ethnoveterinary medicines used for ruminants in trinidad and tobago

Ethnoveterinary medicines used for ruminants

in Trinidad and Tobago

Cheryl Lansa,*, Gabriel Brownb

a 17 Cadiz Road, Belmont, Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobagob School of Veterinary Medicine, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago

Accepted 13 February 1998

Abstract

Ethnoveterinary research was conducted in Trinidad and Tobago in 1995, in order to document

existing ethnoveterinary practices. This paper describes 20 medicinal plants used to treat ruminants.

The main plants used were Azadirachta indica and Curcuma longa. Medicinal plants were used

predominantly for endoparasites, internal and external injuries and pregnancy-related conditions. A

4-stage process was used to conduct the research and document the ethnoveterinary practices. This

documentation could provide a foundation for the further scientific study and verification of those

practices which merit such study. # 1998 Elsevier Science B.V.

Keywords: Ethnoveterinary medicine; Folk medicine; Trinidad and Tobago; Participatory research

1. Introduction

In Trinidad and Tobago, ethnoveterinary practices are based on Caribbean folk

medicine, which is a product of inter-group borrowing (Laguerre, 1987). In Caribbean

folk medicine, this inter-group borrowing incorporates knowledge from Europe, India,

Africa and South America (Morton, 1980).

Ethnoveterinary medicinal research is the holistic, interdisciplinary study of the local

knowledge and the socio-cultural structures and environment associated with animal

health care and husbandry (McCorckle et al., 1996).

McCorckle et al., 1996 cited twelve studies which demonstrated that developing-world

governments relying solely on Western-style medicine and delivery systems have proved

Preventive Veterinary Medicine 35 (1998) 149±163

* Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 868 624 7880.

0167-5877/98/$19.00 # 1998 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved

PII S 0 1 6 7 - 5 8 7 7 ( 9 8 ) 0 0 0 6 6 - X

incapable of meeting the majority of their citizen's needs for veterinary services. In 1994,

the view of some officials of the Animal Health sub-division of the Ministry of

Agriculture, Land and Marine Resources of Trinidad and Tobago was this: `̀ the marked

reduction of financial resources, and (their) unlikely increase in the foreseeable future

suggest a need to prioritize the range of services offered by the Animal Health sub-

division'' (Ministry of Agriculture, Land and Marine Resources, 1991).

Ethnoveterinary research seeks to assist those stockraisers who have no, little or

declining access to conventional, Western-style veterinary care and inputs (McCorckle

et al., 1996). For example in Tobago, mortality rates for small ruminants can reach 40%

(Robertson, 1991) but post mortem examinations are rare (Tobago House of Assembly,

1992). Research into ethnoveterinary practices seeks practical development options in

livestock healthcare (McCorckle et al., 1996), that could help alleviate the problems

outlined above.

This paper will (1) describe the 4-stage process used to document ethnoveterinary

medicinal use in Trinidad and Tobago; and (2) 20% of the ethnoveterinary medicinal

plants used for ruminants.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. The study area

Geologically, Trinidad is an outlier of the South American continent. It lies 18 km

north-east of Venezuela, and has an area of 4769 km2. Tobago lies 35 km north of

Trinidad and has an area of 301 km2. The human population is 1.25 million. Oil and the

petroleum-based industries (natural gas, fertilisers, methanol, iron and steel) are the major

sources of export earnings (Harrison, 1994). The livestock industry contributes

approximately 0.1% to GDP (Evans and Ganteaume-Farrell, 1993). The animal

population is estimated to be 37 000 cattle, 74 000 pigs, 36 000 small ruminants and 18

million poultry (Dindial, 1991). Trinidad and Tobago is considered to be 100% self-

sufficient with respect to pigs, poultry meat and eggs. For milk, beef and veal, and

mutton, the levels of self-sufficiency reported are 17, 25 and 20%, respectively (Evans

and Ganteaume-Farrell, 1993). There are traditional ruminant farmers who use

ethnoveterinary medicines (Lans, 1996). Ruminants are raised in feedlots, on pastures

and also in low-input systems where they are tied on roadsides or on unused properties.

Under the current trade regime, small-scale production of sheep is unprofitable (Evans

and Ganteaume-Farrell, 1993). The cost of medication (anti-parasiticals) has increased by

35%, due to the flotation of the national currency (Evans and Ganteaume-Farrell, 1993).

Concentrate feed costs have also increased by 10%. These increases affect farmers

seriously since feed and medication are estimated to comprise 60% of total direct

operation costs (Evans and Ganteaume-Farrell, 1993). Small-ruminant farmers in the

Caribbean are not solely profit-maximisers (Evans and Ganteaume-Farrell, 1993). These

farmers keep sheep for social security reasons since they are readily converted into cash

(there is usually a market for them and they come in different `̀ denominations'' that can

be liquidated according to the size of the given cash need, McCorckle et al., 1996).

150 C. Lans, G. Brown / Preventive Veterinary Medicine 35 (1998) 149±163

2.2. The animal health situation in Trinidad and Tobago

There are two veterinarians and three animal-health assistants in Tobago (Ministry of

Agriculture, Land and Marine Resources, 1994). In 1994, this staff made 2084 veterinary

visits and 65 revisits in Tobago. The animal population of Tobago is estimated at 3506

sheep, 1372 goats and 2058 cows, belonging to 722 farmers (Osuji et al., 1988). Requests

for laboratory examinations in 1992 were as follows: 36 for haematology, (of which 34

were canine); 500 parasitology (458 of those ovine), and 1 porcine post-mortem

examination. Thirteen cases of canine dilofilaris and 354 cases of endoparasitism were

diagnosed, (of which 324 were ovine and 27 caprine). Twenty-six types of clinical cases

were recorded in 1992. The largest amount of the veterinarians' time in clinical cases

went to 1197 cases of what was described as `routine worm' (Tobago House of Assembly,

1992).

The north region of Trinidad is divided into 8 districts and the south region into 3. The

North region is staffed by 4 veterinarians, 8 agricultural assistants and 8-animal health

assistants. The South region has 2 veterinarians, 5 agricultural assistants and 4 animal-

health assistants. Endoparasitism was the most commonly treated ailment in 1994 with

1549 cases (Ministry of Agriculture, Land and Marine Resources, 1994).

2.3. Data collection

The methods outlined below are part of the hybrid inter-disciplinary methodology

characteristic of ethnoveterinary research (McCorckle et al., 1996). This hybridization

ensures that equal attention and respect is paid to local and western-scientific perspectives

(McCorckle et al., 1996). The data collection carried out for 5 months in 1995 can be

divided into four parts: the school-essay method; the group and individual interviews; the

focus group workshops and the secondary literature review. The school-essay method

used in the first step of the data collection is a Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA) tool. There is

little published literature about using children in research (Perezgrovas, 1996; GonzaÂlez-

Tejero et al., 1995). The group interviews and the workshops used in the second and third

steps of the data collection fall under the category of Participatory Rural Appraisal

(PRA). PRA puts more emphasis than RRA on involving rural people in the research and

evaluation process. Both PRA and RRA provide for the collection and analysis of data

within weeks after the completion of field work.

Triangulation is important in RRA and PRA and means looking at things from various

perspectives. To achieve this means applying different methods, using different sources of

information, collected by different people, and cross-checking to become more accurate

through successive approximations (Waters-Bayer and Bayer, 1994). The combination of

the school-essay method, interviews and workshops used in this research is an example of

triangulation.

The school-essay method was used to generate a purposive sample of ethnoveterinary

key respondents. A purposive sample entails finding respondents who know about the

research topic. Key respondents in this research are individuals knowledgeable about

ethnoveterinary medicines. There are different kinds of key informants, for example, each

group (regional, religious, ethnic, families) holds specific folk knowledge beyond that

held in common by the population (Etkin, 1993). Some key informants obtain additional

C. Lans, G. Brown / Preventive Veterinary Medicine 35 (1998) 149±163 151

knowledge of medicinal plants through occupational specialization, for example animal

breeders, herbalists and healers (Etkin, 1993; McCorckle et al., 1996).

The first step of the school-essay method involved speaking to 242 students from 9

secondary schools geographically spread throughout Trinidad and Tobago. The sampling

frame was the national telephone list of 95 secondary schools. An initial sample of 26

schools was chosen to include the following diversity: rural, urban, ethnicity, gender and

geographical spread. Port of Spain and environs, the East-West corridor, and the second

city of San Fernando are considered urban; the larger the distance from these areas, the

more rural the districts are considered to be. Letters were written to the 26 school

principals explaining the research into ethnoveterinary practices, outlining what was

required of the students, why their participation would help the study, and asking

permission for their students to participate.

From this first sub-sample, a final sample size of 9 schools was considered to be the

maximum that the first author could deal with in the 5-month research period, taking into

consideration ongoing teacher industrial action, the expected numbers of essays/

questionnaires that would have to be read, the number of students that might have to be

contacted again to confirm or explain their responses and the number of respondents that

they might identify. The 9 schools were chosen to obtain the 12±15 age group (who are

free of national exams), and to accomplish urban/rural, ethnicity and geographical

diversity (Fig. 1).

After selecting the schools, the students were then visited in their classes. The basics of

participatory research (Baldwin and Cervinskas, 1993) were explained to the students,

and they were told why their contribution was needed. The students were then asked to

interview parents, friends and neighbors about ethnoveterinary medicines and write what

they found in essays. Eight questions were written on the blackboard and the students

were asked to consider these 8 questions in their interviews, and in their essays.

Classroom teachers reinforced what the first author wanted from the students after each

presentation.

This school-essay method was adapted from Sutton and Orr, 1991 to the described

research in the following ways: the students did not have to write their essays in school;

they were not required to use good English, have neat writing, work individually, or write

any specific length of essay. Only the information in their essays was important. Teachers

in Tobago and one teacher in Trinidad considered that questionnaires were simpler for the

students than essays. They requested and were supplied with questionnaires by the first

author. The questionnaire form (Fig. 2) used the same 8 questions that students were

asked by the first author to consider in their essays. Each questionnaire form was double-

sided with the result that each form had 4 blocks of the 8 questions.

The second step in the research process involved individual and or group interviews

with the key respondents identified from the essays or questionnaires. Twenty-eight

respondents were selected by the first author for interviews. Selection was based on

whether the essay or questionnaire indicated that a respondent had potentially useful

information on farm animals. These interviews were guided discussions, semi-structured

by a mental checklist of relevant points. A group interview is literally an interview with a

group of people who have some common characteristics, for instance residence or

occupation, like agricultural-extension officers. A group interview is likely to be more


spontaneous than the focus group workshop described in the third step below (Etkin,

1993). Group and individual interviews were also held with officials from the Ministry of

Agriculture, Land and Marine Resources. 19 Agricultural Officers (AOs) and Agricultural

Health Assistants (AHAs) (50% of all employed in this category) and 27 Extension

officers (EOs) (50% of all those employed in this category) from one East and two South

Fig. 1. Geographical locations of the chosen schools.


Regional Offices in Trinidad. These officials were the field-based staff who were

considered by their peers and superiors to know about ethnoveterinary practices. No

information was obtained from the North administrative zone, or from extension officers

in Tobago.

The officials interviewed discussed what they knew and indicated which Veterinarians

were likely to know ethnoveterinary practices; this type of sampling by referral is called a

`̀ stepwise'' or `̀ snowball'' sample. Thirty veterinarians (50% of all practising) were then

contacted (including both of the Veterinarians located in Tobago), and 19 discussed what

they knew. Seven respondents were identified from this set of interviews with the

Ministry of Agriculture staff and the veterinarians, and these 7 were also asked about

ethnoveterinary practices.

The third step of the data collection was to hold 4 focus-group workshops to discuss

the data gathered with the key respondents.

A focus-group workshop can be defined as an exploratory discussion designed to

obtain perceptions on a specific theme in a small and informal, yet public forum (Etkin,

1993). Participants are invited from a target group with knowledge of the research topic

(Etkin, 1993). The group discusses a topic introduced by a moderator (Agar and

MacDonald, 1995).

Prior to the workshops, draft booklets on ethnoveterinary medicine for ruminants were

produced by the first author based on the information gained from each set of the

previously conducted interviews, meaning that a separate draft booklet was prepared for

each workshop, with appropriate drawings taken from the Ruminant Booklet (IIRR,

Fig. 2. Student project questionnaire.


1994). Each participant in the workshops was given a copy of the draft booklet prepared

from the previous relevant interviews and encouraged to modify it during the discussion.

This draft was then reviewed, discussed and corrected during the workshop.

The four workshops included 12 members of the Tobago Sheep Farmers Association

(all literate); 1 AHA based at the Penal Demonstration station (rural south Trinidad, see

Fig. 1.), and two key respondents from the area (both semi-literate); 12 extension officers

from the south Trinidad regional office; and 12 extension officers servicing the districts of

north-east Trinidad.

The fourth step of the data collection was the review of secondary data from the

University of the West Indies (UWI) library, and other sources.

3. Results

Seventy-eight essays and questionnaires were returned. From these essays and

questionnaires, information was obtained on 30 diseases and/or production categories, 25

plants and 8 non-plant ethnoveterinary substances which were used to treat or prevent

those diseases, or to enhance those production categories. The school-essay method

provided 28 key respondents, while the Veterinarians, AHAs and EOs provided 7 more.

The interviews and workshops resulted in additional information with the end result being

76 plants used for ethnoveterinary practices, and 30 non-plant-based substances, in

addition to 4 personalistic beliefs such as evil eye (mal yeux/maljo).

The school-essay method was unsuccessful in the following circumstances:

At 3 schools, the first author did not speak to the students and allowed the teachers to

assume responsibility for the method. Eighty-five possible responses from these 3 schools

were, thus, not obtained. Only one of two classes spoken to in 3 schools turned in

responses; 67 possible responses were, thus, removed. In Tobago, one school lost their

responses and redid them too late for them to be used. Overall response in Tobago was

poor. Eighty-three students were spoken to, but only 8 responses were obtained.

Disease classifications and ethno-diagnoses relied on visible clinical symptoms, and/or

perceived causes ± both natural or supernatural in origin. Phases of the moon were used to

pick the plants or treat the animals. Moon phases were also a factor in controled mating

times. Ten key respondents indicated that farmers believed there was a link between

breeding cows in the full moon and the new moon phases and the future strength and

vitality of the offspring. These respondents also claimed that there were more requests for

bovine artificial insemination services in the full moon.

The plants described in this section are common and well-known, so no plant

specimens were collected to deposit in the University of the West Indies Herbarium. All

of the plant species mentioned below are common in Trinidad and Tobago and occur in

naturally vegetated areas or are found growing on abandoned properties, roadsides or

other clearings. Some have also been transplanted to house gardens. Some plants can be

bought from older women in the larger markets or on the streets of the cities (Lans, 1996).

Twenty-five percent of the key respondents explained that some plants worked better

for some individuals than others. Dosages were also altered to fit the condition and size of

the animal and the availability of the plant.


All respondents claim that they `boil' the plants, which is then a decoction. When

questioned further, however, they admitted that some of the plants are administered as

teas, in which water is boiled and thrown onto the fresh leaves, which are then brewed as

a tea or left to steep (an infusion) and then administered once or over a period of days.

The term `leaves' can sometimes include the leaves and stems of the upper part of the

plant, and sometimes the entire plant except the roots. Animals were drenched with

bamboo joints, old shoes, or thin-necked olive-oil bottles (125 ml). Only 3 respondents

administered plants by pushing the fresh leaves down the throat of the animal.

The number of times the plants were described for a particular use by all the research

participants is presented in Table 1.

Table 1List of ethnoveterinary remedies and uses mentioned by respondents in Trinidad and Tobago, 1995 for use inanimals

Common name Latin name Claimed use Number of key respondents

mentioning this practice

Bamboo Bambusa vulgaris Retained placenta 8

Wild coffee Cassia occidentalis Retained placenta 2

Turmeric Curcuma longa Retained placenta 5

Rice paddy Oryza sativa Retained placenta 5

Hogplum Spondias mombin Retained placenta 5

Man better man Achryanthes indica Oestrus induction 2

Aloes Aloe vera Oestrus induction 4

Wild coffee Cassia occidentalis Oestrus induction 2

Ti Marie Mimosa pudica Oestrus induction 2

Gullyroot Petiveria alliacea Oestrus induction 5

Minny root Ruellia tuberosa Oestrus induction 6

Red Stinging nettle Laportea aestuans Urinary problems 4

Cashew Anacardium occidentale Diarrhea 7

Guava Psidium guajava Diarrhea 7

Aloes Aloe vera Poultice 5

Red head Asclepias curassavica Poultice 4

Wonder of the world Bryophyllum pinnatum Poultice 7

Turmeric Curcuma longa Poultice 3

Banana Musa sp. Poultice 7

Rachette Nopalea cochinillifera Poultice 5

Cocoa Theobroma cacao Poultice 2

Aloes Aloe vera Wounds 7

Turmeric Curcuma longa Wounds 5

Neem Azadirachta indica Anthelmintic 22

Gullyroot Petiveria alliacea Anthelmintic 3

Minny root Ruellia tuberosa Anthelmintic 2

Vervine Stachytarpheta jamaicensis Anthelmintic 2

Vervine Stachytarpheta jamaicensis Milk production 5


3.1. Plants used for Reproduction

Six plants were used for retained placenta. An infusion or decoction of Wild coffee

(Cassia occidentalis) leaves is drenched, but `a few branches' of hogplum (Spondias

mombin), or a `reasonable handful' of bamboo leaves (Bambusa vulgaris) or 3 pounds of

rice paddy, are simply fed to ruminants for retained placenta or to remove what the key

respondents call the `bruised blood' (clotted blood and haematomas) associated with

birth. Turmeric (called Saffran in Trinidad) (Curcuma longa) is also given as a drench for

retained placenta. The turmeric rhizome (5, 9 cm pieces for a cow) is grated and given as

an infusion, both to `bring down the bruised blood,' and to increase milk production.

The plants used in an attempt to induce oestrus by `cleaning out the womb' were used

singly or in combinations. Three roots of minny root (Ruellia tuberosa) or gullyroot

(Petiveria alliacea) were boiled in water. The dose for a goat was given as three-quarters

of a beer bottle (275 ml). A dose for 2 or 3 cows consisted of 5 roots and `some' leaves of

gullyroot, 3 roots and `some' leaves of wild coffee, 5 roots and `some' leaves of man

better man (Achyranthes indica), and 5 roots of Ti Marie (Mimosa pudica) with garlic,

and 5, 9 cm pieces of turmeric root and salt added. Aloe vera gel is also used to `clean out

the womb,' and as a laxative.

3.2. Other ailments

Leaves of the red stinging nettle (Laportea aestuans) were used as an infusion for

urinary problems.

Cashew bark (Anarcardium occidentale) and guava bud or young leaves (Psidium

guajava) were used for diarrhea. The cashew bark (2 or 3 pieces, 11 cm square) was

either boiled and then strained and given to the animal as drinking water, or it was mixed

with charcoal and then drenched twice a day. The young guava leaves or guava bud were

boiled in water. For large animals, the leaves were ground and mixed with coconut oil

before drenching for diarrhea or colic.

3.3. Wounds

Poultices were the most common means of external treatment. The flowers and/or

leaves of the poisonous plant red head (Asclepias curassavica) were crushed or ground,

the juice was squeezed into the wound and then the residue was used to fill and cover

wounds to prevent myiasis. All the informants knew the plant was toxic to grazing

animals. Poultices were made of warmed leaves of the cactus called rachette (Nopalea

cochenillifera) (syn. Opuntia cochenillifera), and the sap from the pseudostem of the

banana (Musa sp). Rachette was sliced and mixed with sugar or flour for abcesses. The

banana stem is cut, and the exudate collected on a piece of cotton which is then placed on

the wound for 2 days. Two plants were used as emollients on burns and inflamed tissues.

Wonder of the world leaves (Bryophyllum pinnatum) (syn. Kalanchoe pinnata) are

`rolled' with a bottle to burst the plant veins, but Rachette is sliced. Then, the leaves of

either plant are warmed over a flame or on a baking utensil, the painful area is rubbed

with paraffin or whale oil (called soft candle) and then the heated leaf is applied.

Turmeric rhizome (Curcuma longa) (syn. Curcuma domestica) is grated and warmed in


oil and applied to wounds. Scrapings from young cocoa pods (Theobroma cacao) are also

used externally, especially on burns and cuts. Aloe vera gel is also placed on wounds.

Turmeric rhizome is grated and an infusion is drenched for internal injuries. Aloe vera

gel is also given for internal injuries.

3.4. Helminth infections

Three roots each of minny root or gullyroot were used as a decoction for deworming

ruminants. Three of the informants also tied their ruminants in the environment of

gullyroot so that they could self-medicate. The dose for small ruminants was described as

18 leaves boiled in 2 bottles of water until the liquid was reduced to 284 ml. 141 ml of

this liquid was a dose for a cow; less was given for sheep. An infusion of Neem leaves

was drenched. For cows, 3 or 4, branches were stripped of their leaves which were then

ground, strained and given to the cow to drink in a pint bottle, every 3 months. Vervine

leaves were also blended fresh and given as an infusion or in place of the drinking water,

or it was drenched. If the anthelmintic was given to ruminants as the drinking water,

molasses and or salt was added for palatability. Anti-parasitical plants were picked and

administered when the moon was waning, or in the full moon.

3.5. Enhanced production

Vervine (Stachytarpheta jamaicensis), is given as an infusion in an attempt to increase

milk production.

3.6. Medico-religious practices

Medico-religious practices exist. Ibrahim, 1996 includes non-physical or supernatural

agents such as spirits, curses, hexes and the evil eye (mal yeux/maljo) under the category

ethno-toxicology, with the emic definition of ethno-toxicology as `poisons that are

believed to act at a distance.' Mal yeux is described as the discomfort caused to a person

or animal by people who project negative thoughts and energies towards them (Lans,

1996). In Trinidad and Tobago a red string is tied around the neck of young sheep and

goats to protect them from the evil eye, or a blue spot is painted on the animal with indigo

blue or wound spray. In Trinidad, farmers will ask Hindu pundits (priests) or other curers

to say `prayers' over sick animals, usually cows which are valuable. Hindu prayers are

part of a ritual called `jharay' (Lans, 1996). Trinidad also has Indo-cultural specialists

such as `vein pullers' and masseurs who may be consulted for sick animals (Lans, 1996).

4. Discussion

Dosages could be described as `vague' as was also found by Longuefosse and Nossin,

1996 or ± more favorably ± as `̀ case and context specific,'' and, thus, difficult for key

informants to describe to researchers in the abstract (Lans, 1996; Ibrahim, 1996).

Ibrahim, 1996 described the `apparent disregard for western scientific dosages in

traditional medicine as rational given that crude botanicals have pharmacological actions


that vary according to place, time of plant collection, storage methods and season of the

year'. In addition, Ibrahim, 1996 claimed that crude botanicals are biotransformed more

readily in vivo than are commercial drugs. It may be that drugs are given `to effect'

(Ibrahim, 1996), to achieve clinical improvement rather than complete elimination of the

causative agent. However, for anti-parasiticals, key respondents expected to see the

parasites voided in the faeces (Lans, 1996; Heinrich et al., 1992). Longuefosse and

Nossin, 1996 recorded the administration of anti-parasitical medicinal plants when the

moon is waning. Herskovits and Herskovits, 1947 has also recorded the use of the moon

in Caribbean ethnomedicine, while McCorckle et al., 1996 has documented husbandry

practices linked to moon phases in ethnoveterinary medicine.

Numbers of plant leaves to use and the number of days in the dosing regimen were

typically odd numbers as was also found by Longuefosse and Nossin, 1996. The

importance of the number 9 in the dosing regime could not be explained to the first author

by any of the key respondents; however, Morton, 1981 claimed that 9 is an important

Mayan number used for leaves of a plant, drops of a medicine, or days to take a medicine.

The definitions of decoctions, infusions and `̀ leaves'' are similar to those described by

Morton, 1980. The use of teas in human folk medicine, which parallels that described for

animals in the previous section, has been recorded in the ethnopharmacological literature

(Longuefosse and Nossin, 1996; Laguerre, 1987; Browner, 1985).

Perezgrovas, 1996 found a similar treatment for evil eye in Mexico to that used in

Trinidad and Tobago.

The research revealed that different sections of the researched population knew of

different medicinal plants, this knowledge was linked to their culture and occupation.

Since some of the information obtained was, thus, specialist information, it cannot be

extrapolated to the community generally (Etkin, 1993). This implies that using the

school-essay method to obtain a purposive sample was more appropriate to the research

situation than a random sample (Etkin, 1993).

The workshops served to coax some dosages from the respondents and verify that the

first author accurately recorded the information from the previous interviews. The

cultural aspects associated with some of the ethnoveterinary practices were also discussed

in the workshops. This discussion served to classify the plants into those that are used for

strictly medicinal purposes, versus others that are used as part of cultural and religious

rituals. Since some of the ethnoveterinary medicines are derived from inter-group

borrowing, it cannot be assumed that the knowledge was borrowed in a complete and

unadulterated form (Lans, 1996). Incorporating details of cultural aspects into the study

of ethnoveterinary medicines ensures that future scientific validation is not wasted on

plants that are used only for cultural or religious reasons (Waller, 1993; Etkin, 1993).

Some of the mechanisms by which natural medicines produce their effect may be

ignored if a narrow assessment of therapeutic action is used (McCorckle et al., 1996;

Black, 1996). Weninger, 1991 claims that sickness and health incorporate biological as

well as social, cultural and psychological phenomena; therefore, correlation's between

ethnomedicinal systems and the biomedical system are not always simple. Weninger,

1991 then cautions against assuming that the objective sciences should provide the only

parameters used to validate ethnomedicines. The cultural aspects and related terms linked

to the use of medicinal plants for reproductive reasons are documented in Laguerre, 1987;


Longuefosse and Nossin, 1996; Browner et al., 1988; IIRR, 1994; Ortiz de Montellano,

1975; Herskovits and Herskovits, 1947; Bourdy and Walter, 1992; Bhat et al., 1990; Ajao

et al., 1985 and Morton, 1981. The cultural aspects associated with the use of

Stachytarpheta jamaicensis as a lactogogue are documented in Hodge and Taylor, 1957;

Eldridge, 1975 and Morton, 1981.

Also important in the validation process is the recognition that certain plants are used

in combinations (Etkin, 1993). Etkin, 1993 advises that there are complex chemical

interactions among constituents of a single plant and with mixtures of plants. Other

considerations are whether some plants mixed together increase availability of bioactive

compounds, or if preparations diminish toxicity, while retaining therapeutic actions.

5. Conclusion

Medicinal plant dosages for ruminants tended to be case and context specific. Phases of

the moon were taken into consideration in farmers' decision making. If the

Table 2Ethnopharmacological literature supporting claimed uses

Latin name Ethnopharmacological literature supporting claimed uses

Aloe vera Davis et al., 1994; Grindlay and Reynolds, 1986; Roberts and Travis, 1995

Anacardium occidentale Wagner, 1993; Bakhiet and Adam, 1995; Souza Brito and Souza Brito, 1993;

Morton, 1980, 1981; Wong, 1976

Asclepias curassavica Morton, 1980, 1981; Seaforth, 1991; Duke, 1989; Heinrich et al., 1992; Wong,

1976; Asprey and Thornton, 1953±1955

Azadirachta indica Labadie et al., 1989; van der Nat et al., 1991; Bakhiet and Adam, 1995.

Bambusa vulgaris IIRR, 1994; Wong, 1976

Bryophyllum pinnatum Robineau, 1991; Asprey and Thornton, 1953±1955; Morton, 1981; Morton,

1990; Eldridge, 1975; Wong, 1976

Cassia occidentalis Robineau, 1991; Bakhiet and Adam, 1995; Duke, 1989; Wong, 1976

Curcuma longa Selvam et al., 1995; Robineau, 1991; Ammon et al., 1993; Browner et al., 1988;

IIRR, 1994; Mathias-Mundy and Murdiati, 1991

Laportea aestuans Seaforth, 1991; Wong, 1976; Morton, 1980

Musa sp. Robineau, 1991; Morton, 1981; IIRR, 1994; Asprey and Thornton, 1953 - 1955;

Gurib-Fakim et al., 1996; Wong, 1976

Nopalea cochinillifera Morton, 1990; Gurib-Fakim et al., 1996; Wong, 1976; Morton, 1981

Petiveria alliacea Robineau, 1991; Souza Brito and Souza Brito, 1993; Seaforth, 1991; Morton,

1980; Browner et al., 1988; Wong, 1976; Morton, 1981

Psidium guajava Robineau, 1991; Lutterodt, 1992; Waller, 1993; Duke, 1989; Morton, 1980,

1981; Eldridge, 1975; Wong, 1976; Asprey and Thornton, 1953±1955

Ruellia tuberosa Morton, 1980, 1981; Wong, 1976

Spondias mombin Lemos et al., 1995; Coates et al., 1994; Corthout et al., 1990a, b, 1994; Offiah

and Anyanwu, 1989; Ajao et al., 1985; Robineau, 1991; Browner et al., 1988;

Morton, 1981; Asprey and Thornton, 1953±1955

Stachytarpheta jamaicensis Robineau, 1991; Heinrich et al., 1992; Morton, 1980, 1981; Asprey and

Thornton, 1953±1955; Wong, 1976; Eldridge, 1975

Theobroma cacao Souza Brito and Souza Brito, 1993; Ortiz de Montellano, 1975; Gupta et al., 1993.


ethnoveterinary use of the medicinal plants is supported by phytochemical and

pharmacological information, are used in Caribbean-based human folk medicines and

are also used in other countries for similar reasons as suggested by Table 2. then it is

likely that they are efficacious remedies (Heinrich et al., 1992).

Acknowledgements

Ethnoveterinary research was conducted by the first author as partial fulfilment of the

requirements for the M.Sc. degree Ecological Agriculture, Wageningen Agricultural

University, the Netherlands. The support provided is appreciated. Thanks are also due to

the anonymous Reviewers who provided many comments and criticisms of the first draft

of this paper.

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