estuary english thesis by christina schmid
TRANSCRIPT
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
1/166
I
Contents
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ......................................................................................................... III
INTRODUCTION...........................................................................................................................1
1 ACCENTS IN ENGLAND...........................................................................................................4
1.1 ESTUARY ENGLISH: THE TERM AND ITS MEANING........................................................................7
1.2 ACCENT ANALYSIS OF ESTUARY ENGLISH...................................................................................9
1.2.1 The use of RP as a basis for description................................... ..........................................11
2 ESTUARY ENGLISH PHONOLOGY..................................................................................14
2.1 THE VOWEL SYSTEM IN ESTUARY ENGLISH...............................................................................14
2.1.1 Vowels plus [-r].................................................................................................................22
2.1.2 Vowels plus [-l] .................................................................................................................23
2.1.3 A typology of the RP and EE vowel system.........................................................................24
2.1.4 Conclusion: the Estuary English vowel trend........................... ..........................................27
2.2 THE CONSONANT SYSTEM INESTUARYENGLISH............................................................................28
2.2.1 L Vocalisation....................................................................................................................30
2.2.2 Plosives: affrication and glottaling....................................................................................32
2.2.3 The phoneme /r/....................................................................... ..........................................37
2.2.4 Labio-dental and dental fricatives......................................................................................38
2.2.5 Yod Dropping and Yod Coalescence ..................................................................................40
2.2.6 H Dropping........................................................................................................................42
2.2.6.1 H Dropping and R Insertion........................................ ................................ ............................... 43
2.2.7 Conclusion: the Estuary English consonant trend ..............................................................43
2.2.8 Hyper-correctness in Estuary English................................................................................44
2.3 SYNTACTIC FEATURES OF ESTUARY ENGLISH...............................................................................45
2.3.1 Words and expressions typical of Estuary English..............................................................47
2.4 STRESS AND INTONATION............................................................................................................50
2.5 ARTICULATORY SETTING ............................................................................................................52
3 ESTUARY ENGLISH - REGIONAL LEVELLING
IN THE SOUTHEAST OF ENGLAND........................................................................................53
3.1 MAPPING ESTUARY ENGLISH...................................................................................................53
3.2 THE ORIGIN OF ESTUARY ENGLISH ..............................................................................................54
3.3 THE SPREAD OF
ESTUARY
ENGLISH
.............................................................................................563.3.1 R Dropping and L Vocalisation..........................................................................................58
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
2/166
II
3.4 THE PHENOMENON DIALECT LEVELLING ...................................................................................62
3.4.1 Milton Keynes....................................................................................................................63
3.5 THE POPULARITY OFESTUARYENGLISH........................................................................................64
4 ESTUARY ENGLISH - SOCIAL LEVELLING IN THE SOUTHEAST OF ENGLAND70
4.1ESTUARYENGLISH- A CLASSLESS ACCENT ....................................................................................70
4.2 ATTITUDES TOWARDSESTUARYENGLISH......................................................................................73
4.3ESTUARYENGLISH- A CONTEXT-RELATED ACCENT .......................................................................78
4.4 ESTUARY ENGLISH - TOMORROWS RP.....................................................................................83
5 PROJECT RESEARCH IN CANTERBURY............................................................................84
5.1 METHODOLOGY .........................................................................................................................84
5.1.1 Informants .........................................................................................................................85
5.1.2 Recordings.........................................................................................................................88
5.2 ANALYSIS ..................................................................................................................................90
5.2.1 Male adult informants........................................................................................................91
5.2.2 Female adult informants ..................................................................................................102
5.2.3 Comparison: male and female informants........................................................................ 112
5.2.4 Girls ................................................................................................................................114
5.2.4.1 The fifth form..........................................................................................................................114
5.2.4.2 The sixth form.........................................................................................................................119
5.2.5 Boys.................................................................................................................................130
5.2.5.1 The fifth form..........................................................................................................................130
5.2.5.2 The sixth form.........................................................................................................................134
5.2.6 Comparison: male and female pupils ...............................................................................142
5.3 INTERPRETING THE RESULTS .....................................................................................................145
CONCLUSION............................................................................................................................153
BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................................................................................................................156
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
3/166
III
Acknowledgements
This thesis would have never been written without the help and encouragement of a
number of people who have assisted me through discussion or correspondence. First
of all I am grateful to Prof. Dieter Kastovsky (University of Vienna) for first
suggesting that I write my thesis on Estuary English - not to mention Dr. Christiane
Dalton for having been a helpful guide along the way.
For further encouragement and linguistic device I especially want to thank Dr.
Bryan Jenner (phonetician at the University of Vienna) who persuaded me to consider
alternative approaches when I was too engrossed in my own ideas. In this regard I
would also like to mention Dr. Paul Coggle, a senior lecturer at the University of
Kent, who always willingly answered my questions on this topic and kept sending me
up-to-date articles from England.
For the successful carrying out the research project in Canterbury I am
indebted to Mr Tim Armstrong and Mrs Gwen Armstrong and Mrs Hilary Wade for
giving the permission of recording their pupils and introducing me to other useful
informants. At the same time I have to say thank you to all the pupils and informants
who were willing to be recorded.
Finally, I want to thank all my other friends, especially my fellow students,
Sabine and Birgit, and my very good friend Markus who not only has supplied the
computer but who was always prepared to listen to me when I was discouraged.
Vienna, January 1999. Christina Schmid
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
4/166
1
Introduction
The present century has seen great changes both in the internal social structure of
Britain and in the position of Britain in the world. The world-wide extension of
English and its use as a lingua franca demand a relatively uniform and stable language
pronunciation model, a reference system and yardstick, not only for English native
speakers, but also for the rest of the world. For historical reasons the standard accent
Received Pronunciation (RP) still serves as a homogeneous model. However, like any
other accent variety throughout history, the standard pronunciation of the south-east
of England cannot resist the inevitable and continuous process of change. Since 1950
the phonetic distinctiveness ofRPhas been becoming blurred, the result of a change
in the feelings and subconscious attitudes of speaker and listener towards the non-
linguistic homogeneity of the RP speaking group. Thus, despite Daniel Jones
eagerness to makeRPappear a clinically uniform and unvarying linguistic system, the
pronunciation ofRP has always been susceptible to personal variation, and has
produced many subvarieties which have actually led far away from what people used
to associate with the original notion ofRP. Today, there are only a small numberRP
speakers left, and it may only be a question of time before RPcompletely ceases to
exist. Thus, as a matter of fact,RPis slowly but surely on its way out.
One reason for the gradual decline of RP is changes within Britain:
improvements in communication of every kind, which have produced a more fluid
society in which social and geographical barriers have been progressively weakened,
and the sharp divisions between classes have begun to disappear. In fact, a new
English middle class with different conceptions and attitudes towards accents has
emerged. As the research in this thesis will demonstrate, the variety spoken by thesespeakers can no longer be recognised as a variety ofRP, because it simply no longer
exhibits the characteristics ofRP. In fact, RP is in the process of being replaced by
Estuary English (EE), the prevailing accent in the South-east of England.
Estuary English is spreading so quickly from one community to another that it
is strongly influencing the formerly great diversity in the spoken realisations of the
English language, in terms of the sounds used in different parts of the country and by
different sections of the community. Thus, the thesis will concentrate on the extent to
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
5/166
2
which one can maintain thatEstuary English,socially as well as regionally, is levelling
England.
It is true that Estuary English is the trendy and fashionable accent of the
younger generations.Estuary English, as the advanced speech of the young, has been
characterised by the older generation as slovenly and debased. Although, at any one
time, there have always been disparities between the speech sounds of the younger
and older generations, the new accent has managed to become increasingly accepted
by a majority of English society. Most people are actually content to see RP finally
wither because they regard it as a 140 years old, southern and public school
(Radford - Wainwright, The Guardian: 10.9.1998) accent which is a class thing and
an excluding thing (ibidem). They have therefore already voted forEstuary English
by preferring to speak it.
Unfortunately, until recently linguists have not seemed willing to accept and
take the new popular accent seriously, but have persisted in judging this accent variety
as a recent development ofRP. Therefore, I was keen to face the challenge, and
venture to realise the existence ofEstuary English. This thesis offers a reasonably
comprehensive account of the pronounciation ofEstuary English. I have of course
relied upon my own familiarity with this accent. But I have also endeavoured to make
appropriate use of different kinds of scholarly treatment, wherever they have been
available to me and to whatever tradition they belong. My aim has been to describe
this variety with reference to the already existing description of the accepted accents
RPand Cockney. Since I have had to rely partly on my own findings and impressions,
the reader must bear in mind that some of my statements I make are for this reason
necessarily tentative.
The structure of my thesis is as follows: chapter 1 focuses on accents in the
south-east of England in general terms; chapter two endeavours to describe the
phoneme inventory for vowels and consonants in Estuary English,highlighting how
this accent variety is phonetically and phonologically different from the standard
accentRP; the linguistic nature ofEstuary English will be seen against its social and
geographical background in chapters three and four which will acknowledge its
popularity among English speakers; and finally chapter 5 will discuss the results of thefieldwork I undertook in Canterbury. In the course of the thesis it will become clear
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
6/166
3
why and to what extent one is actually justified in calling Estuary English the regional
standard of the south-east of England.
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
7/166
4
1 Accents in England
English has many dialect varieties all of which are structured, complex, rule-governed
systems. They are therefore equally good as linguistic systems and wholly adequate
for the needs of their speakers. (cf. Trudgill 1974: 20) There is one superposed
variety of English that is used in print, and which is normally taught in schools.
Standard English1 is the standard dialect2 which is used throughout the country for
institutional purposes, such as publishing, education, government, or commercial
correspondence. It is codified by dictionaries and grammar books. Standard English
can be accompanied by any accent3. However, there is one accent which only occurs
together with Standard English, Received Pronunciation4, the accent variant which
has always been regarded as the accent of the best-educated and most prestigious
members of English society, and is used by educated speakers in southern England.
(cf. Strevens 1985: 7) The public school -Oxbridge- education system in the
nineteenth century created a linguistically homogeneous and distinctive governing
class which spent its formative years well away from London in geographically
decentralised institutions. Its distinctive accent,RP, lost any regional connotation, but
became an extremely significant marker of social class in all parts of England, being
opposed everywhere to the broad dialects of working-class folk who continued to live
restricted, local lives.
In the present century the standard accent RP, often referred to as The
Queens English or BBC English, is unusual, in that the relatively small number of
speakers who use it do not identify themselves as coming from any particular region.
Katie Wales (cf. 1994: 4) concludes that RPis an accent variant of a rather exclusive
1Historically speaking, the standard dialect developed out of the English dialects used in
and around London as these were modified through the centuries by the speakers at court, by
scholars from the universities and other writers, and, later, by the public schools. As time passed, the
English used in upper classes of society in the capital city came to be regarded as the model for all
those who wished to speak and write well. (cf. Trudgill 1974: 17)2
The term dialect refers to varieties which are grammatically and lexically as well as
phonologically different from other varieties. (cf. Petyt 1980: 16)3
Accents, on the other hand, concern solely differences of pronunciation. (cf. Chambers -
Trudgill 1980: 5)4
The first use of the termReceived Pronunciation is attributed to A.J. Ellis in 1869, with
linguists settling on this usage in the 1930s. The label originates from the accent which wasreceived at the royal court, which is hence generally accepted and approved as true and good. (cf.
Wright 1996: 261)
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
8/166
5
group; it is estimated that only 3 to 5% of the whole English-speaking population
speak it. Its dissemination as a class pronunciation throughout the country caused it to
be recognised as characteristic of a non-regional and social accent. Since then
pronunciation has been two things in England: a vertical indicator of geographicalorigins, and a horizontal caste-mark separatingRPspeakers from the rest. (cf. Wright
1996: 260)
The accent situation is usually compared to a triangle or a pyramid (cf. Wells
1982a: 14) whose horizontal dimension represents geographical variation, regionality,
and its vertical dimension social variation. At the base there is a considerable degree
of regional differentiation, widest among groups on the lower social levels; there are
striking linguistic differences, especially by region but also by sex and other factors.
The most stigmatised broad accent associated with the area in and around London is
the nonstandard dialect Cockney.5 The accent pyramid rises to a narrow point at the
apex, since upper-class accents exhibit no regional variation within England. RP, the
accent of those on the higher social levels, is relatively uniform. However, RP
comprises some sub-varieties. The conservative RP or U-RP (upper-crust RP) is
associated with the upper class and is especially used by the older generation. Gimson
(cf. 1989: 88) distinguishes another U-RP form, namely advanced RP which is
adopted by young people of exclusive social groups. These three varieties ofRP are
often judged to be affected and fall into the category ofmarked RP, which is on the
way to becoming extinct. Three decades ago it was the standard accent on television
and radio. Nowadways it is often ridiculed.6 The neutral version ofRPis unmarked
RPwhich embracesgeneral RPormainstream RP, a variety which is said to be most
commonly used and is the norm for England in the media; another unmarked RP
variety is adoptive RP which is learnt by someone as an adult rather than as a child;
5The label Cockney suggests really broad variety allied with the least educated. Historically,
Cockney speakers were born within the sound of Bow Bells, that is, about a quarter of a mile from
the church of St. Mary-le-Bow in Cheapside near London Bridge and the Billingsgate fish market.
The term originally was a compound meaning cocks egg, and was used for a pampered child, then
for a city person, and finally for a Londoner. Cock o the walk associations still cling to the term,
for Cockney is seen as a strutting, show-off variety of language, admired by those who use it and the
object of amused interest by others. (cf. Algeo 1992: 169)6In the lecture Paul Coggle held on January 26 in 1996 he called marked RPa kind of
strangulated form ofRPwhich evokes the feeling of speaking with a plum in the mouth.
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
9/166
6
finally, near RP is an accent without strong regional identity which is generally
regarded as educated, middle classRP. (cf. Algeo 1992: 161)
Although it is still legitimate to placeRPat the top and Cockney at the bottom
of the accent hierarchy in the southeast of England, it is necessary to broaden the
perception of this continuum and to consider the middle classes in further detail. It is
true that, before World War II, those who wished to make their way in the world had
to speakRP, which provided the apex to the pyramid. Any other accent marked the
speaker as unsuitable for admission to the inner circles that provided security and the
opportunity for advancement. At the beginning of the nineteenth century middle class
speakers were less mobile, and their children were likely to attend school in their
regions whose teachers themselves probably used the regional accent. Lower-paid
workers were the least mobile of all, the most geographically and culturally bound to
their home areas, and they thus tended to lead the most local lives. Today their
dialects continue to form the base of the pyramid, and it is still to some extent true
that among the lower middle classes the geographical variation is greater than in the
upper middle class, but less than in the working class. (cf. ibidem 166; cf. Petyt 1980:
29) However, it is certainly true to say that, after World War II, the position ofRPin
British public life began to yield, and attitudes towards accents in England started to
become modified.
There has been a blurring of the once sharply stratified divisions between
different social classes in English society in the twentieth century. Regional accents
have gradually become accepted in the BBC and are even heard from leading
politicians. In general, people are now much more mobile, spend some ten years at
school, are subject to the continuous pressure of mass communication media, and are
increasingly centred on large cities. Thus, the base of the pyramid is much eroded.
Middle-class intellectuals move about a great deal in the course of their professional
lives and tend to form a homogeneous group of increasing numbers and importance.
Owing to the emergence of the new English middle classes, the intermediate varieties
within the London accent triangle have been becoming more and more influential and
powerful. These varieties are summarised by the term mesolect. The standard accent
RPis called theacrolect, while the dialect variety Cockney is called basilect because it
deviates most extensively from the acrolect. (cf. Wells 1982a: 18) Thus, one is faced
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
10/166
7
with a continuum of phonetic variation as one passes along the continuum of social-
class gradation.
Although pronunciation is still a class marker in England, and those desirous
of getting ahead are likely to modify their native speech styles strongly in the direction
ofRP, the majority of the middle class speakers prefer a mesolectal variety. Most of
them are original dialect speakers who have received a higher education in the state
system and assimilate their speech to RP to the extent which they feel to be
appropriate to their status without rejecting their dialectal background. (cf. Trim
1961/62: 31) However, this is not RP as people knew it some decades ago, but a
newly evolved accent variety which has established itself as a compromise voice
betweenRPand Cockney. The English middle class in the south-east of England has
chosen to adopt a prevailing accent which is now common, even fashionable on radio
and TV. (cf. Abercrombie 1992: 9) Unlike Cockney, speakers of this non-standard
accent variety are speakers of the Standard English Dialect. (cf. Francois Chevillet
1992: 28) In fact, J.C. Wells (9 Nov. 1998c) defines it as standard English spoken
with an accent that includes features localizable in the southeast of England. Some
linguists like Tom McArthur (cf. Newsweek: 26.4.1993) call this accent variety the
New London Voice, other linguists like David Rosewarne (cf. TES: 19.10.1984)
and Paul Coggle (cf. 1993a: 23) refer to it asEstuary English.
1.1 Estuary English: the term and its meaning
Estuary English is the most influential accent in the south-east of England. The term
Estuary English was coined by David Rosewarne who first referred to this accent in
the article Estuary English in the Times Educational Supplement (19 October
1984). He described Estuary English as a mixture of non-regional and local south-
eastern English pronunciation and intonation. Already in 1983 David Rosewarne was
aware of the fact that existing descriptions of pronunciation varieties had made no real
mention of accents intermediate between the standard accentReceived Pronunciation
(RP) and non-standard localisable accents in London and the South-east. A database
composed of recordings from radio and televison eventually confirmed his
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
11/166
8
supposition: There appeared to be a particularly important gap in the descriptions of
accent varieties in London and the South-East of England. (Rosewarne 1994b: 3)
The estuary referred to is the Thames estuary7, which indicates that the first
speakers of this variety of language were not restricted to London but included the
inhabitants of the neighbouring provinces: parts of Kent and Essex. Thus, the
heartland of this variety lies by the banks of the Thames and its estuary; Estuary
English is most evident in suburban areas of Greater London and the adjacent home
counties, comprising Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Hertfordshire and Essex, lying north and
south of the Thames estuary. (cf. Coggle 1993a: 23)
It is possible to classifyEstuary English in the light of the regional and social
criteria mentioned in chapter 1. Features of regional pronunciation are distinguished
as educated regional when found in highly educated speech such as RP, and popular
regional in less educated speech such as Cockney. Because of the large degree of
gradation amongst the popular regional forms in the speech of the Greater London
population noted by David Rosewarne, Estuary English may be termed a modified
regional accent, because it is a mixture of educated regional,RP, and popular regional
pronunciation, Cockney,which is typical of the suburban districts. (cf. Gimson 1989:
88) Therefore, linguists such as Tony Bex, Paul Coggle and David Rosewarne place
Estuary English in the middle of a continuum with the standard accent Received
Pronunciation and the non-standard accent Cockney at either end. In an interview
with Newsweek Tom McArthur puts it the following way:
Were dealing with a continuum. People are strung out along it like beads on a
string between RP and Cockney. (McArthur,Newsweek: 26.4.1993)
Consequently, the new accent varietyEstuary English shares features of bothRPand
Cockney. This linguistic classification reflects the social hierarchy in England; Estuary
English speakers are said to be the representatives of a newly emerging middle class
bridging the upper and lower classes;Estuary English speakers are hence grouped in
the middle ground (Rosewarne 1994b: 3).
7
Keith Battarbee (13 Nov. 1996) mentions the regional arrogance of the South-east taking itfor granted that Estuary means the Thames estuary, although there are many estuaries in Great
Britain.
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
12/166
9
1.2 Accent analysis of Estuary English
Phonetic and phonemic analysis will occupy an important place in the study of the
sound system ofEstuary English. Its complete description must provide information
not only on the phonetic characteristics of the sounds, but also on the phonological
level which analyses the patterning of sounds, including their functional, phonemic
behaviour. SinceEstuary English has not yet been defined as an accent, it must be
seen against a background of its related accents, Cockney and General RP.
On the level of phonemes, Estuary English exists in a continuum containing
characteristics of both forms, Cockney and General RP, in varying degrees.It is only
by means of constantly referring to these two accents that a proper description of the
EEphoneme inventory is achieved. Thus, the phonemic analysis ofEEwill shed light
on the different coexistent phonemic systems ofRPand Cockney, because the number
of phonemes differs in the sound systems ofRP, Cockney andEstuary English.
The fact that the standard accent RP is the best-known manifestation of the
Southern British Standard dialect is one reason for choosingRPas a reference accent.
Section 1.2.1 gives a brief introduction to its phoneme inventory of both consonants
and vowels. While the consonant system of English is relatively uniform throughout
the standard accentRPand the non-standard accentEE, the vowel system ofEEand
the phonetic realisations of vowel phonemes in EE are more interesting to discuss.
Therefore, chapter 2 establishes the phoneme inventory for vowels in EE,attempting
to characterise the basic aspects of its phoneme inventory as a structured system of
vowel contrasts. By doing this one will find out how the reference accent RPand the
non-standard accentEEdiffer and what they have in common.
The phonemes will be represented by the phonemic or impressionistic
transcription with the alphabet of theInternational Phonetic Association8.(cf. Roach
1991: 42) Symbols referring to phonemes are enclosed in slanted brackets, whereas
8
The phonetic symbols are part of the set suggested by the International PhoneticAssociation (IPA), a body founded in 1886 by a group of leading phoneticians from France,
Germany, Britain, and Denmark. (cf. Ladefoged 1975: 25)
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
13/166
10
symbols referring to allophones are enclosed in square brackets.9 Since the vocalic
sounds in the EE vowel system may be considered allophonic variants of RP
phonemes the use of allophonic symbols is justified. Furthermore, it is only logical to
make a firm distinction between the phonetic qualities of RP and EE vocalicphonemes. There are several possible ways of transcribing the vocalic sounds
phonemically10. The solution used in this thesis is the one Wells has adopted in his
LPD (1990), because it gives explicit information in the notation about the phonetic
realisation of the vowel phonemes in the matter of quality and quantity. The
transcription of consonants is less difficult because EE differs less in its use of
consonants. For representations believed to include more functional phonetic detail,
an allophonic, systematic or broad phonetic transcription is used which will emphasisea particular feature ofEE, like the glottal reinforcement [?] or the rounded back
vocoid [V]. (cf. Crystal, 1997: 393; cf. Ladefoged 1975: 59)
Finally, English phonology is always undergoing change over time. Therefore,
there are two ways to set about describing differences between RP and EE; both
approaches, the diachronic approach, comparing their different historical
development, and the synchronic approach, describing the existing accents as they are,
are equally appropriate. Although this paper is based on the investigation of the
synchronic differences in phonetic detail, focusing on a comparison of the different
sound systems ofRP and EE, it will sometimes be necessary and interesting to go
back in the history of the English language in order to explain certain tendencies of
Estuary English. (cf. Wells 1982a: 72)
9 Throughout the thesis I shall use square brackets to represent phonemes different inquantity or quality from the correspondingRP vowels. The category of quality is indicated by
different symbols, for example [u:, ]; moreover, the category of length is highlighted by the sign[:].
10There are different ways, all equally legitimate, of allocating the English vowels to
phonemic categories. Daniel Jones lays emphasis upon the distinctive importance of length
distinguishing long and short members of five phonemes [i:, , a:, a, o:, o, u:, , W:, W], wherethe sign [:] indicates not only length but also a related quality. Sivertsens analysis, on the otherhand, is based on the short vowel phonemes /, e, a, o, , U, W/; the remaining sounds areregarded either as sequences of these elements or as compounds of one of these elements + /j/ or /w/:[i:] is interpreted as / + / or /j/, [u:] is interpreted as / + / or / w/ and so on. (cf. Gimson1989: 98)
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
14/166
11
1.2.1 The use of RP as a basis for descrip t ion
SinceRPis one of the most extensively described English accents11, it is a necessary
yardstick to describe any accent of English. Linguists have mainly used Received
Pronunciation as a descriptive guide to the contrasts and similarities between accents.
It enables us to epitomize the differences between different English accents which are
therefore described in terms of their distance from the standard accent Received
Pronunciation. In this context of linguistic description RP is an essentially abstract
and ideal model of the sound system of English. For this reason, this thesis follows
suit in using RP as a system of reference, interpreting its phonemes as highly
conventionalised. (cf. Wright 1996: 260)
The phoneme inventory for the vowels in RP consists of twenty phonemes
(excluding the two reduced vowels [i, u] associated with weak syllables). Giegerich
(cf. 1992: 49) suggests that we group the vowel phonemes in contrasting pairs. The
main argument for such pairing is the similar qualities of the members of such pairs
and their complementary behaviour. Thus, theRPvowel system constitutes a system
by being pairwise related. Following the criteria of the long-short opposition ofvowels and taking the dimensions of high-low and front-back into consideration, the
RPvowel inventory may be structured in terms of pairs (1.a):
1.a
/i:/ - // peat - pit
/e/ pail /e:/ - /e/ bay - pet
/A:/ - // father - dad
/u:/ - / / pool - put
/W / pole /o:/ - /U/ boat - putt
11Daniel Jones, widely considered to be the leading phonetician in the first part of the
twentieth century, attempted to describe the sounds of English; however, he was essentially
describing his own accent. Thus, his 1907 volumePhonetic Transcription of English Prose giving adescription ofReceived Pronunciation was based on his own speech. It was only in later works that
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
15/166
12
/O:/ - // caught - pot
/:/ - /W/ pearl - banana
/e/ and /W / are diphthongal realisations of /e:/ and /o:/ and are therefore different
from the true diphthongs which are invariably of a diphthongal quality. The true
diphthongs are therefore not members of the symmetrical vowel pairs (1.b):
1.b
/a/ pile
/a / foul
/O/ foil
Bryan Jenner (cf. 1996: 129) and Heinz Giegerich (cf. 1992: 63) treat the centring
diphthongs /W, W, eW/ as surface and untrue diphthongs12 and regard them as
allophonic variants of an underlying vowel plus [-r]. Because RP is a non-rhotic
accent the three phonemes are not realised as //, /e/ and / / plus /-r/. Therefore, these
three sounds are not diphthongal but consist of a simple vowel + /-W/ as a variant of /-
r/ in non-rhotic accents such asRPandEE(cf. Jenner 1996: 121; cf. Johansson 1973:66) (1.c):
1.c
/W/ pier
/ W/ poor
/eW/ pear
the definition was expanded to cover the pronunciation used by the educated classes in southern
England. (cf. Wright 1996: 259)12
Jenner (cf.1998: 3) justifies this reclassification of the vowel system comparing the three
phonemes /W, W, eW/ with the German vowels in `hier, `nur and `Herr. The vocalic sequencesin the German words are also not considered diphthongs but are conditioned realisations of anunderlying vowel plus consonant.
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
16/166
13
Thus, one differentiates between seven short vowels /, e, , U, , , W/, which are
labelled checkedbecause they do not occur in stressed monosyllables with no final
consonant, and their five long counterparts /i:, e, A:, W , O:, u:, :/, the true
diphthongs /a, au, O/, and three diphthongal glides /W, eW, uW/ which are labelled
free, since they occur free of any checking consonant. (cf. Roach - Hartman 1997:
viii-ix) As far as the phoneme inventory for consonants is concerned, there are
twenty-four consonantal phonemes which are classified in two general categories:
firstly, the fortis and lenis obstruents /p, b, t, d, k, g, TS, dJ , f, v, Q, D, s, z, S,J , h/
and secondly, the fortis and lenis sonorants /m, n, , l, w, r, j/.
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
17/166
14
2 Estuary English phonology
2.1 The vowel system in Estuary English
The description of vowel sounds has always presented considerable difficulty because
vowels differ in the ways in which they divide up a particular continuum. Vowel
qualities inEstuary English are a compromise between unmodified regional forms and
those ofgeneral RP. Thus, each EEvowel has a wide range of values. Therefore,
one should bear in mind that the description of the vowel system inEEwill only be an
abstraction. Subtle differences in the pronunciation of the same phoneme, as it occurs
in different words or as it is pronounced by different speakers, cannot be captured.
Applying the criteria established in section 1.2.1 for the formation of vowelpairs, the vowels in the vowel system ofEEcan also be organised in pairs. By means
of Wellss vowel system of London English (cf. 1982b: 303), which reflects varieties
intermediate betweenRPand Cockney, David Rosewarnes list (cf. 1996a: 15) of the
vowels inEstuary English, and my observations based on the research done in 1998
in Canterbury, the EE vowel realisations may be structured in terms of pairs (2.a),
along with theEEallophones of the trueRPdiphthongs (2.b). Thus, the pairs may be
realised as follows:
2.a
[W] - [] peat - pit
[U] - [E] bay - pet
[A:] - [, e] father - dad
[W] - [ ] pool - put
[U ] - [U] boat - putt
[OW] - [] caught - pot
[:] - [W] pearl - banana
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
18/166
15
The close vowels /i:/ and /u:/ are habitually glided to [W] and [W] in the speech of
EE13. It is due to the Diphthong Shift (discussed below) thatRPvowels /e/, /W / and
/O:/ have resulted to [U], [U ] and [OW].
2.b
[A] price
[ ]14 house
[aw] foil
Estuary English has six short vowels [, E, U, , , W]15. Considering the systemic
differences in the phoneme inventory for the vowels in RPand EE, one notices the
loss of short // which has glided to a diphthongal realisation. The varying realisations
are phonemically represented by David Rosewarne (cf. 1994a: 5) as [, e]; for
example, the RPversion /}bd/ for `bad is in EEpronunciation [}bed] or [}bd].
There are two reasons that could explain this phenomenon. Firstly, it is probably due
to the lowering of the shortRP/e/ to [E], giving [}bEd]16 for /}bed/, that the qualitative
distinction toRP// was changed; consequently // glided to [, e]. Secondly,EE
vowels in general are said to be longer in their pronunciation and are hence potential
glides which offers a further explanation for the development of // to [, e].17 As
13Jenner (cf. 1996: 122) claims that all long vowels are currently articulated with as ittle
articulatory effort as possible.14
The data and my personal impression consider [ ] the most frequent realisation of theRPvowel /a / next to the also commonEEallophones [W, U , UW, EW , E ].
15Although Wells (cf. 1984: 61) states that the short vowels of southern accents are
systemically the same as those ofRP, Rosewarne mentions the loss ofRP //in theEEvowelsystem.
16As far as my research onEEis concerned, I cannot share Gimsons assumption (cf. 1989:
107) on the diphthongization of /e/ in the direction of [] in popular London speech, so that /}bed/would be pronounced [}bed].
17Jenner (cf. 1996: 122) claims that the degree of lip-spreading or rounding is considerably
reduced or delayed which is characteristic of the speech of the younger generation; vowels are
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
19/166
16
a result, the duration of the // glides in Estuary English show up contrastive
degrees of length andvary considerably according to their phonetic environment.
One has to take the difference in the phonetic realisation of a given phoneme
into consideration; although the number of phonemic terms of RP and Estuary
English are sometimes the same, the phonetic realisations of these phonemes are often
different. For example, the longRPvowel /A:/ in `bath has undergone a realisational
difference, becoming relatively back. 18 The realisation of the EEvowel [U] in `cup,
`love or `hut is much more front than the RP /U/19: [}kUm tWm}hUt fWW}kUp Wv
}tW, }lUv] Come to my hut for a cup of tea, love! (cf. Coggle 1993a: 32)
The final RPvowel // in words such as `happy, `lucky, `coffee is realisedwith a closer quality in EE. Also in general RP one can notice this trend which is
called Happy Tensing. (cf. Wells 1982a: 258) InEE, however,this [i] in final post-
consonantal position may sometimes be lengthened to [i:]. Consequently, [}veri }prti]
for `very pretty may also be pronounced [}vEri: }prti:]. In final position the vowel /i/
is not only longer inEstuary English than inRPbut may also tend towards the quality
of a diphthong. (cf. Rosewarne 1994a: 5)
In a large set ofEEwords, the initial syllable of the stem is pronounced [ri:],
although inRPit would be pronounced /r/. Consequently, inEEthe prefix of `rebut,
`recant, `refuse, `regret or `remove is pronounced with the long vowel /i:/.
However, this pronunciation is given as a non-RPvariant in the current edition of the
LPD (cf. Wells 1990: 586, 590, 591, 593). David Rosewarne (1994a: 5) claims that
this is indicative of the growing influence ofEE in the last ten years. Similarly, the
prefix `de- as in `default or `deter is pronounced /d/ inRPand [di:] inEEand is
currently articulated with as little articulatory movement as possible. The reason for this is to be
found in a general trend towards overall laxity in the articulatory setting.18
Gimson (cf.1989: 89) suggests that advanced RPforms may indicate the way in which
theRPsystem is developing. However, the realizational change in the quality of several vowels in
general RPdoes not reflect the vowel quality inEE. Different toEE, theRP /e/ is more open andmore retracted and the // is closer.
19It is interesting to mention that Paul Rastall has noted some vowel fluctuations in the
south-east of England which he interprets as reactions to the Estuary Englishpronunciation by a
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
20/166
17
again added as a non-RP variant in the LPD (cf. Wells 1990: 192, 202). (cf.
Rosewarne 1994a: 5) A further example of vowel lengthening in Estuary English can
be seen in word-final [u:] such as [}ju:] `you whereRPwould have either short / / or
strong form with /u:/. Both versions, however, are shorter than the EE [u:]. (cf.Rosewarne 1994: 5)
The accentEEvaries in the phonemes it selects for the lexical representation
of particular words or morphemes and therefore differs in the incidence of phonemes
in a given lexical item. One wide-ranging lexical change concerns the incidence of /i/
and /W/ in weak syllables. The use of /W/ rather than the RPunstressed /i/ in suffixes
such es `-ed and `-es leads to categorical homophony of lexical pairs such as
`tended and `tendered being pronounced [}tEndWd]; RPpronunciation of /}si:krt/
`secret becomes [}sWkrWt] in EE or [}ma:kWtN], the EE pronunciation for
`marketing. (cf. Rosewarne 1994a: 5) This trend is also gaining ground amongst
traditionalRPspeakers. (cf. Wells 1970a: 245)
The main difference between the phoneme inventory for vowels in RP and
Cockney is the vowel shift affecting long vowels and diphthongs. This diphthong shift,
which exhibits a set of phonetic changes almost as fundamental as the Great Vowel
Shift20, has penetrated into Estuary English and extends a long way across the
spectrum. The following two tables are an attempt to outline the present diphthong
younger generation fromEEspeakers on the one hand and older standard speakers on the other. One
example is [] for the expected /U/ in [}sm] `some. (cf. Rastall 1994: 7)20
At this point it is interesting to consider the diachronic aspect of language change. As a
matter of fact, the Great Vowel Shift from Middle English to Early Modern English, was a
systematic chain reaction affecting the long vowels of English. They became closer and those thatwere already close were diphthongised. The raising of the vowels is often diagrammed as a bottom-
top movement (cf. Wright 1996: 272); low vowels were systematically raised. The Diphthong Shift
that affects many local accents nowadays is diagrammed in a simplified form as a countershift, long
vowels and diphthongs being lowered from the top to the bottom. (cf. Wells 1982a: 256)
The vowel shifts took different lengths of time to affect different regions of England; this
process is referred to as lexical diffusion. One could claim that the Great Vowel Shift has never
stopped operating and its continuation is revealed in the Diphthong Shift affecting not only the long
vowels and diphthongs in Cockney,but also to some extent the vowels inEstuary English.
It was the people in the southeastern part of the country who were first influenced. The
movement of wealthy and affluent people from East Anglia and Kent to London in the fifteenth
century facilitated the spread of the innovative pronunciation to London accents. The spread of
Estuary English has been initiated by a kind of countermovement; since World War II lower and
middle class Londoners have been moving to the neighbouring counties of London. Thus, one could
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
21/166
18
shift which affects Cockney and Estuary English in varying degrees.
argue that the Great Vowel Shift has had a considerable impact on the pronunciatiation ofEstuary
English. (cf. Wright 1996: 273)
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
22/166
19
`tea RP/i:/ => EE[W],C[e]
`say RP/e/ => EE[E,U, A],
C[a]
`time RP/a/ => EE[, A],
C[O]
`boy RP/O/ => EE [, aw],
C[o]
`food RP/u:/ => EE[W], C
[W ]
`road RP/W / => EE[U , a ],
C[ ]
`house RP/a / => EE
[UW,U ,E ,
EW , W,
], C[a:]
`park RP/A:/ => EE[a:, A:], C
[O:]
(cf. Barnickel: 1980: 172)
The phoneme inventories for vowels in EE and in Cockney consist of more
diphthongal phonemes than the vowel system ofRP.It is due to the Diphthong Shift
that the number of vowel oppositions is greater in RPthan it is inEstuary English or
Cockney; for example the RP / / - /u:/ and // - /i:/ opposition is not present in
Estuary and Cockney forms. The diphthongisation of monophthongs, one major
characteristic of the Cockney vowel system, entails the loss of the category of length
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
23/166
20
between /u:, / and /i:, /; /u:/ diphthongises to [W ] in [}fW d] (food) and /i:/ to [e]
in [te] (tea). (Klaus-Dieter Barnickel 1980: 172) In Estuary English, however, /i:/ is
glided to [W] in [}sW] (sea) and theEEequivalent of /u:/ is [W], as in [}blW ].
The vowel in the word `face shows considerable variation in the standard
accent RP,where it is realised as /e/, and the non-standard accent Estuary English
which realises this vowel as [U]. (cf. Wright 1996: 266) Thus, the RPdiphthong /e/
becomes [a] or just [U] in EE, the altered vowel quality being followed by a
lengthened glide as in [}sU] `say which is homophonous in EEwith `sigh. The EE
vowel in `price is realised differently compared to its RPequivalent /a/ in having a
nasalised starting vowel and a longer glide; both EEvariants [U] and [A] are possible
allophones ofRP /a/, the latterEEpronunciation variant [A], however, is more
common. Thus, RP /e/ and /a/ merge into [U], as with [}wU] for `wayand `why.
(cf. Rosewarne 1994a: 5)
Another realisational difference is the vowel /O:/ becoming less open and
increasingly closer, similiar to the quality of the cardinal vowel 7 [o:]. (cf. Roach
1991: 13) For a long time London speech has tended to generalise the glide [OW] inword-final position, which is [O:] preconsonantally; also inRPthe vowels /OW/ and /O:/
have recently been merged as [OW], making `court and `caught homophones /}kOWt/.
Also inEEand to some extent in near RPthe /O:/is shortened and centres as a glide
[OW] as in [}flOW] which stands for both `floor and `flaw. Thus, in a free syllable the
vowel /O:/ in `saw is pronounced [}sOW] and in a checked syllable the vowel is closing
to [O ] as in [}bOd] `board or [}wO ?W] `water. Wells (cf. 1982b: 311) therefore
distinguishes two distinct phonemes /OW/ and /o: %O / and refers to this process as
the Thought Split. (cf. Wells 1982a: 236)
In medial positions the vowel /O:/ in /}O:QW/ `author, /}O:gWnaz/ `organise or
/}O:fWl/ `awful becomes a nasalised sound [OWw] inEE: [}OWwQW] (author). (cf. Coggle
1993a: 32) Similarly, the diphthong /O/ in `choice, is matched by the triphthong
[aw] in EE, whereas in Cockney the vowel in `boy becomes closer from /O/ to [o]
resulting in [}bo].
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
24/166
21
TheRPvowel /W / in words such as `coat, `nose or `ghost has first fronted
to [ ] and then, owing to the Diphthong Shift which involved the gradual lowering
of the first element (cf. Peter Trudgill - Tina Foxcroft 1979: 72), become [a ] or
[ ] in Cockney and [U ] inEE;thus, /W / in `no becomes [a ] or just [U ] and is
equivalent to the RP speakers pronunciation of /}na / `now, /}ra / `row and
/}ta n/ `town. Thus, for an Estuary English speaker the words `no, `row (meaning
`series), `now, `row (meaning `quarrel) are pronounced with the diphthong [U ].
(Coggle 1993a: 32)
The diphthong /a / exhibits a considerable range of social variation. The word
`mouth may be pronounced with vowel qualities as diverse as [UW], [EW], [E ], and
[EW ], as well as the more familiarEE types [ ], and [U ]; the quality of [U ]
seems to be becoming gradually backer. (cf. Rosewarne 1994a: 5) David North (cf.
1985: 81), who has done research on the phonetic development of the /a / phoneme
in Kent, also mentions several similar qualitatively different realisations of /a /
ranging from the ones already listed to [ ] and [W]. Thus, the Estuary English
pronunciation varies from [}hEW s] and [}hUs] to [}hUWs], [}hEWs], [}hE s] or [}h s]
and [}hWs] for `house, depending on the speakers social background. Similarly, the
diphthong /a/ changes to [O] in Cockney and inEEjust to [A] or [], so that [}tAm]
or [}tm] areEEpronunciation options for `time.
The diphthongs /a / and /a/ can also undergo a monophthonging process,
called Smoothing, which has always been typical ofCockney.However, it has also
penetrated into Estuary English and even into general RP. This gives /a / and /a/
the realisation [a:] with qualities ranging from front [a:] to centralised-back [A:]. For
RP-influenced EE speakers the quality of the monophthong is that of the starting-
point of the underlying diphthong; Cockney-influenced EE speakers, on the other
hand, regularly have a back starting-point. Thus, `shower and `shire become
homophones and are pronounced [}SA:W]21. These centring diphthongs [aW, AW] which
21 It is interesting to note at this point that this particular monophtongisation of the
diphtongs /a / and /a/ to /a:/ is also characteristic ofadvanced RP, and David Jowitt (cf. 1995: 14)
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
25/166
22
derived from /aW, auW/ may sometimes become monophthongal, giving `fire [}fA:]
and `tower [}tA:].22 This monophthongisation of /aW/ and /a W/ and their coalescence
with [A:] is one of the most striking sound changes in the twentieth century.(cf. Wells
1982a: 239)
Estuary English differs in the incidence of phonemes in the lexical items
`either and `neither. Every speaker has at his disposal, both an /i:/ and an /a/. It is
typical of anEEspeaker to prefer the /i:/ to the diphthong /a/, producing [}WDW] and
[}nWDW]. (cf. Wells 1982a: 78; cf. Rosewarne 1994a: 6)
2.1.1 Vowels p lus [ -rr]
Those sequences traditionally regarded as centring diphthongs /W/, /eW/ and / W/ are
listed in section 1.2.1 (1.c) as allophonic variants of an underlying vowel plus [-r]. It is
interesting to note that conservative RPhas one more member /OW/ in `soared. The
disappearence of /OW/ as an independent phoneme reduces the system characteristic of
general RP. The peculiarity of the RPandEEvowel system for having these vowel
phonemes was caused by the loss of /-r/.23 Thus, general RP and EE do not
pronounce the /r/ in words like `here, `sure, `sport, etc. To simplify matters, the
resulting glides will not be included in the typology of vowel systems presented below
(cf. section 2.1.3).
There is a development under way in Estuary English which is called the
Second force Merger or also cure lowering, whereby the / W/ in /pW/ `poor
undergoes a lowering, sometimes via intermediate stages such as [oW] and [OW] to [O:],
has noted that in royal speech the first element in /a / is sometimes a fronted /a:/. Since this featureis not typical ofEstuary English, it is of no importance here.
22Prince Charles is found to be the most enthusiastic exponent of this feature; the sentence
`There is a mousedown at the house would be rendered as /DeWzW}mA:s }dA:n Wt DW}hA:s/.Stuart Wavell describes the upward mobility ofCockney in his article Those royals dont arf talk
common (ST: 14.12.1997). He claims that the lower class speech and upper-class speech coincide.23
These vowel phonemes occur in non-rhotic accents likeRPandEE; Scottish Standard
English and General American have the historic /-r/ and are therefore termed rhotic accents. (cf.Giegerich 1992: 62)
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
26/166
23
so that the realisation of RP / W/ in `sure becomes [O:]. The word `poor is
homophonous with `pore, `pourand `paw, all being pronounced [}pO:]. According to
Wells (cf. 1982b: 287) there are already plenty ofRP speakers who merge / W/ of
`tour and /O:/ of `tore and pronounce some or all of `poor, `moor, `your and `sure
with [O:]. One reason for this tendency is that the frequency of occurrence and
functional load of / W/ is extremely low. (cf. Gimson 1984: 49) The EPD gives both
the / W/ and the /O:/ as pronunciation possibilities, which proves that both versions
are already accepted. However, it is characteristic ofRP that words in which the
vowel / W/ is preceded by a consonant plus yod are relatively resistant to the shift
from / W/ to [O:], e.g. `pure, `furious and `cure. Thus, while in RP there is a
tendency to make [ W] a positional allophone of /O:/, restricted to the environment
Cj_, Estuary English has gone one step further so that [ W] becomes [O:] when
preceded by a consonant plus yod, pronouncing `cure [}kjO:]. (cf. Rosewarne 1994:
5) A further development is that [ W] can be monophthongised through Smoothing of
the sequence [u:W], such as `fewer, `steward; however, the [ W] from Smoothing of
[u:W] is not subject to the possibility of Lowering to [O:]; hence, pronouncing `fewer
[}fjO:] does not occur.
Furthermore, Estuary English gives evidence of a development towards
triphthongization.RP/W/ becomes the triphthong [W] inEEas in [}nW] `near. The
otherEE triphthong is [EW] as in [}skwEW], which would be /}skweW/ in RP for
`square. Thus, the systemically equivalent variant for /W/ is [W] inEE, and /eW/ has
the variant [EW] which in rapidEEspeech is merged with /:/ in a long vowel, [}n:]
and [}skw:] (cf. Rosewarne 1994a: 5). This subsequent development of
monophthonging a centring diphthong to a long monophthong is quite common and is
often found in the southern part of theEstuary English area. (cf. Wells 1982a: 216)
2.1.2 Vowels p lus [ -ll]
Although the voiced lateral sound /l/ is phonetically vowel-like and may therefore be
regarded as a vocoid, its function is actually consonantal because it is marginal in the
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
27/166
24
syllable. Therefore the /l/ is treated as a consonant and is dealt with in further detail in
section 2.2.1. However, it is worth mentioning that the vocalised /l/ results in new
vocalic glides which are regarded as allophonic variants of an underlying vowel plus [-
l]. Thus the EEvowel glides [ , E , , ] in e.g. EE [}m k] `milk, [}Se f]
`shelf, [}d w] `doll and [}v ] `vowel will not be included in the part-systems of
Estuary English in section 2.1.3.
2.1.3 A typo logy of the RP and EE vow el system
It is convenient to subdivide vowel systems of English into four part-systems. (cf.
Wells 1982a: 168) Part-system A comprises the checked short vowels. In both
accents, RPandEE, part-system Ahas seven members. One systemically notational
variant includes /E/ for `dress which can be interpreted as the consequence of the
systemic change giving the phoneme // diphthongal realisations [, e]. (cf. section
2.1)
RP
e W
U
EE
E W
, e U
Part-system B comprises the traditional long vowels, the two closing
diphthongs /a, O/ and the diphthongal realisation of /e:/. Consequently, in RP the
part-system B includes four members /i:, e, a, O/. In EEhowever, it is due to the
Diphtong Shift that part-system B has systemically equivalent notational variants
including /W/ for `fleece, /U/ for `face and for `price and /, aw/ for `choice.(cf.
Wells 1982a: 171)
RP
i:
EE
W
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
28/166
25
e
a O
U
A, , U aw,
Part-system C comprises the long vowel /u:/, the diphthongal realisation of /o:/
and the true diphthong /a /. Therefore, inRPpart-system C includes three members.
InEEthe vowel [W] for `goose is a diphthongal realisation of /u:/; [U ] is another
variant of the vowel in `goat, and the same holds true for the glide [ ] in `mouth.
Like inRP, this gives a three-term C system inEE. (cf. ibidem 174)
RP
u:
W
a
EE
W
U
U , EW , UW, EW, E , ,
W
Traditionally (cf. ibidem 176) part-system D comprises the long vowels and
the centring diphthongs. Since the three diphthongs /W, W, eW/ are treated as the
allophonic variants of an underlying vowel plus [-r], they are not included in the D
system. Thus, inRPpart-system D includes three long vowels. Similar toRP, EEhas
also three phonemes introducing the vowel glide [OW] as an allophonic variant of /O:/.
RP
: O:
A:
EE
: OW
A:, a:
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
29/166
26
The RP vowel system comprises seven phonemes in part-system A, four
phonemes in part-system B and three in part-system C. If the treating of centring
diphthongs as allophonic variants of an underlying vowel plus [-r] is considered
sufficient grounds for excluding the /W, eW, W/, the three-term part-system D isjustified. Thus, theRPvowel system is 7-4-3-3, as set out in the following table. (cf.
ibidem 119)
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
30/166
27
e W
U
i:
e O
a
u:
W
au
: O:
A:
Although the EE vowel system comprises the same number of phonemes as
the RP system, one must take into account considerable variation within one
phoneme; there are often many allophonic variants of one phoneme. However, theEE
vowel system is 7-4-3-3, as set out in the following table.
E W
, U
W
U
A, , U aw, A
W
U
EW ,UW,EW,E , ,W
: OW
A:, a:
2.1.4 Conclus ion: the Estuary Engl ish vow el t rend
There is a certain regularity of pattern in the behaviour of the vowels, and
observations about recent changes in RPconfirm these findings. Latest examinations
(cf. Henton 1983: 365) concerning changes in the vowels ofRPshow that /, e, , O:,
u:/ are relatively more central among younger speakers. Hentons findings reflect the
description of theEEvowels in this thesis. She lists the lowering and centring of //
as well as the fronting of /U/. Moreover, /i:/ and /u:/ are rather centralised and
markedly diphthongal, and // is approaching /W/ in unaccented syllables. The long
front-tending vowels undergo a counterclockwise shift, the long back-tending vowels
a clockwise shift, compared withRP.
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
31/166
28
In conclusion, it has become clear that the close back and front vowels /, i:,
, u:/ are moving towards the centre, and those already front, like the phoneme /e/,
are being lowered, which gives the following vowel trapezium:
2.2 The consonant system in EstuaryEngl ish
It is legitimate to regard Estuary English as having the same phoneme inventory for
consonants asRP. However, there is a notable difference between the two accents in
the realisation of the alveolar lateral /l/, which becomes vocalised in EE (section
2.2.1).There is also a difference in the realisation of /t/ whereEE in many positions
favours an unreleased stop (section 2.2.2). Compared with RP, the quality of /r/ is
also different inEE(section 2.2.3).A further phonemenon called TH Fronting will be
a matter of discussion in section 2.2.4. Yod Dropping and its competitive
development, Yod Coalescence, is another feature characteristic ofEstuary English
discussed in section 2.2.5. Finally H Dropping is a noteworthy shibboleth in EE
(section 2.2.6).
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
32/166
29
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
33/166
30
2.2.1 L Vocal isat ion
Inspection of the distribution of the non-accommodatory allophones of /l/ in RP
shows that the clear variety occurs before a vowel and /j/, while the dark variety
occurs after a vowel, before a consonant, /w/ or a pause. The Estuary English
equivalent of theRPdark [K] is non-alveolar, hence tongue-tip contact does not occur
and therefore the allophone [K] has a vocoid realisation. This development, called L
Vocalisation, converts [K] into a non-syllabic back vocoid [V]24 or, even more often,
into its rounded equivalent [ ] in all environments whereRPhas the lateral velarised
[K], e.g.EE[}m k],RP[}mKk],EE[}SE f],RP[}SeKf].
It is probably due to the lateral sound /l/ being voiced and frictionless, and
therefore, linguistically speaking, in many respects vowel-like, that the [K] can be
completely absorbed by the preceding vowel. At the Cockney end of the Estuary
English spectrum the vocalised /l/ is entirely absorbed by a preceding /O:/, as in `salt
RP /sO:lt/, EE [}sO:t]. This phenomenon causes a set of homophones; `faulty books
results in [}fO:ti }b ks] and can be easily mistaken for `forty books. Another example
would be `awful and `all full which are homophones pronounced [}O:f ]. Therefore,the sentence `Im afraid our single rooms are [}O:f ] could be confusable in rapid
speech. Similarly, `Pauls, `pulls, `pause and `paws are also homophones [}pO:z],
and likewise `fault, `fought and fort resulting in [}fO:t]. (cf. Rosewarne 1996b: 17)
With the remaining vowels the vocalised /l/ is not absorbed, but remains
present as a back vocoid. But in the environment of a following non-prevocalic [K]
most vowels are subject to neutralisation. The vowels /, W/ in `rill and `real falltogether in EE as [}rV], while the vowels / , u:/ in `full and `fool are also
neutralised to [}f ]. Also the vowels // in `Val, /e/ in `veil and /a / in `vowel
are neutralised resulting in [}vV].
24Some investigators report the unrounded [V] after front vowels, as [fV] `fill. (cf. Wells
1982b: 313)
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
34/166
31
It is interesting to note that David Rosewarne (cf. 1994a: 3) suggests the use
of the phonemic symbol [w] in word-final positions after a vowel, in order to
emphasise the strong degree of lip-rounding in the EE rendering of the RPdark [K].
Therefore, theRPpronunciation /}i:l/ for `eel is matched byEE[}i:w]and likewise
in `doll which is realised as [}d w]. It is obvious that L Vocalisation offers the
prospect of phonemic status for new diphthongs such as [ ], [E ],[ ], and [ ].
Thus,Estuary English is much further along the continuum of diphthongisation than
RP.
From a functional viewpoint, the velarized [K] can also fulfil a syllabic function;
the vocalisation of this syllabic [K1] being realised by a monophthongal vocoid isparticularly common in Estuary English, e.g. in `middle, `apple or `drizzle: EE
[md ], RP [}mdK1], EE [}p ], RP [}pK1] and EE [}drz ], RP [}drzl1].(cf. Wells
1982a: 258)
L Vocalisation is a sound change still very much in progress; speakers are by
no means consistent. They fluctuate between using a lateral consonant and a vocoid; if
they use a vocoid it may be unrounded or rounded; and they may restrict L
Vocalisation to preconsonantal environment (i.e._ (#)C `fall down) and absolute final
environments (i.e._A `fall) or they may extend it to word-final prevocalic
environments (i.e. _#V `fall off). (cf. Wells 1982b: 313) Although L Vocalisation is
overtly stigmatised, Wells (cf. 1982a: 259) shares David Rosewarnes assumption (cf.
TES: 19.10.1984), saying that L Vocalization is beginning to seep into RPand will
become entirely standard in English over the course of the next century.25 It extends
from Cockney towards theRPend of the scale. Not only politicians but also Princess
Diana and Prince Edward have been caught vocalising the /l/. (cf. Hymas ST:
10.4.1994)
25Paul Rastall (cf. 1997: 7) who sporadically heard vowel fluctuations on the television and
on radio in the southeast of England, did not encounter L Vocalisation in the words `Malvern and
`told. Instead, he heard [a] for the expectedEE[O:] in [}malvWn] `Malvern,EE[}mO:vWn]; and[O:] forEE[W ] in [}tO:ld] `told,EE[}tW d].
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
35/166
32
2.2.2 Plosives: af f r icat ion and glot ta l ing
Among the most revealing of all the features inEstuary English is the replacement of
the voiceless stops /p, t, k/, especially the /t/,by a glottal stop. Glottalisation consists
either of a full glottal realisation [?], or of a combined glottal and oral plosive [?p, ?t,
?k] which is called preglottalisation. The term glottal reinforcement is used to cover
both types. (cf. Higginbottom 1964: 129) In the case of a glottal plosive, the
obstruction of the air-stream is formed by the closure of the vocal folds, thereby
interrupting the passage of air into the supra-glottal organs. The air pressure below
the glottis is released by the sudden separation of the vocal folds. The compression
stage of its articulation consists of silence, its presence being perceived auditorily by
the sudden cessation of the preceding sound. (cf. Gimson 1989: 168) The glottal
plosive is articulatorily unique in its being a plosive-allophone that is not articulated
orally. (cf. Pointner 1996: 2)
The glottal stop is an important sound in the English sound-inventory. It
occurs as a means to strengthen vowels and plosives in many varieties of English, and
even, in some respects especially in the standard accent RP. Thus, although the
glottal stop is not a significant sound in the general RP system, the [?] sometimesserves as a syllable boundary marker, when the initial sound of the second syllable is a
vowel, e.g. `co-operate [kW }?pWret] or `reaction [r}?kSn]; any initial accented
vowel may be reinforced by a preceding glottal onset in RP, e.g. `its empty
[ts}?empti]. In these instances the glottal stop only modifies an oral plosive or vowel
by adding a glottal component. In this position it is sometimes regarded as posher
than mere oral realisations. (cf. ibidem 35)
The voiceless plosives /p, t, k/ and also the affricate /tS/ are often preceded in
syllable-final environments by a glottal stop [?]. This sound is inserted before the oral
closure is effected and is referred to as preglottalisation. This reinforcement of final
fortis plosives is increasingly typical ofRPspeech; final /p, t, k/ have the oral closure
reinforced by a glottal closure, e.g. `shop [}S?p], `shot [}S?t] or `shock [}S?k]. (cf.
Gimson 1989: 169) Also the usage of glottal reinforcement occuring in utterance-
medial position is sufficiently widespread among RPspeakers. This is the case when
the word medial or final stop is made by /tS/ and is followed by a vowel, e.g.
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
36/166
33
[}m?tSz] `matches; where /p/ and /k/ precedes /tS/, glottal stop occurs before /p,k/,
e.g. [}p?ktSW] `picture. (cf. OConnor 1952: 216)
SomeRPspeakers and mostEEspeakers replace word-final /p, t, k/ by a bare
[?] when the following consonant is homorganic, i.e. /t, d, tS, dJ / or non-syllabic /l/
and /n/ as in `that table [}D?}tEbl1], `get down [}gE?}d n], `that chair [}D?}tSEW],
`that joke [}D?}dJU k], `witness [}w?nWs] or possibly unreleased [}wt nWs],
`Upminster [}U?mnstW] and `Scotland [}sk?lWnd]. The replacement of final /p, k/ by
[?] is less frequent inEE, except where it is followed by a homorganic consonant, e.g.
`soappowder [}sW ?pUdW].
The [?] is also heard for /t/ before other plosives, e.g. in `football [}f ?bK]
and sometimes before nasals, e.g. `nutmeg [}nU?mEg]. While inRPthe replacement of
/p, t, k/ by [?] is rare in final position, it is typical ofEE; thus, `have a look RP
/}hvW}l k/, EE [}vW}l ?] or `get up RP /get}Up/, EE [gEd}U?] or towards the
Cockney end of scale [gE?}U?]. Cockney [?] can also function as the realisation of /d/
followed by a syllable boundary or word boundary, e.g. [}brE? n1}bU?W] `bread and
butter, [}g ?}gOWd] `good god.
Where word-final /p, t, k/ are preceded by a nasal, a [?] may occur inEE, as in
[}lm?] `lamp, [}wEn?] `went. In fact, glottaling of /p/ and /k/ seems to be
commonest after a nasal, thus [}dJUm?] `jump, [}pN?] `pink. However, EEspeakers
seem to glottal /t/ much more readily than /p/ and /k/ in this environment. The same
applies intervocalically where Cockney speakers use a full [?] for /t/ in [}lE?W] `later,
but only a preglottalised [?p] in [}pE?pW] `paper. (cf. Wells 1984: 56)
Commonly, a pure [?] is to be heard for /t/ before all non-syllabic consonants
except /h/. ForRPspeakers the [?] is very common before a stressed syllable, e.g. `at
last [W?}lA:st], while EE speakers would also use a glottal stop after a stressed
syllable, e.g. `Scotland [}sk?lWnd]. Often inEE, an unaccented /t/ is replaced by [?]
between vowels or /n,l/ and vowel, e.g. in `daughter [}dO:?W], `butter [}bU?W],
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
37/166
34
`Saturday [}sU?Wde],26 or within a phrase as in `not in [n?}n]. Glottal replacements
of /p, k/ also occur in similar situations, e.g. in `supper [}sU?W] or `paper [}pe?W].
The use of [?] for word-final /t/ before a word beginning with a vowel is one
characteristic distinguishing theEEaccent from traditionalRP, e.g. [D?}z] `that is,
[kwa?}z] `quite easy. The most obvious /t/ glottaling occurs in syllable-final
position, as with [bU?] `but, [h?] `hit or [kEn?] `Kent. In Cockney, `whip, `wit and
`wick might be pronounced homophonously as [}w?]. However, the bare glottal stop
is more common as a realisation of underlying /t/ than /p/ or /k/ inEE.
The glottal stop occurs frequently before syllabic nasals and sonorants, i.e.
before unstressed /Wm, Wn, WN, Wl/. (cf. Sivertsen 1960:113) Where the nasal or lateral
following /t/ is syllabic, T Glottaling is subject to sharply differing social evaluations
according to whether the syllabic sonorant is in fact nasal or lateral. In the
environment of a following syllabic nasal, pronunciations such as [}bU?n1] `button,
`cotton [}k?n1], [}h?m1] `happen may be considered to extend intoRP.Glottaling of
/k/ in the environment of a following nasal /n/ means that broad Cockney neutralises
the opposition between /k/ and /t/ in this position: [}rE?n1] `reckon and [}QrE?n1]`threaten.
Where it is before a lateral, the use of [?] is felt to be strongly Cockney-
flavoured, and subject to a similar evaluation to that of intervocalic [?]. This applies
independently of whether the underlying /Wl/ is realised as one segment or two,
vocalised or not; e.g. [}b? z] `bottles or [}l? ] `little. Therefore, only Cockney
speakers would pronounce words such as `hospital and `little as [}sp? ] and[}l? ]; an Estuary English speaker, however, would aspirate the voiceless alveolar
plosive /t/ so that `hospital and `little result in a pronunciation such as [}hspts ]
26Not characteristic ofEE,but ofCockney is the voiced tap that is used in this
environment. It is characteristic of a casual style in many accents and also in Cockney, where
peculiarly enough, it is regarded by Cockney speakers as a correct variant, e.g. [}m\W] `matter,[}bU\W] `butter. (cf. Siversten 1960: 119)
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
38/166
35
and [}lts ]27. It is due to the considerable prominence given to the phoneme /t/ that
the vocalic quality of the [K] is enforced and hence vocalised. 28
Aspirated [p, k, t] are considered the RP influenced EE norm. Paul Coggle
(cf. 1993a: 43) calls this feature the breathy t. The contact of the tip and the blade
of the tongue is relaxed so that the airstream escapes through a narrow groove
formed in the centre of the tongue, causing a friction between the tongue and the
alveolar ridge. The escape of air is more diffuse than for the articulation of the
voiceless alveolar stop /t/, and can be compared with the fricative /s/. The resulting
affricate is represented as [ts] by David Rosewarne (cf. 1994a: 4) and Paul Coggle (cf.
1993a: 43): [}t
s
i:] `tea, [}t
s
p] `top, [}t
s
E ] `tell. This feature is typical ofEstuaryEnglish speakers coming from the Cockney end of the spectrum. Additionally, David
Rosewarne (cf. 1994a: 4) reports of an EEspeaking informant who rendered words
with intial /t/ followed by a semi-vowel /w/ like in `twenty as [tSw] as in [}tSwEnti:];
similarly, in EE /st/ in initial and in postvocalic medial position is pronounced
sometimesas /St/ as in [}SteSWn] for `station and [}EStSeWri:] for `estuary.
Usually, affrication is encountered in initial, intervocalic and final position in
EE. In the latter it is usually preglottalised, such as in [}A:?ts] `art. Word-initially, /t/
and /d/ are often affricated in EE, thus [}tsEn] `ten, [}dzg] `dog; in intervocalic
environment /p, t, k/ arealso usually aspirated, like [}bEtsW] for `better or [}lEtsW] for
`letter which is considered by most informants the correct and normal variant, while
[}bE?W] or [}lE?W] is regarded as stigmatised. (cf. Wells 1982b: 325). It is, however, by
no means a feature ofEE to use the zero variant; in intervocalic environments one
finds [}lo] for `little or [}bEW] for `better which is typical of broad Cockney, but
which has not so far penetrated theEEspectrum.
As far as the pronunciation of /t/ across the speech spectrum is concerned, it is
certainly true to say that RP speakers tap the phoneme /t/ most often and Cockney
speakers tap the fewest. Estuary English speakers find themselves in the middle
27
Wells (cf.1982b: 326) calls this feature typical of posh Cockney.
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
39/166
36
range; Paul Coggle demonstrates this with the following example-sentence: `In
Scotland the butter and the water are absolutely outstanding. This sentence contains
five times the phoneme /t/. AnRPspeaker may tap all or only four or three of the five
/t/ phonemes: /}sktlWnd/ or [}sk?lWnd], /}bUtW/, /}wO:tW/, /bsW}lu:tli/ and/a t}stndN/ or [1au?}stndN]; a Cockney speaker realises the five /t/ phonemes by
producing a glottal stop: [}sk?lWnd], [}bU?W], [}wOW?W], [bsW}lW ?li] and
[U ?}stndN]. Similarly, forRP influenced EE speakers preglottalisation applies to
cases when /p, t, k/ are in syllable-final position followed by consonants or a pause,
whereasEEspeakers closer to the Cockney end of the social scale, would also favour
a glottal stop when /p, t, k/ are preceded by a vowel, a liquid, or a nasal. Peter Roach
(cf. 1973: 21) finds this trend extraordinary, taking into consideration the different
types of glottalisations with sometimes exclusive distributions for different speakers.
According to Frank Pointner (cf.1996: 3) the minimal requirements, as far as
the speech organs are concerned, for the articulation of the glottal plosive, and its
resulting ability to adjust to almost any environment, is responsible for its wide spread
to some extent inRP, quite commonly inEEand especially in Cockney.Peter Roach
(cf. 1973: 21) maintains, on the other hand, that the glottal reinforcement contradicts
the principle of least effort because it clearly involves more rather than less
articulatory complexity and effort.
Beyond any doubt, T Glottaling is one of the most heavily stigmatised features
ofEstuary English pronunciation because it marks Cockney speech, and is hence a
feature found at the bottom of the Estuary English continuum: [}bU?W] `butter or
[}wOW?W] `water. The bare [?] as the realisation of word-internal intervocalic /t/ is one
of the most stereotyped characteristics ofCockney, and hence it suffers some degree
of overt stigmatisation; e.g. [}wOW?Wl Wn }s?W lAn] `Waterloo and City line.
However, in consonantal environments T Glottaling is considered current mainstream
RP.But despite its unenviable reputation, the glottal stop is now widely perceived as
a stereotype of urban British speech which can be heard almost throughout the social
28The rounded back vocoid [ ] is the result of the development called L Vocalisation.
(see 2.2.1)
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
40/166
37
scale in the South-east. Thus, glottaling has spread very fast in the course of the
present century. (cf. Milroy 1994: 5)
2.2.3 The phoneme /rr/
Another shibboleth ofEstuary English is the sound [] which has a special quality in
this accent. David Rosewarne (cf. 1994b: 5) was the first to draw attention to this
sound which is to be found neither in RPnor in Cockney. It seems to be somewhat
closer in pronunciation to the American /r/.
The [] is a voiced post-alveolar frictionless continuant articulated with the tip
of the tongue lowered and the central part raised close to the soft palate. The air-
stream is allowed to escape freely, without friction, over the centre of the tongue.
This allophone of the RPphoneme /r/ is, therefore, phonetically vowel-like, but,
having a non-central situation in the syllable, it functions as a consonant. (cf. Gimson
1989: 208)
The degree of labialisation may vary considerably when producing [].
Although lip position of /r/ is determined by that of the following vowel, most EE
speakers labialise the allophone [] whatever the following vowel. Consequently, lip-
rounding is so extreme that the [] is replaced by [ ], and homophones of the type
`wed and `red are produced. This w-quality is similar to the one discussed above
under L Vocalisation (2.2.1). In fact, the relationship between the phonemes /l/ and /r/
is seen in standard variants of Christian names like `Terry and `Derek which become
`Teland `Del when written, and which are pronounced [}tE ] and [}dE ]. (cf.
Coggle 1993a: 48) This labio-dental frictionless continuant [ ] is referred to as a
substitute for [] in defective speech not only by Paul Coggle (cf. ibidem 48) but also
by A.C.Gimson (cf. 1989: 209). Finally, as far as the degree of retroflexion of the
tongue is concerned,EE[], despite its similarities to the American /r/, does not have
retroflection.
Such pronunciation, which was considered a fashionable affectation in the late
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, is now apparently again smart among
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
41/166
38
Estuary English speakers. Media personalities like Jonathan Ross, Derek Jameson and
David Bellamy provide clear examples of this phenomenon, the funny r, as Paul
Coggle calls it (cf. 1993a: 48).
2.2.4 Labio-dental and dental fr icat ives
Another heavily stigmatized Cockney feature which is slowly penetrating intoEstuary
English is TH Fronting. It involves the replacement of the dental fricatives /Q, D/ by
labiodentals /f, v/ respectively. Thus, the voiceless dental fricative /Q/ is slowly
merging into the labio-dental phoneme /f/; for example, [}fNk] for /}QNk/ or [}frU t
}smf] for `throw it, Smith. The same holds true for the voiced dental fricative /D/,
which merges with /v/ such as [}fA:vW] for /}fA:DW/ or [}mUvW}brWv}n] for `mother,
breathe in.29 (cf. Wells 1984: 57) Wells (cf. 1982a: 96) links this phenomenon to the
articulatory complexity of the dental fricatives /Q, D/ which has probably led to their
replacement by labio-dental fricatives /f, v/. Compared with /Q, D/, the labio-dentals
/f, v/ are more natural.
While TH Fronting affects the voiceless fricative in all environments, it appliesto the voiced one only in non-initial position; the lenis /D/ in `this, therefore, does not
become [vs], but more commonly [ds]. Thus, for the lenis /D/ EE speakers choose
other alveolar articulations. A very common alternative is the coalescence of an
alveolar plus /D/ into a single dental consonant, e.g. `got the [}gdW] or into the
original alveolar one, e.g. `in the [}nW] (cf. Gimson 1989: 185; cf. Wells 1982b: 329);
one phrase that occured very often in the interviews was `and then which the majority
of my informants realised as [Wn}nEn].
Moreover, [}fNk] is not only used for /}QNk/ but also for `-thing in
combination with `some-, `any- and `no-: [}gv m}sUmfNk]. This phenomenon is
typical ofCockney in which /N/ is phonemic. AlthoughEEspeakers are said not to be
29
Wells (cf. 1982a: 96) considers this feature persistent infantilism, because it is oftenfound the speech of children who tend to replace complex sequences with simpler or more natural
ones.
-
7/30/2019 Estuary English Thesis by Christina Schmid
42/166
39
likely to adopt the -[Nk] for `-ing feature, I, myself, often heard this feature from
different speakers in Canterbury. These people, most of whom coming from a lower
working class background, pronounced `anything else as [}nfnkh E s], aspirating
the phoneme /k/ very strongly. It is interesting to mention at this point that aspiration
of the final sound /k/ becomes increasingly common in England today.
Additionally, the verbal termination `-ing may be either /-N/ or /-n/ without
/k/ inEstuary English. Some speakersat the Cockney end of the social scale prefer /-
n/ in words like `working [}wWkn] (see section 5.2.1, speaker: Eric Fisher)
Although this feature is today considered a characteristic of vulgar speech, the
pronunciation /-n/ for the termination `-ing was common in