equal opportunities or affirmative action? the induction of minority ethnic teachers

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This article was downloaded by: [University of Cambridge] On: 08 October 2014, At: 07:45 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of Education for Teaching: International research and pedagogy Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjet20 Equal opportunities or affirmative action? The induction of minority ethnic teachers Olwen McNamara a & Tehmina N. Basit a a School of Education , University of Leicester , 21 University Road, Leicester LE1 7RF , England E-mail: b University of Manchester , England Published online: 07 Aug 2007. To cite this article: Olwen McNamara & Tehmina N. Basit (2004) Equal opportunities or affirmative action? The induction of minority ethnic teachers, Journal of Education for Teaching: International research and pedagogy, 30:2, 97-115, DOI: 10.1080/0260747042000229735 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0260747042000229735 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms &

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Page 1: Equal opportunities or affirmative action? The induction of minority ethnic teachers

This article was downloaded by: [University of Cambridge]On: 08 October 2014, At: 07:45Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registeredoffice: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Journal of Education for Teaching:International research and pedagogyPublication details, including instructions for authors andsubscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjet20

Equal opportunities or affirmativeaction? The induction of minorityethnic teachersOlwen McNamara a & Tehmina N. Basit aa School of Education , University of Leicester , 21 UniversityRoad, Leicester LE1 7RF , England E-mail:b University of Manchester , EnglandPublished online: 07 Aug 2007.

To cite this article: Olwen McNamara & Tehmina N. Basit (2004) Equal opportunities or affirmativeaction? The induction of minority ethnic teachers, Journal of Education for Teaching: Internationalresearch and pedagogy, 30:2, 97-115, DOI: 10.1080/0260747042000229735

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0260747042000229735

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the“Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis,our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as tothe accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinionsand views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors,and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Contentshould not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sourcesof information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims,proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever orhowsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arisingout of the use of the Content.

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Anysubstantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing,systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms &

Page 2: Equal opportunities or affirmative action? The induction of minority ethnic teachers

Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

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Page 3: Equal opportunities or affirmative action? The induction of minority ethnic teachers

Journal of Education for TeachingVol. 30, No. 2, July 2004

Equal Opportunities or AffirmativeAction? The Induction of MinorityEthnic TeachersTEHMINA N. BASITSchool of Education, University of Leicester, 21 University Road, Leicester LE1 7RF,England. Email: [email protected]

OLWEN MCNAMARAUniversity of Manchester, England

ABSTRACT Currently in the UK there is much pressure to increase the recruitment andretention of ethnic minority teachers, not only to respond to the continuing shortage, butto develop a teaching force that reflects the diversity in the UK population and providesrole models for ethnic minority students. There is, however, little research on how ethnicminority teachers cope with the demands of the profession, especially in their first year.The introduction by the Department for Education and Employment (DfEE) of aninduction period for Newly Qualified Teachers (NQTs) in 1999 was an attempt to createa programme of individual support and monitoring to provide NQTs with a bridge fromInitial Teacher Training (ITT) to becoming established in their chosen profession. Webelieve it is now timely and important to examine how ethnic minority beginning teachersexperience these new arrangements. In this paper we, therefore, explore the inductionexperiences of British teachers of Asian and African Caribbean origin in three LocalEducation Authorities (LEAs) in the North West of England. We conclude that the NQTsare being provided with equal opportunities by their employers and that affirmative actionmay have been undertaken by a few of these employers during the recruitment andselection process, although some anecdotal evidence is also presented of discrimination.Further, the paper suggests that the majority of the NQTs find their schools and LEAssupportive and the induction process valuable, although it highlights the need foradditional support in some individual cases.

INTRODUCTION

In 1991, an estimated 2.3% of teachers in British schools were from an ethnic minoritygroup (Brar, 1991), and this situation is unlikely to have improved significantly, given therelatively low application rate for teacher training from these groups. Ethnic minority

ISSN 0260-7476 print; ISSN 1360-0540 online/04/020097-19© 2004 Taylor & Francis LtdDOI: 10.1080/0260747042000229735

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young people have high educational and career aspirations (Basit, 1997), and are muchmore likely than ethnic majority students to be taking subjects leading to the traditionalprofessions, yet very few choose to go into teaching (Pathak, 2000). Fear of racism, genderstereotypes and negative perceptions of the status of teaching as low are all cited in theliterature as reasons for education being one of the subjects ethnic minority students areleast likely to study in higher education.

In 1985, the Swann Report acknowledged the under-representation of ethnic minorities inthe teaching profession and saw it as a matter of great concern, which called for urgentattention. The report noted that practising and trainee teachers from minority ethnic groupsfaced racial prejudice and discrimination (DES, 1985). Even today, racism is seen as asignificant factor, which deters ethnic minorities from going into teaching (Osler, 1997).Those who do choose to train for the profession can sometimes face racial discriminationin schools during teaching practice (Siraj-Blachford, 1993), feel less favourably treatedthan their peers from the majority group, and notice stereotypical views amongst teachersregarding their culture and language (Maguire, 1997). Furthermore, they believe that theyconstantly have to ‘prove’ their ability in the classroom and that they are treated in anover-judgemental manner in contrast to their ethnic majority colleagues (Jones & Maguire,1998).

It has been argued that as student populations become more diverse, the teacher populationis less so (Futrell, 1999). Whilst the factors that dissuade ethnic minorities from enteringthe teaching profession remain depressingly static, there is an increasing necessity that theeducation system should benefit from their multilingual expertise, understanding of racismand ability to communicate this understanding to colleagues from the majority group(Siraj-Blatchford, 1993). Significantly, ethnic minority teachers can provide support androle models and thus raise the aspirations of children from the same ethnic groups (Pole,1999). Ethnic majority pupils and parents need to interact with ethnic minority profession-als in order to help eradicate racism (Tomlinson, 1990). While ethnic minority teachers canbring their rich and diverse cultural experiences to the classroom for the benefit of thepupils, this is not always welcome and may be considered irrelevant to the widersocio-political context of British schools. As Ball (1987) argues, micro-political processesoperate to shape the social relations of those who work in schools.

School processes are sometimes modified to take into account the needs of the minoritygroups. Hawley (1989), writing in the American context, for example, argues that racialand ethnic separation and isolation can be countered by significantly increasing the numberof minority ethnic teachers. Furthermore, students learn important societal lessons throughthe examples of cooperative interracial and interethnic relationships among teachers. In theUK, ethnic minorities are an important part of the workforce and their participation in thejob market should be encouraged right from the beginning. This is particularly true ofethnic minority teachers. It is therefore crucial that they are made welcome and comfort-able when they start teaching and are provided with full support to make their first yearunproblematic and enjoyable.

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The Induction of Minority Ethnic Teachers 99

THE INDUCTION YEAR

In 1999 a ‘formal’ induction year was introduced for Newly Qualified Teachers (NQTs)in England and guidance was provided to Local Education Authorities (LEAs), schoolsand NQTs through Circular 5/99 (DfEE, 1999). All NQTs who have been awardedQualified Teacher Status from May 1999 are required to complete an induction period ofthree terms, or equivalent, beginning with their first post. The arrangements combined twointerrelated issues: an individualised programme of support and monitoring and anassessment of performance against a set of induction standards. Good induction to theprofession can, it is claimed, facilitate socialisation, improve the quality of teaching andlearning in schools and provide a bridge from Initial Teacher Training (ITT) to continuingprofessional development (TTA, 2002).

Research conducted by Harrison (2001) on the induction experiences, formal and informal,of NQTs in their first-post schools explores the impact of new induction procedures on twocohorts of secondary NQTs from one training institution. Cohort 1 entered the professionprior to the new procedures in July 1998, with limited supporting funding for induction inthe first-post school; Cohort 2 entered in July 1999 with increased and targeted funding.It is found that targeted funding and resources have a substantial impact over the 2 yearsin terms of provision for NQTs of dedicated time, supportive paperwork and related schoolsystems in the first year of teaching. However, it provides little evidence of stagedprogressive induction training or induction processes that produce challenge and deeperreflection on professional practice.

Williams et al. (2001) examine the induction practice in 11 schools in two contrastingLEAs. They locate the cultures within which NQTs work on a continuum moving fromhighly individualised, through structural collaboration, to spontaneously collaborative.Their evidence supports the significance of collaborative cultures, at both school andteacher level, for the quality of induction practice. They argue, however, that whilestandardised and statutory demands seem to have been successful in raising the standardof induction practice, the characteristics that take induction practice beyond the satisfac-tory and into the realms of excellence are, by their nature, not amenable to statute orexternal mandate. Nevertheless, Totterdell et al. (2002) in their evaluation of the statutoryinduction programme for the Department of Education and Skills (DfES) note that sinceits introduction in September 1999, the quality of provision for NQTs has improved andthere is agreement among head teachers and induction tutors that statutory induction ishelping NQTs to be more effective teachers.

METHODS

The study took place between January and May 2002. We interviewed in depth 20 NQTsin three LEAs in the Northwest of England. The majority of them were female and taughtin primary schools. They were diverse in age and marital status and some had children.They belonged to different minority ethnic African Caribbean and Asian groups, with theAsians originating from Pakistan, India, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, and Syria, and some were of

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a mixed heritage. Most of them were born in Britain and perceived English to be their firstlanguage, though almost all spoke another language as well, including Urdu, Punjabi,Hindi, Arabic, Persian, German, French and Spanish. The NQTs were chosen to providea representative sample across ethnic groups and phases of education.

The NQTs had come into teaching through various routes: 12 had a degree followed bya Postgraduate Certificate in Education (PGCE); three qualified with a Bachelors inEducation (BEd); and five had undertaken a Graduate or Registered Teaching Programme,in which they were primarily school-based. Four NQTs had been bilingual classroomassistants or learning mentors before opting to train as teachers.

FINDINGS

In the following sections we analyse the data relating to the ethnic minority teachers’experiences of, and attitudes towards, the initial selection and recruitment process. Wethen examine various aspects of the support that they received during their induction year,focusing on strategies that they would want to keep, change, bring in and drop. Finally,we discuss the NQTs’ views on the advantages and disadvantages that their ethnicitypresents, and how they see their career developing.

Selection

Ahmad et al. (2003) note that discrimination takes place, both at the point of recruitmentand promotion, where there is also the issue of ‘fitting in’. The memory of the selectionand recruitment process was very much to the fore in the NQTs’ thoughts early in theinduction period and some believed it to have been biased in that they had faced negativediscrimination when they applied for their first appointment.

When ethnic minority new teachers were applying for the same job at the same places theynoted that their peers, with the same qualifications and the same experience, would get aninterview just because they had an English name. In the words of one applicant:

Not only did I know that, but another person who was of another minority groupfelt the same way. And you know, they were schools that were based in affluentareas, with a lot of middle class white kids. (NQT Secondary, LEA1)

Whilst such allegations were not verifiable, that some NQTs believed discrimination tohave occurred was clear.

Other NQTs, however, maintained that, if bias was there, it worked in their favour and thatthe head teachers who appointed them had adopted a principled stance to actively promoteequality of opportunity in their schools and provide role models for their pupils. As oneapplicant put it:

The Head, I think, wanted a positive image for the ethnic minority children. SoI suppose she wanted an ethnic minority teacher just to improve their aspirations

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and goals. And make them think about life, and improving their own life and thatof their family. (NQT Primary, LEA 2)

Echiejile (1992) argues that one of the significant mechanisms of change through whichorganisations are moving towards achieving equality of opportunity is the recruitment andselection process, which is seen as an important means of addressing the problem ofdiscrimination. However, positive action policy aimed at offsetting and undoing systematicdiscrimination (Cunningham, 2000) goes a significant step further. Positive action rests onthe notion that membership of groups makes a difference to outcomes. Rees (1998)contends that equal treatment can reinforce existing inequalities and in the concept ofpositive action the emphasis shifts from equality of opportunity to creating conditionsmore likely to result in equality of outcome by equalising starting positions.

Rees (1998) goes on to consider positive discrimination that seeks to bring about changesto the status quo through mechanisms designed to increase the participation of theunder-represented group: it is in effect the application of ‘unequal treatment’. She notesthat in the USA, affirmative action measures allow for positive discrimination in someareas of employment in favour of women and members of the ethnic minorities. Quotasalso operate in Sweden. Rees points out that positive discrimination goes further thanpositive action. It acknowledges that discrimination exists and needs to be addressed: itseeks to redress uneven balances. Discrimination can be active or passive and failure toundertake gender or ethnic monitoring is a form of passive discrimination.

In the UK, positive discrimination is not allowed under the Race Relations Act, 1976.Positive action, which does not involve favouring any one group over another, or adoptingracial or ethnic quotas, is allowed. Three main types of positive action are lawful undercurrent UK legislation: encouragement measures to attract applicants; pre-entry training toincrease the pool of applicants; and inservice training to increase the potential for careeradvancement (Taylor, 2000). This means that in the case of a particular minority ethnicgroup being under-represented, an employer may provide training solely for that group tohelp fit them for that work, or allow them to take advantage of training offered by otherorganisations. Also, employers may take positive steps—for instance, through advertis-ing—to encourage applications from under-represented groups (Clements & Spinks,2000).

Nevertheless, positive/affirmative action policies have a variety of objectives and they arenot necessarily consistent with each other. Policies that advance the interest of racialminorities, open up jobs for them, and increase their numbers in higher education canexacerbate racial conflict. Such policies might simultaneously advance the interests ofmembers of minority groups and increase the antagonism and resentment against them(Glazer, 2000). There is also disagreement about whether affirmative action policies havebeen responsible for improving the condition of minority groups, or whether the improve-ment has been the result of economic growth and decline of discriminatory and prejudiced

attitudes in general (Thernstrom & Thernstrom, 1997).

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Some NQTs in the study firmly believed that ‘ethnicity hasn’t got anything to do withit—it’s whether you can do the job’. They felt that they were being provided with equalopportunities in comparison with their counterparts from the majority group. As one NQTobserved:

A very mixed race school, a very multicultural school—they hadn’t had an AsianNQT as far as I know. Last year they had two NQTs and the year before theyhad one NQT, all were white. I think this school—especially the Head—shedoes not look at you, she will employ you if you can do the job. I don’t thinkethnicity has got anything to do with it. I think that’s the way it should be. (NQTPrimary, LEA 3)

Induction Arrangements

The typical structure of the new induction arrangements comprises a statutory timetablereduction of 10% on normal teaching duties to be used for professional developmentopportunities; regular support and monitoring including mandatory classroom observa-tions; and a formal professional review process of evidence collection and assessmentagainst induction standards. The process is overseen by an induction tutor designated bythe head teacher, and the NQTs’ Career Entry Profile, begun during ITT, plays acontinuing role in identifying and documenting development needs. Opportunities typi-cally include classroom observations in NQTs’ own and other schools and more structuredprogrammes of support such as courses provided by LEAs or universities.

Non-contact Time

The statutory induction arrangements, as noted above, afford the equivalent of half a daytimetable release a week and all the NQTs in the study cohort valued this highly. MostNQTs received their entitlement and indeed some schools were reported to be unexpect-edly generous:

They follow their formal induction in the LEA very vigorously. Whatever theyneed to do, they’ve done that and more to be honest. I always get my 10%non-contact. If they need to change it, they will tell me. Since I’ve been herethere’s only been twice when I couldn’t have it on the day—and then thefollowing day I had nearly a whole day off. So they make it up. And they’vecertainly done more than what the guidance says. (NQT Primary, LEA 3)

A few NQTs, however, reported not getting their full entitlement of timetable release. Thiswas often the result of contextual factors at particular schools and usually varied over time:

We’ve just recently started having non-contact time. I think we were supposedto have had it from September, but we’ve just started having it this half term. Ithink it was like the cost of sending us out on courses as well as giving usnon-contact time. The courses have now stopped so maybe now they can. I’vebeen to quite a few courses. Even now we’re not getting the half-day, we’re justgetting an hour or 40 minutes each. It’s just they can’t get the supply teachers.

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Definitely get the non-contact time … throughout the year. (NQT Primary, LEA1)

It was apparent that some NQTs were not aware that the key purpose of non-contact timewas engaging in professional development activities. Harrison (2001) observes decreasedcontact time for NQTs to be the most common feature of the induction arrangements.Covering for absent colleagues is, however, found to erode this entitlement and render anystructured professional development activity abandoned or diminished.

Courses

The content of courses variously comprised advancing new skills relating to classroommanagement, pedagogy, learning and teaching styles, best practice, etc. Some NQTs foundthe courses they attended extremely helpful:

The courses were arranged by the LEA, and I thought they were very usefulactually. There was one in particular that was very interesting, where they hadpeople like me—the year before they were NQTs—and they came to tell us thatthere is light at the end of the tunnel. (NQT Primary, LEA 3)

NQTs in one LEA reported valuable provision of courses relating to multiculturaleducation, albeit the participation rate was low and largely ethnic minority:

There were a couple of courses on racism in the classroom, how to deal withthat. There were about five people on the course, and four of us wereblack … They gave us equal opportunities policies and things like that—whichwere helpful. They gave us some scenarios. So yes, it was good. And a blackwoman was doing it as well. It wasn’t a case of going on and being patronisedby someone who didn’t know what they were talking about. (NQT Primary,LEA 1)

However, another NQT in this LEA believed that the provision left much to be desired:

There was a course on ethnic inclusion. I don’t think that was much use. Therewas a lot of theory, and they don’t actually give you any ideas of improving yourrelationship with ethnic minorities within school. (NQT primary, LEA 1)

This NQT was obviously concerned that such provision would do little on a wider scaleto improve what she saw as the institutionalised prejudice within the teaching profession,as she went on to say:

A lot of teachers who have been teaching for a long time have a lot ofstereotypes, and they stick with them throughout their teaching careers, as-suming Asian parents can’t speak English and they don’t feel comfortabletalking to them. All staff need to be made more aware of ethnic minorities.Because there are a lot of ethnic children in our school, and in a school like thisthey need a lot more support. (NQT Primary, LEA 1)

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NQTs in another LEA were not aware of provision relating to ethnic minority issues. Onethought, ‘maybe it was tried and they didn’t get the numbers’. Another NQT surmised:

Maybe the LEA don’t have that many ethnic minority teachers. Maybe they’renot aware if there are any issues. (NQT Primary, LEA 3)

In general most courses were valued, although some were felt to be too ‘theory-based’, andnot sufficiently ‘school-related’. These were not always found by the NQTs to be‘relevant’, ‘productive’ or ‘practical’. NQTs on the whole expressed a preference for goingto ‘actually see it happen rather than have someone telling you this is what you should do’.

Classroom Observation

Suggestions for improving the induction provision often focused upon the need for ‘morepractical advice’:

More hands on activities where rather that somebody sit there and tell you thatthis, this and this works, I think someone needs to show you how it works. Moreobservations in schools or, you know, things like that. Real life, not videoswhere you see this perfect classroom, and perfect teacher, and just patronise youbasically … More scenarios, more how long does this happen, and what wouldyou do if, and how would you teach with this. Maybe more discussion-basedthings, where you can share ideas with each other. (NQT Primary, LEA 1)

Observation of other teachers’ lessons was indeed an important and valued aspect of theirinduction programmes for many NQTs in the present study. Many were able to visitBeacon schools, and observe teachers in their own school and in other schools:

I wanted to look at progression from Key Stage 2 to 3. I had the opportunity todo that and went out and actually taught some lessons, which was an amazingexperience—very different. It’s an excellent way to see where these childrenhave moved from. (NQT Secondary, LEA 1)

A few NQTs reported that they had no opportunity for observing others and wanted to ‘goand observe other schools, particularly successful Beacon schools’. These NQTs wouldhave valued experiencing a different culture or the opportunity to ‘teach a lesson in adifferent year group’.

Mentoring Support

The induction arrangements, as noted, allowed for NQTs to have a designated ‘inductiontutor’ who might be a head of department in a secondary school, or a deputy head teacheror a head of phase in a primary school. The role of the induction tutor in most schoolscombined both support and assessment features. Ballantyne et al. (1995) observe thathaving supportive mentors in schools enable NQTs to become effective teachers as wellas reducing the stress associated with the multiple new professional demands. Barrington(2000) points to the importance of recognising that the NQT may feel the need for

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reassurance, particularly in the early stages. Most NQTs in the present study were verypositive about their mentoring support and found it valuable to ‘ask for help when needed’:

I’ve got a very good mentor, she is extremely good. She listens to what I say.She gave me a great start. (NQT Primary, LEA 2)

Though mentoring was perceived as important and helpful by all the NQTs in the presentstudy, a couple of NQTs reported that in practice complex arrangements, where more thanone mentor was involved, could be problematic:

What I would change is that you have one mentor. What was happening with mewas that my Head of Department was part of the mentor, and I had an officialmentor. And something that I would say or do, she would sort of relay to theother lady. And it was like two channels of communication. (NQT Secondary,LEA 1)

Harrison (2001) argues that one positive outcome for the induction year is clear: aspectsof the mentoring support have greatly improved for the majority of NQTs, notably throughregular observations by mentors and review meetings. Yet managing the tension betweensupport and monitoring can sometimes be a challenge.

Observation and Monitoring

NQTs not only got the opportunity to observe other teachers, but were themselvesobserved. Haggar et al. (1993) note that targeted observation, followed by analysis ofrelevant aspects of classroom practice, can be very useful, whereas unfocused observationcan be demoralising and counterproductive. The induction regulations recommend thatobservation of the NQT should take place at least once every half term and should betightly structured towards a prearranged focus and incorporate a follow up discussion andanalysis. But as Fish (1995) notes, being observed, if essentially a learning experience, canstill be uncomfortable. Certainly a few NQTs in our study did find it a little overwhelming:

I had three head of departments observing me, and the person in charge of theNQTs, and the headteacher … All of them had different things and had their owndifferent approaches and it was just something you had to adapt to … they’dlook at different things. So I think as an NQT having three heads of departmentwas quite intense actually. I mean I’d say one department should be looking atthem first. (NQT Secondary, LEA 1)

Another NQT also reported being observed excessively by senior colleagues:

A number of times—six times a week. I’ve had the mentor observe me; I’ve hadother coordinators observe me; I’ve had the Science Coordinator, the MathsCoordinator, and the English Coordinator observe me. I’ve been observed somany times I don’t mind. (NQT Primary, LEA 3)

The experience of the NQTs, nevertheless, varied and one NQT thought that she was notobserved enough:

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I would like more observations: observing other teachers and also, I would haveliked to have been observed more often. (NQT Secondary, LEA 2)

The Review Process

Professional review meetings and three formal assessment meetings of the induction tutorand/or head teacher with the NQT culminate in a recommendation, from induction tutorand head teacher to the LEA, about whether the NQT has met the induction standards. Thereview/assessment meetings of progress, based upon evidence from the scheduled observa-tions, self-assessment, pupil attainment, etc., incorporate the review and revision ofobjectives and identification of professional development needs. These were generallyconsidered valuable by most NQTs to be ‘very useful, as they told me where I am, whereI need to be, and how I’m going to get there’. One NQT found them a useful lever toacquiring the external support that she sought:

It allowed me to create targets, and refocus and create more targets, and refocus.I said that I would like to have support in Music and PE. And I was allowed toobserve the PE coordinator. And now I’ve also got this term a specialist to helpme develop those skills. And for Music as well they got a specialist in from theEAZ. (NQT Secondary, LEA 1)

And there were other associated advantages too:

I think it also keeps you professional as well. Because you can get too boggeddown in the planning and the teaching and the marking. But because you hadthese targets that were not just about teaching and learning and classroommanagement, but they were about professional development and things like that.(NQT Secondary, LEA 1)

The review/assessment meetings were, nevertheless, perceived by one NQT to be some-thing that was undertaken for the sake of the exercise:

Sometimes, I thought my mentor was struggling to find something that was amajor problem. You know, she’d pick on something that wasn’t really aproblem. Because once she said, ‘Oh! do you realise that you don’t talk to thechildren properly? You don’t pronounce certain words or certain letters prop-erly’. She couldn’t give me a specific example so I think she was just trying tosay that [where I come from, people] have a certain twang when they speak. Idon’t say I speak the Queen’s English, but I don’t think I speak badly either.(NQT Primary, LEA 3)

Rules of grammar, pronunciations and accents vary not only within minority ethnicgroups, but amongst the majority population as well. Discussing such failings is somethingthat needs to be dealt with sensitively and recording it as an area of weakness in the NQT’scareer entry profile should only be considered if all alternative options have beeneliminated.

The one, and indeed only, thing that NQTs did vociferously want to see reduced in the

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induction programme related to the review and assessment process and that was theassociated bureaucracy and paperwork:

Drop all the targets; the big huge file that we have to fill in with all the forms,and things like that. (NQT Primary, LEA 2)

Networking with Other NQTs

Having required NQTs to review and evaluate the present provision we then inquired whatnew elements they would most like to see incorporated into the induction supportprogramme. The most popular response in relation to the additional support that theywould value was more opportunities for informal contact with other NQTs: ‘looking athow other NQTs are getting on, and talking to them, having time to meet up with them,to share good practice’; ‘just to get together in little groups … to talk about the job andthe hassles of it’; ‘not formal meeting … just to let off steam … a support network orsomething like that’; ‘away from Heads, and away from mentors, just you and yourcolleagues to talk’.

One NQT who had benefited from such contact within her own school observed:

I think I would make it compulsory for everyone to do what we did: get togetherwith people that are in the same boat as you, NQTs from our own school, butdifferent departments. And I think that really helped because that allowed you tothen see what was going on in other departments as well. (NQT Secondary, LEA 1)

In some primary schools, there was just one NQT, and networking within school withother NQTs was not an option. However, such opportunities were created on LEA coursesrun specifically for NQTs. LEAs, as the authorised or ‘appropriate’ body, have, of course,responsibility to monitor the assessment process for the authority and are required toidentify a named individual responsible for the induction process. In the case of our threeLEAs this role extended to the provision of extensive support programmes, which wereoften managed in collaboration with local universities:

Making sure we can speak to other NQTs. I think that’s very, very, important.We did get that because the courses that we went on were for NQTs in this LEA.And sometimes it was such a relief to just go and hear somebody say, ‘Oh yes,I found that a bit difficult’, and know that you weren’t the only one who foundthat difficult. (NQT Primary, LEA 3)

Pedagogic relationships within schools and LEAs and between schools and LEAs wereclearly perceived to be beneficial. For our ethnic minority NQTs in particular, isolation andthe desire for contact with other NQTs was perhaps even more strongly experienced andarticulated than would be the case for majority ethnic NQTs.

In this technological age a website seemed, to a number of NQTs, the natural medium fornetworking with other NQTs: ‘you know, questions, answers, that sort of thing, some

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universities have started a website about experiences—good and bad experiences of pastNQTs—so maybe create a website’.

Some way of keeping in touch with other NQTs other than doing it off your ownbat. You’re all in the same boat, you know, you share those experiences. So justsome sort of network between NQTs. Just to, you know, maybe go out, andmaybe like a web, like a ‘Friends Reunited’—you know the website—somethingsimilar to that, where they can basically talk to other NQTs. (NQT Primary, LEA1)

Being an Ethnic Minority Teacher

Finally we asked our sample of NQTs what they considered to be the advantages anddisadvantages of being an ethnic minority teacher and how they perceived their careerwould unfold over the next few years.

Ethnicity: advantages

Perhaps the greatest perceived advantage of being an ethnic minority teacher, as notedabove, was to be a role model:

I think they needed a role model in school. Whether it was a black male isanother debate, but they needed somebody from an ethnic minority backgroundthat seemed to be professional. (NQT Secondary, LEA 2)

The NQTs felt that they could motivate their ethnic minority pupils to higher academicachievement, and as a consequence open up more possibilities for their future careeraspirations: ‘When they say Miss, I want to become a teacher, I say you can do if you try.It’s not very difficult; you just need to work hard’. NQTs who recalled a lack of suchinspiration when they, themselves, were at school were particularly taken with this notion:

Growing up I never saw any Asians doing anything. I never saw any Asiandoctors, any Asian teachers, I saw nothing. I mean at secondary school, I sawone Asian teacher who used to teach Urdu. So, a role model! (NQT Primary,LEA 1)

In addition to shifting the self-perceptions and aspirations of ethnic minority pupils, theybelieved that they were in a position to challenge some of the stereotypes ascribed bywider society to ethnic minorities and teachers: ‘they have in their minds a stereotype ofa teacher, a lot of people when they ask me what I do, say, oh you don’t look like ateacher. And I say, well what does a teacher look like?’ One NQT recalled an episodewhen she felt she had helped to shape a more positive image of coloured people in theimagination of her ethnic majority pupils:

Some of the children had [a mixed-heritage teacher] last year and have got methis year—when they draw people, they draw black people. I’ve even had awhite child that’s drawn themselves, but coloured themselves brown. I said,‘who’s that?’ and they’ve said, ‘oh it’s me’. And I’ve noticed it’s the children

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that have also had the other black teacher last year … I think they’ve learnt aswell that whenever you see a black person, it doesn’t have to be a bad person.(NQT Primary, LEA 3)

The latter part of the anecdote, revealing how some ethnic minority people believe theymay be viewed by the majority population, is particularly poignant.

Another advantage of their ethnicity that the NQTs identified was that it afforded them avaluable insight into social, cultural and religious norms and customs, which could informtheir colleagues’ understandings of minority ethnic issues, particularly those that mayaffect their pupils’ education: ‘because you’ve been through things yourself … you canunderstand if like during Ramadan if children are tired, or not doing as well’:

I’m going to be helping my own, supporting them … And you can relate to thechildren more. They might be talking about, even little things and anotherteacher might think, ‘what on earth are they going on about?’ But I know whatthey are talking about. And certain things about the mannerisms, and the waythey do certain things—another teacher might think they are being totallydisrespectful and wonder what they are doing, whereas I think I can understandwhy that child is doing that. (NQT Primary, LEA 3)

Last, but most certainly not least, ethnic minority NQTs vested great importance and valuein their ability to communicate with ethnic minority parents, particularly those who hadpreviously been reluctant to come into school:

I was sort of welcomed by the Asian parents. Because a lot of the parents cameand said they had never before been to a parents’ evening because they couldn’tcommunicate with the class teachers. And they didn’t feel free to go to talk toa teacher about problems. So it was the first time that they were able to comein. One parent, it was the first time they had been to a parents’ evening, and theyhad been all the way through the infants. (NQT Primary, LEA 1)

Ethnicity: disadvantages

NQTs did, however, believe that they faced a number of disadvantages because of theirethnic origin, notably the negative attitude of some colleagues:

People’s attitude in general; a member of staff here said to me, ‘Your headscarf:you know, people can never get close to you because of your headscarf’. (NQTPrimary, LEA 1)

Such prejudice is not uncommon in schools where there are few or no ethnic minorityteachers. As Clements and Spinks (2000) argue, implicit in the word prejudice is the ideaof prejudgement, of making your mind up about someone before you have any knowledgeabout them or shared experiences. Such prejudgements or prejudice can, of course, bepositive or negative and involves a process of ‘filling in gaps’ with stereotypical attitudestowards, and understandings of, the person. Stereotyping occurs where people are assumed

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to share the traits deemed characteristic of the particular group, religion or race to whichthey belong.

Where relationships with ethnic majority parents were concerned the NQTs sometimes,and particularly in certain geographical areas, saw their ethnicity as a disadvantage.Coping with the potentially negative prejudgements was a concern a number of NQTsarticulated: ‘I wonder if it’s an issue with a parent and would they talk to me differentlyif I were a white teacher’. One NQT recounted a very difficult situation in which she hadbeen involved:

A child—he wasn’t in my class—called some children who were in my classnames because they were black. And the situation was that I wanted it to be dealtwith by somebody in a higher position than myself. I didn’t really get the backupfrom the people above me. And I felt that I had to deal with that situation, whichI did, and the result was that the child, who I told off, his father came into myclassroom the following day. Nobody saw him come into the school, I don’tknow how he managed to get into the school. And he was ranting and raving atme in my classroom. I think maybe if I hadn’t been of ethnic minority I wouldn’thave got so quashed about the situation, or felt so much about the situation.(NQT Primary, LEA 3)

We have identified a number of examples related by NQTs as good practice. However,what is also evident, in, for example, this last anecdote, is that more support is requiredif ethnic minority teachers are to be recruited and retained. The professional isolation feltby this NQT, as both a teacher and a member of an ethnic minority group, is palpable.

Career Development

As regards the NQTs’ future career ambitions, we discovered that a number of themalready had fairly clear plans formulated. They were as varied as those to be found in theethnic majority workforce. One NQT, for example, was certain his future didn’t lie inteaching:

Mainly the workload. It’s like when I see my friends and they’ve graduated,they’ve got jobs and they’re not teaching and they’ll phone me up and say,‘What are you doing tonight?’ And I’ve got to prepare for tomorrow, I’ve gotto mark this; I’ve always got to do something. By the weekend you’re tired andI think just having more time … (NQT Secondary, LEA 1)

Here the issue was one of workload, common to all NQTs entering the profession, andpractising teachers of all ethnic groups. Another NQT, disenchanted with the professionbecause of workload, was also thinking of leaving:

I don’t know if I will stay in the teaching profession … There’s too much paperwork. Too much pressure—targets’ pressure, results of exams’ pressure, and youhaven’t got enough energy to support it. I’m doing an MA in translation studies.(NQT Secondary, LEA 1)

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Two NQTs were hoping to progress to different roles in education. The first was drawnto child psychology:

I hope to take on a coordinator’s role, if not next year, then the year after anddo a psychology degree at the same time and go into child psychology. What Ido know is that I don’t want to be teaching for the rest of my life—to be in aclassroom. But I also know that I do want to be around children. In the nearfuture, I see myself staying in teaching for the next 5 years at least. (NQTPrimary, LEA 3)

The second was planning to follow a pathway through academic development:

I’ve started doing a continuing professional development course that interestsme. You get so many credits. If you decide to do your master’s degree, you getcredits towards that. I would say that I will be in school for another fewyears … I do see myself as headteacher, although I don’t know if in the futurethat’s where I’ll be, or maybe working within the local authority, as an advisor.(NQT Primary, LEA 3)

Another two NQTs perceived themselves as having future roles that would assist disadvan-taged groups, one undertaking a pastoral responsibility:

After qualifying, I would like to look at the inclusion strands—learning mentors,EAZs—those sorts of things, to help inner city pupils achieve. I see myself morein a pastoral role in the future. (NQT Secondary, LEA 2)

And the other aiming to be a trainer:

I would actually like to train NQTs—Asian women or people who are inminority groups to get ahead in education. (NQT Primary, LEA 2)

And finally, one NQT from our sample was poised to go to the top!

I make no secret about this, and it’s quite a joke really, the fact that I want tobe a headteacher. And in the first couple of weeks of being here, I’d said to theHead of Department, ‘I want your job’. And he said, ‘Well, what will I do’? Andthen I said to the headteacher, ‘I want your job’. So that’s my career aspirationreally. I want to keep working and become Head of Department, then aheadteacher as well. (NQT Secondary, LEA 1)

CONCLUSION

Implicit in the drive to increase the recruitment and retention of ethnic minority teachersis a need for society to learn to value diversity and work towards eliminating negativeracist attitudes that predominate in certain areas of England. Racism potentially has acomplex impact upon the feelings, lives and relationships of ethnic minority teachers, aswe saw in the account given by an NQT of the episode which culminated in an irate fatherconfronting her in the classroom. Creating a way in which discussion of such matters canbe managed sensitively and constructively in a secure environment is important. Dialogue

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is crucial not only to build bridges between antagonistic communities and counterprejudice and racism both within schools and the wider community, but also to address theconsequences that may result simply from ‘ignorance’ about race. The disarminglyinnocent lack of awareness displayed by the young child who thought that the black might‘come off’ is, for example, not so tolerable or pardonable when it is replicated in adultsand older children. Another concern raised by our research relates the insidious effect thatracial stereotyping can have upon minority ethnic ‘self-perception’: the NQT who pon-dered whether the ethnic majority population thought of her, and her ethnic minoritycolleagues, as evil; or the one who was told that her headgear was a barrier to intimacy.

It is difficult for practitioners to achieve an acceptable level of knowledge and understand-ing of multicultural issues without adequate professional development opportunities. Yetit seemed clear that where such opportunities existed in the induction programmes theywere not taken up by NQTs, and in one instance, where they were, the uptake wasexclusively by ethnic minority NQTs. We cannot expect ethnic minority teachers alone to‘plug the knowledge gap’ of the teaching force as a whole. Indeed, we need to managedevelopment opportunities that do occur without putting too much pressure on ethnicminority teachers who are, in many schools, isolated and may be experiencing otherpressures from within school and community.

Nias et al. (1989) remark on the uniqueness of school culture and point to the importanceof induction processes to socialise new teachers into the local norms and customs. Whilethe statutory induction arrangements are common to all LEAs, the implementation of thatpolicy was found to vary across LEAs, and individual schools within LEAs, includingeven the extent to which they protected timetable reduction entitlement. The standpointadopted by the head teacher, and systemic school factors such as staffing, number of NQTsand financial pressures were all key features. As Hopkins et al. (1998) argue, teacherdevelopment happens most effectively in schools with a collaborative culture fosteringpedagogic partnerships, countering professional isolation, and enhancing practice.

Despite these differences in the implementation of the induction policy in the three LEAsand their individual schools, all the NQTs were, in the main, positive about theirexperiences. The effectiveness and flexibility of the individual mentoring process wasvalued by NQTs as it gave them the opportunity and confidence to try things out in asecure environment. However, experience varied and care clearly needs to be taken withthe allocation of appropriate induction tutors and processes, particularly with regard tolimiting the number of observations and rationalising the number of ‘mentors’. Themixture of induction support mechanisms was important to NQTs who expressed aparticular need for collaborative networking as well as individual support. There were twokey features that emerged from the study. The first was the ‘cognitive’ value which NQTsbestowed upon watching the classroom practice of other teachers, both in their ownschools and the schools they visited, to observe and discuss good pedagogic practices. Thesecond was more focused on the ‘affective’ and ‘personal’, a crucially important aspect ofinduction support, albeit not explicitly addressed in the arrangements. Many of the ethnicminority NQTs expressed a desire for more organised opportunities, such as web-based

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facilities, for networking with other NQTs. This need was perhaps made even more acuteby the cultural isolation experienced by the NQTs in some schools.

We recognise that many of the issues of concern raised by minority ethnic NQTs aregeneric to all NQTs, and likewise are the exemplars of good practice that we haveidentified. However, what is also evident is that more support is required in relation tocertain issues if ethnic minority teachers are to be recruited and retained in the profession.Issues which, left unattended, will not only deter these NQTs from continuing in teaching,but will also convey the message to other potential teachers from ethnic minority groupsthat teaching is not a profession for them. By and large, the NQTs in our research are beingprovided with equality of opportunity, and there is some evidence of affirmative action aswell, although the intention of the schools may have been to help themselves, rather thanthe minority ethnic NQTs. As Moore (1997) points out, equality of opportunity has astrong pragmatic appeal concerned with the market, though it may also be used by thosewhose priority is social justice. It is important that specific support, or positive action,should depend upon self-identification to prevent NQTs from feeling patronised, and toavoid possible negative readings: ‘why are you picking us out for extra support?’

Our study makes no claims of generalisation, as the uniqueness of the NQTs’ experienceonly allows us to present a snapshot of the induction process. As Tickle (1994, 2000)points out, the intensity of individual and personal experience, and the specifics ofcircumstances, make it difficult and somewhat purposeless to generalise beyond theindividual case. The rationale for ethnic minority research is usually to understand socialsituations in order to determine the extent of prejudice and discrimination. Much has beenwritten on the experiences of minority ethnic groups (see, for example, Modood & Shiner,1994; Ghuman, 1995; Jones, 1999; Carrington & Tomlin, 2000). The understanding of the‘negative’ is necessary and worthwhile, but what is also valuable is to identify the‘positive’, to turn the strategy upside down and ask instead, what is it that facilitatessuccess for individuals or groups from minority ethnic backgrounds? These successes canindicate effective strategies against prejudice, and present useful models for the future.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We gratefully acknowledge the funding provided by the Teacher Training Agency, whichmade this project possible. Beside the authors, the research team comprised AnneCampbell, Norma Marsh, Carole Rowley, Paul Chidgey and Sue Offord, to whom we areindebted for their support.

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