepinmindtheinteractingeffectoftwo
factors:landmonopolizationandtheavailabilityoflargeunitsofcheaplabor.Ifthelarge
holdingshadnotbeenmonopolizedfromtheoutset,itisquitelikelythatmanysmall
acreageunitsshouldhavedeveloped...Conversely,iftheownersofthelargeestateshad
beenunabletotaphugereservesofcheaplaborafterwheatproductionceasedtobe
profitable,itisquitelikelythatthedevelopmentoflargescaleintensiveagriculturewould
havebeenretarded,perhapsneverundertaken."(Pfeffer1983p.543)
InCalifornia,asinmanyotherpartsoftheworld,largelandedestateswerecreated
beforecapitalismdevelopedandthusarenoproductofsuchadevelopment.Thehistory
oflargelandedpropertiessofarisacorrectivetotheevolutionistparadigms.However,
thedifferenthistoricaltrajectoriesofthecottonbeltandthesunbelt,callsforan
explanation.Intheformertheplantationshavebeenlargelydismantled,whileinthe
latterlatifundioscontinuetodominate.Pfeffer’sexplanationofthisparadoxstillholds
andtallieswellwiththethesisadvancedinthisbook:theproblemoflargelanded
propertieshasalwaysbeenlabourpower.Theaccesstodisciplinedlabouratlowwages
isaperennialproblemforlarge-scaleproduction.InWesternEuropeaswehaveseen,
thelargeestateshadgreatproblemsinsurvivingthecompetitionwithindustryfor
labour,evenifmechanizationwasacountervailingforce.
EastAsia:Japan,SouthKoreaandChina:Theindustriousrevolution
Japanesescholarshavecoinedtheconceptofanindustriousrevolutionapplicablenot
onlytoJapanbuttoseveralEastAsiancountries,emphasizingtheroleoffamilylabour,
notonlyinfarmingbutalsointhenon-farmsectorandintheproto-industrializationof
theJapaneseandChineseweavingandtextileindustries.Latertheindustrious
revolutionledtotheemergenceofalabourintensivepatternofindustrialization,which
madeitpossibleespeciallyforJapaneseindustriestocompetewithAmericanand
Europeanindustry(seeforexampletheworksquotedinSugihara2003).The
industriousrevolutionalsoleftaresilientimprintontheagrarianstructureofEast,as
wellSouthEastAsia,asdocumentedinarecentstudybyRiggetal.(2016).
ItisdoubtfulwhethertheconceptofanindustriousrevolutioncanbeappliedtoIndia,
toitsfarmsectororitsprotoindustrialization.Onthecontrary,thedivisionoflabourin
theagriculturalsectorandinspinning,weavingandtextiles,typicallyoccurredbetween
households,ratherthanwithinthem,unlikeintheJapaneseandChinesecases.Thisalso
appliedtofarmingwhereintheIndiancasefamily-managedfarmsweretherule,butnot
familylabourfarms.Overlargepartsofthecountryevensmallandmediumfarmers
dependedonhiredlabour,especiallyduringthepeakseasonsandinploughing,
harvestingandthreshing(Kumar1965,Hjejle1967).Thepresenceofalargelandless
proletariat,eitherworkingastenantsorasagriculturalwagelabourersmadeitpossible
forlandowningfarmersto‘outsource’themostdemandingtasksincropping.Wewould
arguethatthisstructuralfeature,distinguishingtheIndiancasefromtheEastAsian
ones,iscrucialinunderstandingthebackgroundconditionsforIndia’sST.Itcontinues
tomarkthedevelopmentinthesub-continent.
AnothercommonfeatureoftheEastandSouthEastAsian‘tigereconomies’isthatthey
allhadthoroughgoinglandreformsbeforeWorldWarII(inthecaseofTaiwanunder
Japaneseoccupation)16orimmediatelyafterthewarintheothercases.Landreforms
largelydidawaywithlandlordismandcreatedfarmsectorsdominatedbyfamilyfarms
(Jirström2005).AgainIndiaisacontrast:itsabolitionoftaxfarming(zamindari)is
usuallyconsideredsuccessfulbut,althoughattempted,reformsoftheEastAsiantype
haveonlybeenimplementedwithsomesuccessintheIndianStatesofWestBengaland
Kerala.
16Thereislargeliteratureontheconsequenceforthefarmsectorofstructuraltransformation,especially
inSouthEastAsia.SeeforexamplethearticlescollectedinEicherandStaatz(1990)andTomichetal.
(1995):Eicher,C.K.andJ.M.Staatz,Eds.(1990).AgriculturaldevelopmentintheThirdWorld.Baltimore,
Md.,TheJohnsHopkinsUniversityPress.
IndiainearnestlaunchedthemodernizationofitsagriculturewiththeGreenRevolution
from1967onwards(Frankel1978,DjurfeldtandJirström2005),butitdidsowitha
legacyofasegmentedrurallabourmarket,withminoritiesconsistingofmillionsof
landlesslabourersandpoorpeasants,segregatedbycaste,tribeandreligionandmostly
livinginabjectpoverty,togetherwithaclassoflargelandlords,entrenchedin
agriculturedespitethehalf-heartedlandreformsand,withlessfamilylabourfarmsand
morefamilymanagedones.
Summaryandconclusions
Theemergenceorstrengtheningoffamilyfarmshashistoricallybeenassociatedwith
thestructuraltransformation(ST)ofeconomies,whichnowbelongtothemost
industrializedandurbanizedintheworld.IntheWestfamilyfarmshavegrown,not
onlyattheexpenseofsmallerunits,butalsoattheexpenseoflargefarmsdependenton
hiredorothernon-familylabour.Asaresultofmechanizationandthedecreased
importanceofhiredlabour,bigestateshaveoftenbeensub-dividedandconvertedto
familyworkedfarms.Thisleadstoageneralquestionforfollowinganalysis:Isfamily
farmingstrengtheningitspositioninIndiaintandemwithitsST?OrisIndia,
paraphrasingthetitleofthisstudy:”Noplaceforfamilylabourfarms?”
Beforewecandigintothat:Inthenextchapter,wediscusstheconceptandprocessof
ST,especiallyitsconsequencesforagrariansociety.
References
Bailey,W.R.(1973).TheOne-ManFarm.Washington,D.C.,EconomicResearchService,UnitedStatesDepartmentofAgriculture.Binswanger,H.P.,K.DeiningerandG.Feder(1995).Power,distortions,revoltandreforminagriculturallandrelations.Handbookofdevelopmenteconomics.JereR.BehrmanandT.N.Srinivasan.Amsterdam,Elsevier.3B:2659-2772.Bjerén,G.(1981)."FemaleandmaleinaSwedishforestregion:Oldrolesundernewconditions."Antropologiskastudier(30-31):56-85.Brenner,R.(1976).AgrarianClassStructureandEconomicDevelopmentinPreindustrialEurope;.Brookfield,H.(2008)."Familyfarmsarestillaround:timetoinverttheoldagrarianquestion."GeographyCompass2(1):108-126.Brox,O.(1969).HvaskjeriNord-Norge?,PaxForlag.Caird,J.(1961,1878).Thelandedinterestandthesupplyoffood.London,Cass.Chambers,J.D.andG.E.Mingay(1966).TheAgriculturalRevolution1750-1880.London:,B.T.BatsfordLtd.Chand,R.,Prasanna,P.LakshmiandA.Singh(2011)."Farmsizeandproductivity:Understandingthestrengthsofsmallholdersandimprovingtheirlivelihoods."EconomicandPoliticalWeekly46:5-11.Chayanov,A.V.(1977).ThejourneyofmybrotherAlekseitothelandofpeasantutopia.TheRussianpeasant1920&1984.R.E.F.Smith.London,FrankCass:63-108.Chayanov,A.V.(1986).OntheTheoryofPeasantEconomy.Madison,Wis.,TheUniversityofWisconsinPress.Chayanov,A.V.(1986,1966).A.V.ChayanovandtheTheoryofPeasantEconomy.Madison,Wisconsin,TheUniversityofWisconsinPress.Coase,R.H.(1937)."Thenatureofthefirm."Economica4(16):386-405.Deininger,K.andD.Byerlee(2012)."Theriseoflargefarmsinlandabundantcountries:Dotheyhaveafuture?"WorldDevelopment40(4):701-714.Dixon,J.,A.Tanyeri-AburandH.Wattenbach(2004)"Frameworkforanalysingimpactsofglobalizationonsmallholders."FAOCorporateDocumentRepository.Djurfeldt,G.(1981)."WhatHappenedtotheAgrarianBourgoisieandtheRuralProletariatUnderMonopolyCapitalism?"ActaSociologica24(3):167-191.Djurfeldt,G.(1993)."ClassesasclientsoftheState.LandlordsandlaborersinAndalusia."ComparativeStudiesinSocietyandHistory35(1):159-182.Djurfeldt,G.(1994).Godsochgårdar:Jordbruketiettsociologisktperspektiv.Lund,Arkiv.Djurfeldt,G.(1996)."Definingandoperationalisingfamilyfarmingfromasociologicalperspective."SociologiaRuralis36(3):340-351.Djurfeldt,G.andM.Jirström(2005).Thepuzzleofthepolicyshift-TheearlygreenrevolutioninIndia,IndonesiaandthePhilippines.TheAfricanFoodCrisis:LessonsfromtheAsianGreenRevolution.G.Djurfeldt,H.Holmén,M.JirströmandR.Larsson.London,CABI.Djurfeldt,G.andS.Sircar(2016).StructuraltransformationandagrarianchangeinIndia.NewYorkandLondon,Routledge.
Dovring,F.(1965,1955).LandandLaborinEuropeintheTwentiethCentury:AComparativeSurveyofRecentAgrarianHistory.(ThirdRevisedEditionofLandandLaborinEurope,1900-1950).TheHague:,MartinusNijhoff.Dyer,G.(1998)."Farmsizeandproductivity:anewlookattheolddebaterevisited."EconomicandPoliticalWeekly:A113-A116.Eastwood,R.,M.LiptonandA.Newell(2010).Farmsize.Handbookofagriculturaleconomics.P.L.PingaliandR.E.Evenson.NorthHolland,Elsevier.Eicher,C.K.andJ.M.Staatz,Eds.(1990).AgriculturaldevelopmentintheThirdWorld.Baltimore,Md.,TheJohnsHopkinsUniversityPress.Errington,A.(1996)."AcommentonDjurfeldt'sdefinitionoffamilyfarming."SociologiaRuralis36(3):352-355.Eswaran,M.andA.Kotwal(1986)."AccesstoCapitalandAgrarianProductionOrganisation."EconomicJournal96(382):482-498.FAO(2014).Thestateoffoodandagriculture:Innovationinfamilyfarming,FoodandAgricultureOrganizationoftheUnitedNations.Frankel,F.R.(1978).India'spoliticaleconomy,1947-1977:Thegradualrevolution.Princeton,N.J.,PrincetonUniversityPress.Fuller,A.andB.Ray(1992).PluriactivityAmongFarmFamilies:SomeWestEuropean,USandCanadianComparisons.ContemporaryRuralSystemsinTransition.I.R.Bowler,C.R.B.andM.D.Nellis.London,CABInternational.Volume2:EconomyandSociety:201-212.Garner,E.andA.P.delaOCampos(2014).Identifyingthe“familyfarm”:Aninformaldiscussionoftheconceptsanddefinitions.ESAWorkingPaper14-10.Rome,AgriculturalDevelopmentEconomicsDivision,FoodandAgricultureOrganizationoftheUnitedNations.Gasson,R.(1987).FamilyFarminginBritain.FamilyFarminginEuropeandAmerica.B.GaleskiandE.Wilkening.Boulder,Col.,WestviewPress:5-37.Gatti,F.(2007).Bilal:viaggiare,lavorare,moriredaclandestini.Milano,BUR.Harrison,A.(1975).FarmersandfarmbusinessesinEngland,MiscellaneousStudyNumber62.Reading:ReadingUniversity,DepartmentofAgriculturalEconomicsandManagement.Hjejle,B.(1967).SlaveryandagriculturalbondageinSouthIndiainthenineteenthcenturyCopenhagen,ScandinavianInstituteofAsianStudies.Hobsbawm,E.J.(1969).Industryandempire:aneconomichistoryofBritainsince1750.London.Holmes,D.andJ.Qataert(1986)."AnApproachtoModernLabor:WorkerPeasantriesinHistoricSaxonyandFriuliRegionoverThreeCenturies."ComparativeStudiesinSocietyandHistory28(2):191-216.Kasimis,C.andA.G.Papadopoulos(1997)."FamilyfarmingandcapitalistdevelopmentinGreekagriculture:Acriticalreviewoftheliterature."SociologiaRuralis37(2):209-227.Kumar,D.(1965).LandandCasteinSouthIndia:AgriculturallabourintheMadrasPresidencyduringthenineteenthcentury.Cambridge,CambrideUniversityPress.Lenin,V.I.(1960,1899).TheDevelopmentofCapitalisminRussia.Moskva,ForeignLanguagesPublishingHouse.Lin,J.Y.(1992)."RuralreformsandagriculturalgrowthinChina."TheAmericaneconomicreview:34-51.Lipton,M.andT.John(1991).DoesAidWorkinIndia?AStudyoftheImpactofOfficialDevelopmentAssistance.London:,Routledge.
Lowder,S.K.,J.SkoetandS.Singh(2014)."Whatdowereallyknowaboutthenumberanddistributionoffarmsandfamilyfarmsintheworld?"BackgroundpaperforTheStateofFoodandAgriculture:8.Mackinnon,N.,J.M.Bryden,C.Bell,M.FullerandM.Spearman(1991).Pluriactivity,StructuralChangeandFarmHouseholdVulnerabilityinWesternEurope.Marx,K.(1977).Capital.ACritiqueofPoliticalEconomy.London,Lawrence&Wishart.Newby,H.,C.Bell,C.RoseandP.Saunders(1978).Property,PaternalismandPower.London:,Hutchinson.Perry,P.J.(1972).BritishAgriculture,1875-1914.London,Methuen.Pfeffer,M.(1983)."SocialoriginsofthreesystemoffarmproductionintheUnitedStates."RuralSociology48:540-562.Polanyi,K.(2001,1944).TheGreatTransformation:ThePoliticalandEconomicOriginsofOurTime.Boston,BeaconPress.Prowse,M.(2011).ACenturyofGrowth?AHistoryofTobaccoProductionandMarketinginMalawi-1890-2005,UniversiteitAntwerpen,InstituteofDevelopmentPolicyandManagement(IOB).Prowse,M.(2013)."AhistoryoftobaccoproductionandmarketinginMalawi,1890–2010."JournalofEasternAfricanStudies7(4):691-712.Reardon,T.,C.B.Barrett,J.A.BerdeguéandJ.F.M.Swinnen(2009)."AgrifoodIndustryTransformationandSmallFarmersinDevelopingCountries."WorldDevelopment37(11):1717-1727.Reardon,T.,C.P.Timmer,C.BarrettandJ.Berdegué(2003)."TheriseofsupermarketsinAfrica,Asia,andLatinAmerica."AmericanJournalofAgriculturalEconomics85(5):1140-1146.Rigg,J.,A.SalamancaandE.C.Thompson(2016)."ThepuzzleofEastandSoutheastAsia'spersistentsmallholder."JournalofRuralStudies43:118-133.Riskin,C.(1995).FeedingChina:Theexperiencesince1949.ThePoliticalEconomyofHunger.SelectedEssays.J.Drèze,A.SenandA.Hussain.Oxford,ClarendonPress:401-444.Roumasset,J.(1995)."Thenatureoftheagriculturalfirm."JournalofEconomicBehaviorandOrganization26:161-177.Schmitt,G.(1991)."WhyistheagricultureofadvancedWesterneconomiesstillorganizedbyfamilyfarms.Willthiscontinuetobesointhefuture?"EuropeanReviewofAgriculturalEconomics18:443-458.Scott,J.C.(1985).WeaponsoftheWeak:EverydayFormsofPeasantResistance.LondonandNewYork,YaleUniversityPress.Smith,A.(1904(1776)).AnInquiryintotheNatureandCausesoftheWealthofNations.E.Cannan.London:Methuen&Co.,Ltd.,LibraryofEconomicsandLiberty[Online]Stevenson,A.(2014).CashCropsWithDividends:FinanciersTransformingStrawberriesIntoSecurities.NewYorkTimes.NewYork.Sugihara,K.(2003).TheEastAsianPathofEconomicDevelopment:Along-termperspective.TheResurgenceofEastdAsia:500,150and50yearperspective.G.Arrighi,T.HamashitaandM.Selden.LondonandNewYork,Routledge:78-123.Thomas,R.J.(1985).Citizenship,Gender,andWork:SocialOrganizationofIndustrialAgriculture.Berkeley:,UniversityofCaliforniaPress.Tracy,M.(1989).GovernmentandAgricultureinWesternEurope1880-1988.ThirdEdition.,London:HarvesterWheatsheaf.Weber,M.,Ed.(1997,1949).Themethodologyofthesocialsciences.TranslatedandeditedbyEdwardA.ShilsandHenryA.Finch.NewYork,FreePress.
Wilkening,E.andJ.Gilbert(1987).FamilyFarmingintheUnitedStates.Williamson,O.E.(1979)."Transaction-costeconomics:thegovernanceofcontractualrelations."Journaloflawandeconomics:233-261.WorldBank(2009).AwakeningAfrica'sSleepingGiant:ProspectsforcommercialAgricultureintheGuineaSavannahZoneandBeyond.Washington,D.C.,TheBank.