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indiastat.com December, 2011 - January, 2012 1 socio - economic voices

Fading Colours of a Glorious Past: A Discourse on the Socio-economic dimensions of marginalized

Banarasi sari weaving community Satyendra N. Singh, Senior Research Fellow, Shailendra K. Singh, Junior Research Fellow

Vipin C. Pandey, Senior Research Fellow, Ajay K. Giri, Research scholar (Department of Geography, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi)

Since ancient times, India’s hand-woven textile industry has been one of the world’s largest and

most renowned for making sarees, a traditional silk dress. At its centre is Varanasi, home to lakhs

of weavers which has a long route in history and has been famous as a prominent commercial

center dealing in finest quality of silk in North India. The finest product of silk from Banaras was

described even by Patanjali in second century BC, and similar references are also found in Pali

literature (Sukul, 1974). From the very beginning of the civilization, trade and commerce in

Varanasi has been the main centre of attraction and has flourished very well due to its rich

heritage, history, river side location and its linkages with many parts of India as well as the world

namely Nepal, Bangladesh, China and Thailand. Banaras had been famous as river port,

exporting cotton and silk products; even during 600 BC, many neighborhoods in the city were

settled by weavers (Kosambi, 1970). Due to spread of cultural and religious activities mainly

Buddhism, it got well connected with China, Japan and other countries which were rich in silk

work. The textile and silk industry in Banaras has historical base as recorded in the Vedic and

Buddhist literature. During the 12th -14th century it got a glorious record, and by the turn of 20th

century, Banaras became famous for sarees (Srivastava, 1986).

The Mughals patronised this art and thus, Persian imprints on it can easily be noticed. Impact of

Persian culture on this particular profession led to the adoption of it, predominantly by the

Muslims. Slowly, this profession passed from one generation to another and thus became

community dominant. The weaving community was called as ‘Julaha’ who were ignorant of their

ancient past. To quote (Pandey, 1983), “No Julaha is aware of his ancient past and historical

linkages. In fact, Julaha (the ignorant class) refers to Muslim weavers, and it was the common

name until nineteenth century, after that they insisted that they should be called as Ansaris (who

were skilled in the art of weaving)”. But today the situation has changed and Julaha word is no

more in use, presently they call themselves “bunker” (cf. Kumar, 1988).Though there are no

written evidences to prove the place of origin of these bunkars, but it is the weavers’ claim that

they migrated from Arab (cf. Singh, 1988).

The condition of Sari weavers has deteriorated in the recent past and the identity of sari weaving

industry is being threatened. The reasons can be stiff competition with artificial fibers, obsolete

machineries, shrinking economic resources and unsympathetic government aids, lack of technical


expertise, changing fashion trends, high cost inputs and low returns, lack of raw materials,

competition with Chinese, Dhaka and south Indian silk. It is coupled with the penury of weavers

who are marginalized in all spheres of day to day life, be it economic or non-economic. Extreme

cases of poverty & destitution, unemployment, illiteracy, degrading condition of health &

sanitation, segregated nature of living and deplorable nature of social status are the prominent

characteristics. The pathetic domestic affairs and worsening economic conditions, together with

burgeoning loans and debts suppress the life cycle which results in penury and starvation on

economic front and disappointment, dismair and distress on psychological front. These copulative

pressure forces them to commit suicide, the trend of which has grown in the recent years.

In spite of these problems, the weavers are so strongly attached with this profession that in no

circumstance they want to quit this job or adopt newer ones because they have no other working

skill except sari weaving. From the very beginning of their childhood they get absorbed in this

work. But today they are struggling hard to regain their lost glorious position. This industry of India

is community/caste based, labour intensive, tradition oriented, having a legacy of unrivalled

craftsmanship with a decentralized set-up that has spread throughout the length and breadth of

the country. As per the handloom census there is a total of 38, 90, 576 handlooms in India.

However, in Banaras there are only 1, 24, 832 families who are engaged in handloom weaving

(Singh and Naik, 2008). Though the Banarasi silk products are enjoying a ready market both at

home and abroad, there are certain grey areas demanding immediate attention to sustain and

further improve this traditional craft. There is lack of adequate information available for silk

weavers in Banaras. To fill such gap, the present investigation was taken up to study the present

status of marginalised Banarasi sari weaving community.

Study Area

Varanasi, a million city and a major nodal center in Uttar Pradesh, lies in the heart of the Middle

Ganga Plain on the left bank of river Ganga (Latitude 250 18’ N and Longitude 830 01’E). It is one

of the ancient living cities of the world and has maintained its ancient glory and distinction, almost

uninterruptedly. The city, contemporarily referred to by two names-Varanasi and Kashi by the

common masses has been denoted by different names in the past. Officially this city is known as

Varanasi; and Kashi, in practice, is the old city area with its religious significance. Banaras is the

distorted form of Varanasi (Singh, 2002).

In geographical terms, it is situated on the left Kankar-infested (lime concretion) high natural

levee along the crescent shaped Ganga for a distance of about 5 kms and enjoys the special


advantage of its stable site protected from three sides: (i) The Ganga in the east, (ii) The

Varana/Varuna in the north, and (iii) The Assi Nala in the south. But a considerable area along

the river Varana in the north and another in the southern part of the city is low-lying and is

vulnerable to water logging and floods, mostly in rainy months. The city enjoys sub-tropical

monsoon climate recording three distinct seasons. The average height of the city from mean sea

level is 77m. The nature and character of the bank of Ganga has made the position of Banaras so

stable and enviable that it is amongst the few cities of the world which shows little shifting in its

site. The city earlier grew on the high land along the Ganga. Later, it spread towards the west and

north direction, along Maidagin-civil court road, Azamgarh and Ghazipur road, and in southeast

beyond the Banaras Hindu University (BHU). Even the growth of BHU and Diesel Locomotive

Works (DLW) has been partly conditioned by the physical setting of the city.

Since Varanasi originated in pre-historic times and its history is obscure, no early records of the

population are available. The first reliable census was conducted in 1881CE when the city had 2,

18,573 persons only. The present population has crossed a million mark. Evidently the population

of the city has been growing fast (Table1) and has recorded as much as five fold increase since

1881. Varanasi appears to be one of the most densely populated Indian cities. The wards

adjacent to Ganga (in the inner zone) are heavily populated and concentrated. The Chowk and

Kotwali like wards of the inner zone recorded the heaviest concentration of population density

reaching to 500 to 700 persons/ha as per the 2001 census.


Earlier the city had attracted the artisans, potters, and weavers who initiated the household

industrial establishments; important among them have been ivory and metal works, silken

brocades, utensil and zarda. During the post-independence period, many large scale industrial

units have been developed in and around the city. The establishment of the DLW in 1961 in the

southwestern part of the city opened new avenues of city’s sprawl in its peripheral villages. The

city is known as the “seat of learning” since the ancient past. The presence of important

institutions of higher learning and research, e.g. BHU, Sampurnanand Sanskrit University,

Mahatma Gandhi Kashi Vidyapeeth, Central University of Tibetan Studies, Sulfia Jamia Darul

Islamia and Parshwanath Vidhyapeeth (having the status of deemed university), maintains its

ancient glory. Spinning and weaving are the oldest and most important household industry

employing more than half of the industrial workers. The small scale and household industries

sector (including spinning and weaving, textiles, hosiery, chemicals and soap, cosmetics, food

silver foil making) is quite developed and employs majority of industrial workers and commuters.

Table 1: Varanasi Urban Agglomeration (UA): Population Characteristics, 2001

Urban unit Population (2001)

Decadal Growth Rate (%) 1961-71 1971-81 1981-91 1991-01

VARANASI U.A. (Varanasi Dist) 1,203,961 23.85 25.50 29.48 16.69 1. Varanasi 1,092,445 23.04 22.45 28.95 17.58

i. Varanasi (MC) 1,059,961 23.89 22.45 28.57 14.47 ii. Lahartara (OG) 5,223 - - - 67.03 iii. Lohta 19,706 - - - - iv. Kandwa 7,555 - - - -

2. Varanasi Cantt. 17,259 81.99 65.73 1.64 18.03 3. Maruadih Railway Settlement 18,739 - 85.38 17.56 - 23.45 4. Ramanagar (MB) 40,619 7.17 35.13 28.26 34.87 5. Sheodaspur (CT) 11,420 - - 85.43 50.08 6. Phulwaria (CT) 11,971 - - 61.87 22.60 7. Banaras Hindu University(NA) 7,788 40.90 26.12 - 6.63 - 32.3

MUGHALSARAI U.A.(Chandauli Dist) 116,308 - - - 27.11 1. Mughalsarai (MB) 88,387 - - - 32.85 2. Mughalsarai Rly settl. (NAC) 27,921 - - - 11.79

(Source: Adapted from Singh, 2010)

Even today these works are important with which the city identifies itself. There are lakhs of

weavers who are mostly concentrated in the inner wards of the city. Out of many such wards

Madanpura-Rewari Talab, Bajardiha and Lallapura were selected as sample locations because

these areas are dominated by weaver community which represents different classes of weavers,

working pattern, socio-economic conditions, work environment and their health characteristics.

Locational variation along with characteristic variations portrays the wholesome picture of

weaving society which culminates into representing the whole universe.


Objectives

The present study intends to explore the socio-economic and health dimensions of Banarasi sari

weaving community. The major objectives of the study are summarised in the following points:

• To study the economic and non-economic problems of the weaving community,

• To analyse the impact of living condition and work place environment on their health,

• To assess the correlation among education, health and income, and

• To highlight the existing problems and recommend suggestive measures.

Conceptual Framework:

Data and Methodology

The study is based on primary data collected in the year 2009 from three weaver dominated

localities of Varanasi city namely Bajardiha, Madanpura-Rewari talaab and Lallapura. A detailed

survey of the study area was conducted and the samples were randomly selected. In all, 341

respondents were interviewed using a structured questionnaire to elicit the required information.

The socio-economic determinants were hypothetically selected. Statistical techniques were

employed to analyse the collected data and computer aided techniques were used to represent

the results.


Major findings and discussion:

Weaving in Varanasi is a community dominant profession as is evident from the data; Muslims

constitute 92 per cent of the weavers. Ansaris (a sub caste belonging to Muslim community)

prominently dominate weaving. They have inherited this profession and thus they are historically

attached to weaving. Sex-wise it is noticed that it is a male dominated profession as they

constitute 98 per cent of the total weavers. Contrary to this, children and females are engaged in

assisting the males at home but not at the work place. This is evident from the fact that only 1.47

per cent females were weavers and children below the age of 15 years accounted for only a

negligible fraction of the main weavers’ i.e. 0.58 per cent. This fact surprisingly refutes the

hitherto debate of prominence of child labour in this profession! Almost two third of the weavers

fall in the economically active age group because the productivity is relatively more in this age

group due to their physical capabilities. The trend of engagement of people in this profession

reduces with the increasing age. The involvement of older people was less conspicuous because

of their physical health, strength and visual problems. Hence, it can be concluded that there is

found a clear-cut imprint of age on this profession. Most of the weavers are residents of the city

and only a small fraction constitute commuters, mostly from the peripheral villages.

Traditionally the throw-shuttle pit looms (manually driven) are used in Varanasi for sari weaving.

These looms require lots of energy. The poor economic condition, absence of government aids

and unavailability of financing agencies have forced them to stick to manual looms. These factors

inhibit the adoption of semi-automatic/power looms. The erratic nature of electricity in the city also

plays a decisive role. The socio-economic condition is reflected to some extent in educational

scenario of a society. The weaver community has not yet realized the importance of education, as

only 5 per cent had attended education up to secondary level. The situation worsens as the

enrollment ratio decreases with increase in the level of education. Children could not continue

their study owing to financial problems. The drop-out ratio is alarmingly very high. Children of

weavers could not afford to go for higher education due to family constraints, ignorance,

absorption in this profession (family trade) and other discouraging circumstances. There is found

a wide variation between enrollment in government/private schools and Madarasas as about

more than half of the enrollment is in Madarasas. Choice of educational institution is guided by

their social and religious beliefs and practices. Illiteracy and lack of consciousness towards

education and other issues prevail among Julahas. A psychic fear about the opportunities after

education restricts for getting education. They readily neglect and keep themselves aloof from all


forms of modern education as they consider Islamic education to be worth paying. Though

economic constraints comes in the form of hurdle, but the social and religious stigma and rigidity

are the main issues which inspire them in neglecting modern form of vocational education and

health services (cf. Singh, 1988).

The penury of weavers and their consequent marginalization is an outcome of both lower per

capita income and low productivity which is further manifested by large family size and more

number of dependents. The income of the sole earner gets distributed among all the members.

The family size compels them to adopt a hand-to-mouth living which also affects their food habits.

Nutritional deficiencies and diseases arising thereof is rampant among weavers. It can be

concluded that level of income casts a profound impact on their living conditions and feeding

habits. Aggravating financial constraints coupled with diminishing monthly income compels them

to go for loans and debt raising to sustain their life. This pathetic condition makes their life

miserable, the magnitude of which cannot be dealt in with words!

Health is a vital component and determinant of a persons’ quality of life. It is a subjective as well

as an objective evaluation of the physical, mental and social status. The living condition, earning

opportunity and working capacity are interwoven and therefore, if one of it gets affected, it affects

all of them. Health is the pivot upon which these elements balance themselves. Hence, health

bears a direct relationship with the above three elements. Since most of the weavers are daily

wage earners and have a hand-to-mouth living therefore, it is impervious for them to have a

sound health. The weavers in the study area are prone to several chronic diseases which is

consequent upon by malnutrition and lack of money to access healthcare services. It would be an

illusion to think of weavers spending on basic healthcare services when their livelihood is

threatened and they are striving hard to arrange for the days’ meal. The lack of food and

infections with diseases are threatening their livelihood and the state sponsored public health

services are not reaching them. The failure of government policies related to public health

services is taking their lives away (AHRC Report, 2007). The weavers’ family is facing extreme

poverty and suffering from disease since their income is not enough to fetch daily food and proper

treatment. Moreover, they do not receive any benefits from the government and are the victims of

widespread corruption rampant in the system. The relatively heavy work for handloom weaving

requires the weavers to spend hours in a weaving pit with the weaving machine. Given the

physical condition of a starving weaver and the presence of the infectious elements in the

surroundings, triggered with very poor health services, create the most congenial environment for

the illness to spread vigorously in the community. They have no choice but to approach the


primary health centers due to their poverty, where they do not get proper treatment due to the

neglect of the doctors and staff, insufficient medical supplies, facilities and corruption. This affects

the poor since they cannot either afford to pay bribes or approach private clinics. The hostile

circumstances and the traditional beliefs create compelling environment for them to approach

quacks and other traditional healers residing in the locality. Neglect of modern form of medicine is

very common among the weavers. The central government launched the health insurance

scheme for weavers in August 2005, under which the weavers can apply for health cards with

which they can obtain treatments free of cost at any hospital. But, due to corruption and

institutional bottlenecks the fruits have not yet reached the needy ones.

Health problems such as Bronchitis, T.B., visual complications, arthritis are very common among

the weavers. Malnutrition, shanty housing, overcrowding, inadequate ventilation (in the closed

working place filled with dust and thrums), insanitary and unhygienic living provide favorable

conditions for infections. Lack of awareness has given rise to incidence of deadly diseases like

AIDS in the recent years. The deteriorating health of weavers has not only affected them, rather it

has made the industry sick as well. The deplorable status of health and healthcare system puts a

question mark on the governmental machinery of the country. The plight of the life of the weavers’

families tells the sad tale of government neglect, exploitation and starvation. India being a country

which produces some of the high quality drugs exported all over the world at the lowest prices

denies proper treatment to its own people (AHRC Hunger Alert, 2007). The concept of family

welfare and practices of birth control is minimal in the weaving community. Early marriage leads

to deteriorating condition of mother and foetus health which culminates into larger family size and

excessive economic burden. This portrays increased maternal and foetal deaths which

encourages more child births and less contraceptive uses. Spacing between two births is very

less. We found that 70 per cent of the households had large family size, i.e. between 5-10

members, which is an outcome of poverty and religious faiths.

Hierarchical inequality is common among the weavers. Moreover, the ‘growing gap between

requirements and availabilities of skilled persons’ (Lipton, 1977), further promotes inequality

leading to more exploitation of bottom class. The persons involved into weaving are classified into

five groups in hierarchical order from lower to higher as, dependent weavers working under

another’s roof; dependent weavers working in their own house, independent weavers, master

weavers and owners of saree-firms (Kumar, 1988). These persons are further interlinked with a

chain of middlemen brokers (dalals), commission agents (kothidars), whole-sellers (thokdars) and

retailers (Singh, 1986). Almost three-fourth of the weavers works on contracts and are, therefore,


contractual workers. They are subject to exploitation by the employers and their livelihood is

threatened as they can be kicked off at any point of time. Only 20 per cent of the weavers are

permanently employed (see annexure). The fear and insecurity of jobs forces them to abide by

the conditions of their employers and hence exploitation becomes inevitable. The middle-men

and employers behave rudely with the pity weavers and they are left with no alternatives but to

work under stress and on minimal wages. Julahas are leading a suffocating and filthy life, the

owners of saree firm and middle men always exploit and cheat the dependent Julahas, while they

always claim for honesty and humanity. These owners have mastery of cheating the petty

weavers; they get exploited and are left helpless. Poverty, destitution and economic theft have

become a part and parcel of their life (cf. Kumar, 1986). Most of the dependents of the main

weavers are employed indirectly in the same profession. Diversification of job is a major problem

among the youth. Income from outside this profession is very less, which poses economic

problems. People are so much attached with this profession that they hardly want to migrate for

better occupational alternatives. Females and children are not employed as main weavers; rather

they assist the main male and do the subsidiary works like preparing nari, cutting and making

tana and other fine works before and after the completion of sari.

Half of the weavers reside in bastis (slums) with almost absence of urban amenities. Though they

live in urban areas, but they are devoid of basic urban facilities, i.e. tap water, sewerage, and

sanitation. There is noticed a total collapse of urban sanitation. Open drains, absence of public

toilet, garbage heaps etc. become breeding grounds of several diseases. The situation gets

worsened in rainy months. Segregated living pattern is noticed among weavers. The area of

residence is dominated by people of same caste and community, language and economic class.

Lack of open spaces, separate kitchen, absence of toilet etc. speaks more than what can be

described in words.

Cases of malnutrition and starvation clearly indicate the complete failure of public food distribution

system and relevant government bureaucracies. Right from the distribution of yellow, red and

white cards and the distribution of food items, the system is totally corrupt. Bribes are so common

in practice that it makes the life of the pity weavers miserable. Irregular income and burgeoning

debt burden on one hand pushes them deeper into the poverty trap while malnutrition, starvation

and illness on the other, continue to haunt their families. Weavers are out of reach of PDS shops

and at the mercy of contract holders. It can be said that poor weavers are sandwiched between

utter poverty, corruption and malpractices of the system.


There are several government health schemes for saree weavers, namely, Mahatma Gandhi

Health Scheme (Mahatma Gandhi Bunkar Bima Yojna), ICICI Lombard Health Scheme,

Integrated Handloom Cluster Development Scheme. But needless to say, only small share of

weavers are aware of the scheme or avail facilities from such schemes. Monetary, social

conditions, exploitation at the hand of middlemen, debt burden makes them psychologically weak.

Family conditions encourage delinquent behaviour among the youths. The innocent weavers are

influenced by the spiritual leaders in all the spheres of decision making, be it social, political,

ecological or economical. Their present condition is comparable to late 19th century as

mentioned in a report presented in 1977:“in the majority of cases the weaver at present lives a

hand-to-mouth existence; his method of working, the appliances used by him and the amount he

has to pay to the money-lender to obtain money to purchase his materials, cut-down his earnings

to such a narrow limit that they are barely sufficient to supply his daily wants” (Pandey, 1983).

The condition of Banarasi saree weavers has emerged as a hot issue in the recent years, but,

needless to say, it is aimed to reap off the political benefits and misappropriation of the grants by

the so called guardians of the petty weavers.

Policy recommendations

Saree weaving industry in Banaras is deteriorating rapidly and is losing its feet. The pity weavers

have to strive hard to make their both ends meet. To regain the lost glorious position the weaving

industry needs rejuvenation in all spheres. Considering the problems, some remedial measures

have been suggested which would be beneficial for the weavers in particular and the industry in

general, which are based on ethnographic perception of the problems and resultant solutions:

To ensure regular, uninterrupted and cheap availability of raw materials.

To abolish middle-men tendencies as they take away a major chunk of the profit and the

bunkars who deserve, are deprived of it.

To extend loans and credits at subsidized rates and to bring them under the cover of

insurance schemes, viz. health insurance, housing, etc.

To strengthen the public distribution system (PDS) and related institutions for easier and

cheaper accessibility to food.

To promote Saree export and ensure a wider market, exhibitions, trade fairs, retail stores

and a regulatory body can be established. Retail stores/outlets on the lines of ‘Gandhi

Ashrams’ could be a viable option to facilitate regular sell and income generation.


Since most of the weavers are uneducated and are left out from the mainstream of

development, therefore, education becomes the priority area to be focused on.

To infuse modern and scientific form of education in them. This will free them from the

clutches of traditional, rigid and religious education.

Occupational monotony is a significant phenomenon rampant in their society. To avoid

unnecessary stress and to reduce the dependencies, diversification of occupation is

must. Vocational and diploma courses related to weaving will bring expertise and

skillfulness, which will give a new look to the occupational structure.

Superstitions related to health and medicines are deeply rooted among the weavers.

Feeling of insecurity regarding immunization, family welfare and planning programmes,

contraceptive use and other government aided health schemes can be removed by

organizing SHGs, volunteers and representatives from amongst them.

Conclusion

The rapidly declining status of Banarasi silk saree and the degrading socio-economic condition of

the weavers is a matter of great concern today. The recent trends in the industry’s downfall,

marred with stiff competition, unethical outlook towards this age old culture, not only brings in

social problems but pushes the pride product of the city on the track of virtual extinction. Due to

shrinking opportunities in this sector there is noticed a major shift in occupational structure in

recent years, which is alarming as far as the identity of this heritage industry is concerned.

Getting the GI status apart, the industry needs specifically articulated plans and programmes to

get rejuvenated and to regain its lost glory and make its presence felt in the arena of globalized

markets.

Select References

Dube, Rajendra Kumar(1986):Banarasi saree Industry-Issue of its dignity(in Hindi), K.K.Mishra

in eds.Sanmarg,Varanasi Visheshank,Sanmarg office Varanasi:197-202.

Dumount, Louis (1980): Homo Hierarchicus, The caste system and its implications, Rev. English

ed. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.

Kosambi,D.D (1970):The culture and civilisation of ancient India in Historical outline, Vikash

Publication, New Delhi.


Kumar, Nita (1986): Open Space and free Home-pleasure for the people of Banaras, Contribution

to Indian Sociology 20(1): 41-60.

Kumar, Nita (1988): The Artisans of Banarasi popular culture and Identity, Princeton University

Press, Princeton.

Lipton, Michael (1977): Why poor people stay poor, Temple Smith Ltd., London.

Pandey, Gyan(1983): Economic Dislocation in Nineteenth century Eastern Uttar Pradesh, In

Petty Robb ed. Rural South Asia, Curzon Press, London:89-129.

Singh, R.P.B. and Rana, P.S. (2002): Banaras Region-A Spiritual and Cultural Guide, Indica

Books, Varanasi.

Singh, R.L (1971): India-A Regional geography, National Geographical Society of India, Varanasi

Socio-economic survey of “Banaras sari” weavers employed in factories in Varanasi city,

unpublished M.A survey report, 2006-07, Department of Geography, B.H.U, Varanasi.

Srivastav, S.K. (1986): Tradition of Textile Industry in Kashi(in Hindi), In T.P.Verma et.al

eds.Varanasi Through the Ages, B.I.S.S.,Varanasi:205-207.

Sukul, K. N (1974): Varanasi down the Ages, Published by K.N.Sukul Patna.

Annexure

Demographic Profile of Sari Weavers Age Structure Age Group Bajardiha Madanpura-Rewari Talab Lallapura

Total Per cent Total Per cent Total Per cent Below 15 01 1.33 00 00 01 0.57 15-35 44 58.66 66 73.34 108 61.36 36-54 21 28.00 19 21.11 50 28.40 Above 54 05 12.00 05 5.55 17 9.65 Social Group wise Distribution of Weavers Area General OBC SC ST

Total Per cent Total Per cent Total Per cent Total Per cent Bajardiha 2 2.67 66 88 6 8 1 1.33 Madanpura & Rewari Talab

00 0.00 99 100 00 0 0 0

Lallapura 17 9.66 157 89.20 2 1.13 0 0 Total 19 5.57 313 91.78 8 2.35 1 0.30 Level of Education Educational Status Bajardiha (%) Madanpura-Rewari Talab (%) Lallapura (%) Primary 21.05 25.00 35.71 Middle 60.00 11.67 27.53 Secondary 2.26 3.33 8.16 Graduation & above 2.63 0.00 7.17 Madarsa 71.05 60.00 35.71


Family size Area Below 5 5-10 Above 10

Total House Holds

Per cent

Total House Holds

Per cent

Total House Holds

Per cent

Bajardiha 7 9.33 57 76.00 11 14.66 Madanpura- Rewari Talab

12 13.33 73 81.11 5 5.5

Lallapura 30 17.04 108 61.36 38 30.68 Total 49 14.36 238 69.36 54 15.83 Working Population Gender Working Population

Bajardiha Madanpura-Rewari Talab Lallapura Number Per cent Number Per cent Number Per cent

Total 250 23.51 271 25.49 542 50.98 Male 185 33.50 204 32.32 431 34.23 Female 65 11.79 67 10.61 111 8.8 Type of Employment Type of Works Bajardiha (%) Madanpura-Rewari Talab (%) Lallapura (%) Daily Wage 13.33 4.44 8.52 Conractual 50.66 86.66 73.86 Permanent 36.00 8.88 17.61 Monthly income Income/ Month in Rs. Bajardiha (%) Madanpura-Rewari Talab (%) Lallapura (%) Below 500 1.33 0.00 2.99 500-1400 5.33 10.22 21.97 Above 1400 93.33 89.78 75.04 Prevalence of Disease Diseases Total. Person

Suffering (%) Bajardiha (per cent)

Madanpura-Rewari Talab (per cent)

Lallapura (per cent)

Bronchitis 21.40 29.33 17.77 19.88 Asthma 7.62 6.66 5.55 9.09 Tuberculosis 4.10 6.66 2.22 3.97 Arthritis/I.P. 42.52 41.33 41.11 43.75 Visual complication 25.51 28.00 13.33 30.68 Hearing complication 6.74 6.66 2.22 9.09 Sugar 4.69 2.66 5.55 9.11 Urinary infection 6.50 8.00 5.55 5.68 Accidental infection 7.62 12.00 7.77 5.68 Skin disease 14.95 14.66 12.22 16.47 Heart complication 5.57 8.00 4.44 5.11 Health Awareness Area Health Condition Hospitals for Treatment

(per cent) Types of Medicine

(per cent) Good Average Poor Private Local Clinic Allopat

hic Homeopath

ic Bajardiha 46.6 30.66 4.00 48.0 61.33 94.66 22.66 Madanpura- Rewari Talab

50.00 28.88 2.20 53.33 47.77 93.33 26.66

Lallapura 42.61 30.68 8.52 54.54 36.36 88.06 23.86 Total 45.45 30.2 5.86 52.78 44.86 90.00 24.34 Source : Personal Survey conducted in 2009 in Bajardiha, Madanpura- Rewari Talab & Lallapura wards of Varanasi city

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