englands world empire alfred hoyt granger 1916 333pgs pol
TRANSCRIPT
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ENGLAND'S
WORLD EMPIRE
SOME REFLECTIONS UPON ITS
GROWTH AND POLICYBY
ALFRED HOYT GRANGER
CHICACO . . LONDONTHE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING COMPANY
1 9 1 6
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COPYRIGHT BY
THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING CO .
1 9 1 6
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
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TO
E. O . H .
WHOSE SYMPATHETIC UNDERSTANDING DID SO
MUCH TO INSPIRE THE MAKING OF
THIS BOOK
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FOREWORD .
T h i s i s n o t t o b e i n a n y s e n s e o f t h e w o r d a " W a r
B o o k , " a l t h o u g h i t o w e s i t s c o n c e p t i o n t o t h o u g h t s
a r i s i n g o u t o f t h e g r e a t c o n f l i c t w h i c h i s s h a k i n g t h e
f o u n d a t i o n s o f c i v i l i z a t i o n . We read m uch these days
o f w h a t w i l l t a k e p l a c e a f t e r t h e w a r , b u t w h a t w e
r e a d a r e o n l y t h e o p i n i o n s o f i n d i v i d u a l s ; what the
c o n s e q u e n c e s w i l l b e r e m a i n s c o n c e a l e d i n t h e m i n d
of God . H e r e , i n A m e r i c a , p u b l i c o p i n i o n d e p e n d s
l a r g e l y u p o n t h e d i c t u m o f t h e d a i l y p r e s s , a n d t h e
p r e p o n d e r a n t s y m p a t h y f o r t h e A l l i e s , a n d e s p e c i a l l y
f o r G r e a t B r i t a i n a n d F r a n c e , i s b o t h n a t u r a l a n d , t o
a d e g r e e , e x c u s a b l e . With Great Britain we have a
common language an d common tradit ions, and with
France we h ave the bond of gratitude and symp athy
f o r g e n e r o u s h e l p i n o u r h o u r o f n e e d . S e n t i m e n t ,
r a t h e r t h a n r e a s o n , h a s a l w a y s c o n t r o l l e d t h e s y m -
pathies of the human race . When t he war is over
t h e r e w i l l b e t h e b e g i n n i n g s o f a N e w W o r l d , a w o r l d
i n w h i c h A m e r i c a m u s t p l a y h e r p a r t . That sh e may
p l a y h e r p a r t n o b l y i s t h e h o p e a n d p r a y e r o f m i l l i o n s
o f h e r s o n s a n d d a u g h t e r s .
I n o r d e r t o p r e p a r e r i g h t l y f o r t h e f u t u r e , i t i s
n e c e s s a r y r i g h t l y t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e p a s t , a n d i t i s
w i t h t h e e a r n e s t h o p e o f h e l p i n g , i n a s m a l l w a y , t o a
p r o p e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e p a s t t h a t I h a v e t o l d t h e
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v i i i
s t o r y o f h o w G r e a t B r i t a i n h a s b u i l t u p h e r w o r l d - w i d e
e m p i r e a n d h o w s h e h a s p r o t e c t e d t h e n a t i o n a l i t y o f
w e a k e r s t a t e s . F o r t h i s p u r p o s e I h a v e c o n s u l t e d o n l y
E n g l i s h a u t h o r s o f w i d e r e p u t a t i o n , o r t h o s e , a s i n t h e
case of Mr . S h u s t e r , o f A n g l o - S a x o n a n c e s t r y . For
m y s e l f , I c a n s a y v h i t h p r i d e , t h a t a l l o f t h e f o r e b e a r s
o f b o t h m y p a r e n t s a r e o f E n g l i s h s t o c k , b u t a s t h e y
settled in New England nearly thr ee hundred yea rs
a g o a n d h a v e p l a y e d t h e i r p a r t s i n t h e a r m y , t h e n a v y
a n d v a r i o u s d e p a r t m e n t s o f s t a t e , t h e y h a v e c a l l e d
t h e m s e l v e s A m e r i c a n s i n t h e b e s t s e n s e o f t h e w o r d .
B e c a u s e o f m y i n t e n s e l o v e f o r t h i s A m e r i c a o f o u r s ,
a n d m y b e l i e f i n t h e i d e a l s a n d p r i n c i p l e s u p o n w h i c h
t h i s N a t i o n w a s f o u n d e d , I t h i n k i t t h e b o u n d e n d u t y
o f e v e r y A m e r i c a n c i t i z e n s o t o f o r t i f y a n d s t r e n g t h e n
h i s k n o w l e d g e o f t h e p a s t t h a t h e m a y b e " p r e p a r e d , "
i n t h e h i g h e s t s e n s e o f t h e t e r m , t o s e r v e h i s c o u n t r y
a n d a i d h e r b y e v e r y m e a n s i n h i s p o w e r t o s o l v e t h e
p r o b l e m s n o w f a c i n g h e r . T h a t t h i s b r i e f a c c o u n t o f
h o w E n g l a n d g r e w i n t o t h e m i g h t y B r i t i s h E m p i r e o f
today and the lessons which our country may lear n
from such a growth may b e of help t o some other
A m e r i c a n , i s m y e a r n e s t w i s h . .
My deep est thanks are due to those who have so
m i g h t i l y h e l p e d m e , t h o s e w r i t e r s w h o a r e d e a d a n d
t h o s e w h o a r e s t i l l a m o n g s t u s . W i t h o u t t h e i r a i d t h i s
s t o r y c o u l d n e v e r h a v e b e e n t o l d .
ALFRED HOYT GRANGER .
P h i l a d e l p hi a , 1 9 1 6 .
FOREWORD
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CONTENTS .
PAGE
FOREWORDi i
PART I .
THE UPBUILDING OF GREAT BRITAIN
PART II .
ENGLAND IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY .
VIII. THE ACQUISITION OF THE TRANSVAAL9IX. THE STORY OF MOROCCO0 5X THE AGREEMENT WITH RUSSIA OVER PERSIA29XI. ENGLAND AND GERMANY5 1CHAPTER PAGE
I . ENGLAND AND SPAINI I . ENGLAND AND HOLLAND1I I I . ENGLAND AND FRANCE1IV . THE CONQUEST OF INDIA1V ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES IN 181 23
VI . ENGLAND AFTER THE FALL OF NAPOLEON7VII . ENGLAND IN EGYPT3
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PART III .
(B) BRITAIN AND THE WAR. A STUDY IN DIPLOMACY .
BY C . H. NORMAN54(C) WHY WE ARE AT WAR . A REPLY TO SIR EDWARD
G REY . BY SIR RAMSEY MACDONALD, M . P93(D) SECRET DIPLOMACY THE CAUSE OF WR. A N APPEAL
TO THE BRITISH PEOPLE. B Y E. D. MOREL03(E) LETTER BY BARON L ' ESCAILLE, BELGIAN MINISTER AT
ST . PETERSBURG, TO M . DAVIGNON, BELGIAN
MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS12INDEx1 5CONCLUSIONS .
XII . THE ORIGINS OF THE WAR7 1XIII . PRESENT 'CONDITIONS IN EUROPE AND AMERICA . . . . 1 9 3
XIV WHERE Do WE STAND?1 1(A)
APPENDICESTHE ORIGINS OF THE GREATWR. BY H. N . B R A I L S -
FORD31
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PART 1 .
THE UPBUILDING OF GREAT BRITAIN .
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CHAPTER I .
ENGLAND AND SPAIN .A T no period in h er long hist ory has England
o c c u p i e d s o w e a k a p o s i t i o n i n t h e e y e s o f t h e
w o r l d a s s h e h e l d w h e n E l i z a b e t h c a m e t o t h e t h r o n e ,
on November 17, 15 58 . The house of Hapsburg con-
t r o l l e d t h e w o r l d , a n d w h i l e P h i l i p o f S p a i n , t h e m o s t
p r o m i n e n t m e m b e r o f t h i s h o u s e , d i d n o t h o l d t h e t i t l e
o f E m p e r o r a s h a d h i s f a t h e r , C h a r l e s V , h i s p o w e r
w a s o f g r e a t e r e x t e n t a n d f a r m o r e a b s o l u t e t h a n t h a t
of any Emperor . B y t h e d e a t h o f Q u e e n M a r y h e l o s t
c o n t r o l o f E n g l a n d , b u t i t i s s a i d t h a t e v e n b e f o r e
M a r y ' s d e a t h h e h a d c o n c e i v e d t h e i d e a , i n s u c h a n
e v e n t , o f m a r r y i n g E l i z a b e t h a n d t h u s r e t a i n i n g t h e
E n g l i s h c r o w n a s a p a r t o f t h e H a p s b u r g d o m i n i o n s .
T h a t h i s p e r s o n a l f e e l i n g t o w a r d s E l i z a b e t h w a s o n e
of friendshi p he had s hown many tim es, when Mary
would have welcomed and abetted any sche me to put
her out of the way . The m iddle of the Sixteent h
Century was a p eriod of tremendous up heaval . Th e
c o u n t e r - r e f o r m a t i o n , w h i c h h a d b e e n b r o u g h t i n t o e x -
i s t e n c e b y P r o t e s t a n t f a n a t i c i s m , w a s s p r e a d i n g o v e r
C e n t r a l E u r o p e , a n d a f t e r t h e c o u n c i l o f T r e n t , w h i c h
h a d p u r g e d a n d c l e a n s e d t h e C a t h o l i c C h u r c h a n d r e -
m o v e d p r a c t i c a l l y a l l o f t h e t h i n g s a g a i n s t w h i c h t h e
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2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREr e f o r m e r s p r o t e s t e d , i t s e e m e d l i k e l y t o r e s t o r e u n i -
f o r m i t y i n r e l i g i o n . E l i z a b e t h c a m e t o t h e t h r o n e s u p -
ported by Protestant n obles and a str ong popular
f e e l i n g i n h e r f a v o r . She was twenty-five y ears of
a g e , a n d h a d b e e n e d u c a t e d i n t h e b e s t o f a l l s c h o o l s ,
danger and adversity . She rea lized fully th e weak -
n e s s o f h e r t i t l e t o t h e c r o w n , b e c a u s e o f t h e b r a n d
of illegi tima cy whi ch Rome and her mother's divorce
a n d t r a g i c d e a t h h a d c a s t u p o n h e r , b u t s h e w a s f u l l y
determined t o maintain her power against the world .
Several things were strongly in her favor at t he
very commencement of her reign . The firs t wa s he r
strong resemblance to her father, who, in spi te of
h i s b r u t a l i t y , t y r a n n y a n d l i c e n t i o u s n e s s , h a d f i r s t
a w a k e n e d i n t h e m i n d s o f E n g l i s h m e n a s e n s e o f t h e i r
n a t i o n ' s p o s s i b i l i t i e s ; then , too, she was w holly Eng-
l i s h , h e r n e a r e s t f o r e i g n a n c e s t o r h a v i n g b e e n C a t h -
eri ne of Valois, w ife of Henr y V, who had la ter
m a r r i e d Owe n Tudo r ; s h e w a s a w o m a n , a n d ( i f c o n -
t e m p o r a r y a c c o u n t s a r e t o b e b e l i e v e d ) q u i t e a s h a n d -
some as h er c ousin, Mary Stuart . At th at ti me
E n g l a n d h a d n o d i s t i n c t i v e p o l i c y o f h e r o w n . All of
the war s on the Continent, both be fore and d uring
E l i z a b e t h ' s l o n g r e i g n , w e r e p r i m a r i l y r e l i g i o u s w a r s .
P h i l i p o f S p a i n , w h i l e c o n s u m e d w i t h a m b i t i o n f o r t h e
e x t e n s i o n o f h i s d o m i n i o n s , w a s a r e l i g i o u s f a n a t i c ,
and it may be t ruthfully said that his fundamental
i d e a i n d e s i r i n g t o i n c r e a s e h i s p o w e r w a s t o s t r e n g t h e n
and in creas e the power of the Catholic Church . In
t h o s e d a y s t h e s i m p l e s t m o d e o f i n c r e a s i n g p o l i t i c a l
po w e r w a s t h ro u g h m a r r i a g e . It wa s by mea ns of
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ENGLAND AND SPAIN 3
m a r r i a g e s t h a t t h e d e s c e n d a n t s o f R u d o l f o f H a p s b u r g
h a d a c q u i r e d c o n t r o l o f S p a i n , A u s t r i a , H u n g a r y , t h e
L o w C o u n t r i e s , S i c i l y , t h e m a j o r p o r t i o n o f I t a l y , B u r -
gundy and , until th e death of Mary, England as well .
The only other ruling family whi ch in any wa y com-
pete d wit h them was th e House of Valois in France ,
b u t t h a t f a m i l y w a s f a s t a p p r o a c h i n g e x t i n c t i o n , a n d
upon t he d eat h of Henr y III and the suc cess ion of
Henry of Navar re to the throne of France, cease d to
b e a f a c t o r i n E u r o p e a n a f f a i r s . D u r i n g t h e l a s t y e a r s
of Mary's rei gn, Elizabeth ha d see n her own country
d i s i n t e g r a t i n g t h r o u g h r e l i g i o u s w a r s , F r a n c e t o r n u p
w i t h c i v i l c o n f l i c t , t h e L o w C o u n t r i e s h e r o i c a l l y s t r i v -
i n g t o o v e r t h r o w t h e p o w e r o f S p a i n , S c o t l a n d s m a r t -
ing under t he tyra nny of the Guises, the Empir e
b e c o m i n g s t r o n g l y P r o t e s t a n t , a n d P h i l i p t i g h t e n i n g h i s
h o l d u p o n t h e s o v e r e i g n t y o f t h e w o r l d . Whet her she
foresaw the inevitab le conflict bet ween England and
Spain, we know not, but of this we can be sure-that
s h e r e a l i z e d t h a t E n g l a n d h a d n o c h a n c e t o b e c o m e a n y
f a c t o r i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s u n t i l s h e h a d h a d s u f -
f i c i e n t t i m e t o g a t h e r h e r s e l f t o g e t h e r a n d r e c o v e r f r o m
t h e r e l i g i o u s p e r s e c u t i o n s o f t h e t w o p r e c e d i n g r e i g n s .
T o b r i n g a b o u t t h i s u n i f i c a t i o n o f t h e n a t i o n , E l i z a b e t h
k e p t o n f r i e n d l y t e r m s w i t h P h i l i p , w h i l e r e a l l y a t -
t e m p t i n g t o u n d e r m i n e h i s p o w e r b y a i d i n g t h e N e t h e r -
lands a nd also the Huguenots in France . The moti ve
b a c k o f a l l h e r s c h e m i n g a n d h e r c o q u e t t i n g w i t h v a r i -
o u s p r i n c e s , w i t h t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f h e r m a r r y i n g , w a s
t o g a i n t i m e f o r h e r c o u n t r y t o r e c o v e r f r o m i t s r e -
l i g i o u s t r o u b l e s . W h a t w e r e E l i z a b e t h ' s r e a l r e l i g i o u s
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4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREviews will never b e known . In the light of modern
t h o u g h t , h e r r e l i g i o n m i g h t b e s a i d t o b e h e r c o u n t r y ' s
welfare . We know that she loved ritua l and insist ed
u p o n u n i f o r m i t y o f w o r s h i p , b u t b e y o n d t h a t s h e n e v e r
w e n t . Becaus e the Protestant n obles had sup ported
h e r a c c e s s i o n a n d s h e w a s n o t w i l l i n g t o i n v o l v e h e r
p e o p l e i n t h e f u r i o u s s t r u g g l e s w h i c h w e r e d e v a s t a t i n g
Fra n c e a n d t h e Low Cou n t r i e s , s h e m a d e Engl a n d
P r o t e s t a n t , a n d r e p e l l e d t h e t e a c h i n g s o f t h e C o u n t e r -
Reforma tion .
Between her acc ession and 1 588, the ye ar of the
Armada, her policy had been one of "peace at any
price," coupled with rigid domestic economy . It is
t r u e t h a t d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d s h e h a d a l l o w e d p r i v a t e
c i t i z e n s t o f i t o u t b u c c a n e e r i n g e x p e d i t i o n s a g a i n s t t h e
vast s ea power of Spain -the st ories of Drake a nd
H a w k i n s s t i l l t h r i l l t h e i m a g i n a t i o n o f m a n k i n d . Wh e n
Drake circum navigated th e globe and brought home
his trem endous booty, captur ed from Spanish ships,
h e s t r u c k t h e f i r s t r e a l b l o w t o t h e s e a p o w e r o f S p a i n
and bla zed the trail for England's future great ness .
Philip expostulated wi th Elizabeth , and she re plied
by kni ghting Drake and weari ng some of his jewels
in her crown . From that da te th e conflict betwe en
t h e two powers was inevitable . In 1 580 Philip had
t a k e n p o s s e s s i o n o f P o r t u g a l , a n d b y t h i s s t r o k e h a d
d o u b l e d h i s n a v y a n d h i s c o l o n i a l p o s s e s s i o n s , a n d h a d
made himself the mightie st single ruler that Europe
had known, but i n the v ast extent of his dominions
l a y h i s r e a l w e a k n e s s . Elizab eth h ad not only mad e
h e r p e o p l e o n e o n a l l q u e s t i o n s o f n a t i o n a l p o l i c y , b u t
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ENGLAND AND SPAIN 5
h a d p r e p a r e d f o r t h e p o l i t i c a l u n i o n o f G r e a t B r i t a i n
u p o n h e r d e a t h , b y h e r c l o s e a l l i a n c e w i t h t h e C o v e -
n a n t e r s i n S c o t l a n d a n d h e r r e c o g n i t i o n o f J a m e s , t h e
s o n o f M a r y S t u a r t , a s h e r h e i r . In his i nfancy James
h a d b e e n p u t i n t o t h e h a n d s o f t h e P r o t e s t a n t p a r t y ,
a n d w h a t e v e r m a y h a v e b e e n h i s p e r s o n a l p r e f e r e n c e s ,
he was outwardly Protestant until his death . Th is
f a c t g a v e a f e e l i n g o f s e c u r i t y t o t h e p e o p l e o f G r e a t
B r i t a i n , a s i t a s s u r e d t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f P r o t e s t a n t i s m
a s t h e S t a t e R e l i g i o n . I n o u r d a y o f r e l i g i o u s f r e e d o m
a n d t h e r e l i g i o u s i n d i f f e r e n c e w h i c h h a s g r o w n o u t o f
s u c h f r e e d o m , i t i s h a r d t o r e a l i z e t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f
s u c h s e t t l e m e n t t o t h e p e a c e o f t h e r e a l m .
I t w a s h e r d e s i r e t o s t r e n g t h e n t h i s f e e l i n g o f r e -
ligious unity that per suaded Elizabeth to espouse
o p e n l y t h e c a u s e o f t h e r e b e l l i o u s L o w C o u n t r i e s , a n d
defy Spai n . This espousal of the Netherlands ma rks
a t r a n s i t i o n i n h e r p o l i c y a n d h a s t e n s t h e c o n f l i c t w i t h
P h i l i p . I n 1 5 8 5 t h e L o w C o u n t r i e s , f i n a l l y g i v i n g u p
hopes of any real help from France, se nt a petition
to Elizabeth from the States-General, which read as
f o l l o w s : "Recognizing that there is no princ e or
potentate to whom they are more obliged than the y
are t o Your Majes ty, we are a bout to reque st you,
v e r y h u m b l y , t o a c c e p t t h e s o v e r e i g n t y o f t h e s e P r o v -
i n c e s a n d t h e p e o p l e o f t h e s a m e f o r y o u r v e r y h u m b l e
v a s s a l s a n d s u b j e c t s . " I t i s e v i d e n t f r o m c a r e f u l r e a d -
i n g o f h i s t o r y t h a t t h e p e o p l e o f t h e N e t h e r l a n d s w e r e
s i n c e r e l y d e s i r o u s o f s u c h a p o l i t i c a l u n i o n , b u t E l i z a -
b e t h s t e a d i l y d e c l i n e d t o b r i n g i t a b o u t . Betw een the
two peoples were m any traits in common, and, as in
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6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREthose days statesmanship could almost have been de-
f i n e d a s a b i l i t y t o a c q u i r e t e r r i t o r y , h e r r e f u s a l r e m a i n s
incompreh ensible , unless we recognize the fact that for
almost twenty-five years her fixed resolve had b een
to keep on friendly terms wit h Philip, while doing all
i n h e r p o w e r t o w e a k e n h i s s t r e n g t h b y u n d e r h a n d
m e a n s .
Sir John R . Seeley , in h is "Growth o f Brit ish
Policy," says
"We c a n n o t , t h e r e f o r e , s e e h ow E l i z a b e t h ' s r e f u s a l [ t o
a c c e p t s ov e r ei g nt y o f t h e N e t h e r l a n d s ] c a n b e j u s t i f i e d o n
t h e g r o u n d s o f s t a t e s m a n s h i p . I t i s n o n e t h e l e s s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c
on that account . Great and dar ing actions were done in
a b u n d a n c e b y E n g l i s h m e n i n t h i s l a t t e r p a r t o f E l i z a b e t h ' s
r e i g n , b u t t h e y w e r e n o t d o n e b y E l i z a b e t h . I t i s d i f f ic u l t t o
g r a s p t h e f a c t t h a t a r u l e r o f s o h i g h s p i r i t , o f s o m u c h e n e r g y
and courage, did not possess the t alent of a c t i o n b u t d i d
p o s s e s s i n a u n i q u e d e g r e e t h e t a l e n t , i n c e r t a i n c i r c u m s t a n c e s
e q u a l l y v a l u a b l e , o f r e f r a i n i n g f r o m a c t i o n . Perhap s most
g r e a t s t a t e s m e n a r e s o m e w h a t s p a r i n g o f a d v e n t u r o u s a c t i o n ;
n e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e g r e a t m a s t e r p i e c e s o f s t a t e s m a n s h i p a r e c o m -
m o n l y s u d d e n a n d r a p i d s t r o k e s o f w e l l - t i m e d a u d a c i t y . But
though we trace alm ost all that makes modern England t o
E l i z a b e t h , n o s u c h s t r o k e s w e r e s t r u c k b y h e r . H e r s t a t e s -
m a n s h i p i s a l m o s t p u r e l y n e g a t i v e ; i t c o n s i s t s s o l e l y i n p r o v i d -
i n g t i m e a n d r o o m a n d l i b e r t y f o r t h e e n e r g y o f t h e n a t i o n t o
d i s p l a y i t s e l f . She does not lead the pe ople but, i n r a r e
e m e r g e n c i e s , s h e l e t s t h e m g o .
"She did ind eed use br ave words in her Declaration o f
1 5 8 5 . B u t a s s h e s a i d i n t h a t d o c u m e n t t h a t h e r m a i n o b j e c t
was peace, so it would appear from her sub sequent conduct
of the war that she intended to deter Philip from action
r a t h e r t h a n t o t a k e a c t i o n h e r s e l f . Peace an d war wer e not
i n t h o s e d a y s s o s h a r p l y d i s t i n c t a s t h e y a r e n o w . I n 1 5 8 5
there had been already many a sea fight and many a battle
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ENGLAND AND SPAIN 7
in the Netherlands betw een Englishmen and Spaniards, and
twice a Spanish amb assador had bee n expelled from England
b y E l i z a b e t h . P h i l i p i n d e e d h a d s h o w n a l o n g - s u f f e r i n g s p i r i t ,
a n d i t w a s , t h e r e f o r e , n o t u n r e a s o n a b l e f o r E l i z a b e t h t o c a l c u -
l a t e t h a t h e r t h r e a t s a n d d e c l a r a t i o n o f w a r m i g h t d e t e r m i n e
him to make peace .
" H a d s h e c o n s c i o u s l y a d o p t e d a t t h i s m o m e n t a w a r p o l i c y ,
w e s h o u l d h a v e s e e n h e r d e v o t i n g h e r s e l f t o m i l i t a r y p r e p a r a -
t i o n s , a n d s h e w a s a s s u r e d l y n o t s o b l i n d a s t o i m a g i n e t h a t
w a r c o u l d b e c a r r i e d o n w i t h t h e g r e a t e s t p o w e r i n t h e w o r l d
without a large expendit ure of money . The man ia of par-
simony which possessed her m ay be unders tood, so l o n g a s
s h e r e m a i n e d a t p e a c e , a s t h e i n s t i n c t o f s o u n d f i n a n c e i n a n
uneducated form . During the long peace of Elizabeth her
cheese-paring ec onomy may well b e supposed to have done
more good than harm . But wha t are we to think of the
s a m e p r o p e n s i t y i n t i m e o f w a r ? We see that the c ampaign
o f 1 5 8 8 i n t h e N e t h e r l a n d s w a s r u i n e d b y t h e f r e n z i e d s t r u g g l e
of Elizabeth to carry on war without spend ing money . Wes e e h e r s t a r v i n g h e r s o l d i e r s , r e d u c i n g h e r s e r v a n t s t o d e s p a i r ,
a n d f o r f e i t i n g h e r r e p u t a t i o n a m o n g h e r a l l i e s b y t r i c k s o f
miserly economy unworthy of a great p rince . C e r t a i n l y , i f
we should judge her by this campaign, we should pronounce
h e r o n e o f t h e m o s t i n c a p a b l e o f w a r m i n i s t e r s , o r , a t l e a s t ,
we should be driven to suppose that she had not mental
e l a s t i c i t y e n o u g h t o c o m p r e h e n d w h a t i s i n v o l v e d i n a g r e a t
change of policy . It rather appears that she intended no
c h a n g e o f p o l i c y , a n d t h a t s h e d i d n o t u n d e r s t a n d o r a d m i t
t h a t h e r p e r i o d o f p e a c e w a s o v e r a n d t h a t h e r p e r i o d o f w a r
had begun . S h e i n t e n d e d , i n s h o r t , t o a v e r t w a r b y t h r e a t e n -
ing war . As soon as she found that her measures had not
p r o d u c e d t h i s e f f e c t , s h e c o n c e i v e d a d i s g u s t f o r t h e w a ri n
t h e N e t h e r l a n d s .
" W e u n d e r s t a n d b o t h h e r p r o m p t a n d f i r m r e f u s a l t o a c c e p t
t h e s o v e r e i g n t y o f t h e N e t h e r l a n d s a n d h e r f e e b l e c o n d u c t o f
t h e w a r , i f w e a s s u m e s i m p l y t h a t a s e r i o u s w a r w i t h P h i l i p
n e v e r e n t e r e d i n t o h e r c a l c u l a t i o n s . S h e c o u l d n o t a c c e p t t h e
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ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREs o v e r e i g n t y for herself simply beca use she meant t he sov-
e r e i g n t y t o r e m a i n w i t h P h i l i p . Artois and Hainault h ad
a l r e a d y s u b m i t te d t o h im ; B r a b a n t a n d F l a n d e r s w e r e a l r e a d y
h a l f c o n q u e r e d ; t h e s e s u c c e s s e s h a d b e e n d u e p a r t l y t o c o n -
cessions ma de by Parma in the nam e of Philip . I t w a s s t i l l ,
t h e r e f o r e , n a t u r a l f o r E l i z a b e t h t o e x p e c t t h a t H o l l a n d a n d
Zealand would in the end sub mit, too, but to terms . Th e
r e s u l t w h i c h a c t u a l l y a r r i v e d w a s t o o u n p r e c e d e n t e d , t h e c o n -
fused Dutch Repub lic of the Seventeenth Century was a
t h i n g t o o s h a p e l e s s t o b e f o r e s e e n i n 1 5 8 5 . No ; P h i l i p w o u l d
w i n , b u t h e m i g h t b e f o r c e d t o m a k e c o n s i d e r a b l e c o n c e s s i o n s
t o H o l l a n d a n d Z e a l a n d a s h e h a d d o n e a l r e a d y t o A r t o i s a n d
Hain ault . P h i l i p h a d a l l a l o n g r e c o g n i z e d t h e e x t r e m e d i f -
f i c u l t y o f s u p p r e s s i n g t h e r e b e l l i o n o f t h e L o w C o u n t r i e s s o
l o n g a s i t r e c e i v e d t h e s u p p o r t o f E n g l a n d . N o w , t h e r e f o r e ,
t h a t n e w p r o s p e c t s , i n v o l v i n g n e w e f f o r t s a n d e x p e n s e s , o p e n e d
before him in France s o that some settleme nt of the Dutch
d i f f i c u l t y s e e m e d d o u b l y i m p e r a t i v e , P h i l i p m i g h t c e r t a i n l y b e
brought to terms-so Elizabeth might ca lculate-if England
should once more step decided ly forward and s how that the
d e c i s i o n o f t h e q u e s t i o n l a y i n h e r h a n d s . In one w ord, wh at
Elizabeth had in view was simply mediation . She p roposed
s i m p l y t o d r a u g h t a t r e a t y w h i c h P h i l i p o n t h e o n e h a n d a n d
t h e s t a t e s o f H o l l a n d a n d Z e a l a n d o n t h e o t h e r h a n d s h o u l d
s i g n . "
Tha t s h e fa i l e d i n h e r pu r p os e w a s d u e to ca u s e s
entirely be yond her control . While she wa s negotiat-
ing and coquetting with vari ous powers on the Conti-
nent she failed t o recognize what her policy of peace
had done for her people . The mas s of public opin ion
w a s w i t h t h e r e b e l s i n t h e Net h e r l a n d s a n d for w a r
w i t h S p a i n . Hu n d r e d s o f En g l i s h m e n h a d e n l i s t e d
in the Dutch armi es, while the ad ventur es of Drake,
Ha w k i n s a n d o t h e r s h a d a w a k e n e d a d e s i r e i n t h e
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ENGLAND AND SPAIN 9
m i n d s o f t h e E n g l i s h p e o p l e f o r a s h a r e i n t h e p r o f i t s
to be derived from the new world . While Elizabeth
h a t e d a n d f e a r e d w a r , s h e w a s a l w a y s a m e n a b l e t o t h e
w i s h e s o f h e r p e o p l e , a n d s o e v e r y t h i n g h a s t e n e d t h e
war . I t i s n o t m y p u r p o s e t o r e p e a t t h e s t o r y o f t h e
d e f e a t o f .the Arma da . I n t h e l i g h t o f t h e l a t e r v i c -
tories which England has achieved on the sea, the
v i c t o r y o v e r P h i l i p ' s f l e e t w a s a v e r y p u n y o n e . At
the time it appar ently only temporarily checked the
p o w e r o f S p a i n , b u t i n i t s c o n s e q u e n c e s t o E n g l a n d a n d
t o t h e r e s t o f t h e w o r l d i t s i m p o r t a n c e c a n n o t b e o v e r -
e s t i m a t e d , a s i t m a r k e d t h e e n d o f E n g l i s h i s o l a t i o n
and launched her up on that naval policy which has
been her greatness for the past three hundred years .
P h i l i p l i v e d f o r t e n y e a r s a f t e r t h e d e f e a t o f t h e
A r m a d a , a n d a t t h e t i m e o f h i s d e a t h h e w a s s t i l l r u l e r
of the greates t power in . t h e w o r l d , b u t a t h i s v e r y
doors another nation was springing into power under
the more en light ened r ule of Henry of Navarre . Th e
house of Valois was extinct, an d und er th e Bourbons
F r a n c e b e c a m e i n t u r n t h e s u p r e m e n a t i o n o n t h e c o n t i -
nen t of Europe . This was not evident at the time
of Philip's death, bu t by th at time the world had
ceased to fear Spain, and, when fear of her was re-
moved, the rest of Europe realized that th e Spanish
power had begun to decline . During the re mainde r
o f E l i z a b e t h ' s r e i g n , w h i l e E n g l a n d w a s m o r e o r l e s s
i n v o l v e d i n t h e s t r u g g l e s o n t h e C o n t i n e n t , h e r p e o p l e
a t h o m e w e r e l i t t l e i n t e r e s t e d i n C o n t i n e n t a l a f f a i r s .
They no longer turned their e yes across the narrow
E n g l i s h C h a n n e l , b u t r a t h e r o u t a c r o s s t h e b r o a d A t -
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1 0 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREl a n t i c , w h i c h a l s o w a s h e d t h e i r s h o r e s . In th e war s
which followed the defeat of the Armada, the p art
w h i c h Engl a n d pl a y e d w a s t h e pa r t w h i c h s h e h a s
g e n e r a l l y f o l l o w e d s i n c e . I n a l l n a v a l a f f a i r s s h e t o o k
t h e l e a d a n d s t r u c k h a r d , b u t o n l a n d s h e a s s i s t e d h e r
a l l i e s w i t h s u b s i d i e s a n d a l l o w e d t h e m t o d o t h e f i g h t -
i n g . England continued ostensibly at war with Spain
u n t i l 1 6 0 9 , w h e n a t r u c e w a s e s t a b l i s h e d w h i c h l a s t e d
until near the end of the reign of James I . Durin g
t h i s p e r i o d E n g l a n d h a d e s t a b l i s h e d h e r s e l f u p o n t h e
N o r t h A m e r i c a n C o n t i n e n t a n d h a d t h u s f a i r l y e n t e r e d
upon he r ca reer of World Empir e . She d id not again
c o m e i n t o a c t i v e c o n f l i c t w i t h a n y C o n t i n e n t a l p o w e r
unti l the r eign of Cromwell . By the destruc tion of
Spanish naval sup remacy she had entered upon what
has ever since bee n her paramount policy, one might
a l m o s t s a y , h e r p r i m e r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f , n a m e l y , t h a t
England mus t rule the oceans, and whoever dar ed
o p p o s e t h i s p o l i c y m u s t b e c r u s h e d .
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CHAPTER II .
ENGLAND AND HOLLAND .
D URING the year s betwe en t he a cces sion of James
I and t he be headi ng of his son, England w as
f o r c e d b y d o m e s t i c t r o u b l e s t o p r a c t i c a l l y a b a n d o n a n y
s t r o n g f o r e i g n p o l i c y . I t i s n o t m y p u r p o s e t o t e l l o f t h e
l o n g s t r u g g l e b e t w e e n t h e f i r s t S t u a r t k i n g s a n d t h e i r
p e o p l e s , w h i c h e v e n t u a l l y d e v e l o p e d i n t o a b i t t e r c i v i l
w a r , c u l m i n a t i n g i n t h e e x e c u t i o n o f C h a r l e s I . Tha t
act for the moment stun ned Europe, an d no people
w e r e a p p a r e n t l y m o r e s h o c k e d b y i t t h a n t h e m a j o r i t y
of the English themselves . With th e dest ructi on of
royal power, Parliament became supreme, but Parlia-
m e n t w a s n o t , a t f i r s t , a b l e t o h a n d l e t h e q u e s t i o n o f
g o v e r n m e n t a l o n e , a n d i t s m i s t a k e s s o o n l e d t o t h e s e c -
ond civil war between Parliament and the army . In
t h i s s t r u g g l e t h e a r m y w a s c o m p l e t e l y v i c t o r i o u s , a n d
Oliver Cromwell b ecam e the first m an in England .
T h a t h e p r o v e d h i m s e l f t o b e o n e o f t h e g r e a t g e n e r a l s
and states men of the world is an undisput ed fact .
C h a r l e s I ' s d e a t h h a d a t o n c e m a d e h i s s o n , C h a r l e s ,
king of Scotland, and ha d ended the tem porary union
of the two kingdoms . Cromwell determined that the
union of Great Britain and Ireland was a bsolutely
e s s e n t i a l f o r t h e s a f e t y a n d d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e B r i t i s h
I s l e s , a n d s u c c e s s f u l l y b r o u g h t i t a b o u t b y h i s w a r s
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1 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREwith Scotland and Ireland and the est ablishment of
the Commonwealth of Great Brita in . T h e e a r l i e r u n i o n
b e t w e e n E n g l a n d a n d S c o t l a n d m i g h t b e c a l l e d a f a m i l y
affair, but t he union establis hed by Cromwell was a
national union and has never been b roken . Dur in g
t h e s e y e a r s o f i n t e r n a l s t r u g g l e s a t h o m e a n e n t i r e l y
n e w c o n d i t i o n s o f a f f a i r s h a d a r i s e n o n t h e c o n t i n e n t
of Europe , while i n North Amer ica an other England
h a d b e e n f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d , w h o l l y t h r o u g h i n d i v i d u a l
e f f o r t s o f B r i t i s h s u b j e c t s . W i t h t h e d e c l i n e o f S p a n i s h
p o w e r i n E u r o p e , w h i c h b e g a n a f t e r t h e d e f e a t o f t h e
Armada, England, as we have s hown, had begun to
turn h er eye s away from the contin ent of Europe to
t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f t h e n e w w o r l d a c r o s s t h e A t l a n t i c ;
b u t s h e w a s n o t a l o n e i n t h i s . Durin g her year s of
internal struggle, Portugal had br oken away from
t h e S p a n i s h r u l e , a n d , u n d e r t h e w i s e g u i d a n c e o f t h e
house of Bragan za, ha d recovere d most of her over-
s e a p o s s e s s i o n s , i n c l u d i n g B r a z i l ; F r a n c e h a d a l s o n o t
b e e n i d l e b u t h a d e s t a b l i s h e d s t r o n g c o l o n i e s i n A c a d i a
(Nova Scotia ) and a long th e St . Lawren ce, an d had
p u s h e d h e r d i s c o v e r i e s f a r i n t o t h e i n t e r i o r o f N o r t h
America and he ld the Mississip pi Valley, wh ile Hol-
land h eld th e valle y of the Hudson River . As y et
t h e s e a d v a n c e s i n t o Am e r i c a h a d n o t i n a n y w a y
alarme d England, b ut as s oon as Cromwell had su b-
dued Parliament and made England for the first time
i n h e r h i s t o r y a g r e a t m i l i t a r y p o w e r , h e f o u n d t h a t
Holland had bec ome vastly powerful upon the seas .
In 16 41 , w h e n Will i a m of Ora n g e m a r r i e d Mar y
S t u a r t , t h e d a u g h t e r o f C h a r l e s I , t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e
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ENGLAND AND HOLLAND 1 3
S t u a r t a n d O r a n g e f a m i l i e s b e c a m e i d e n t i c a l a n d w e r e
thus a menace t o the Republican government in Eng-
l a n d . T h e d e a t h o f W i l l i a m I I o f O r a n g e , j u s t b e f o r e
the b irth of his son, who was t o become England's
grea t kin g, Willi am III, rem oved for a time any
m e n a c e to Crom w e l l's pe a c e of mi n d , a s t h e Low
Countries imm ediately set up a Republi can form of
government . It would have seemed the nat ural thin g
for th e two Protestant Repub lics to have formed a t
o n c e a c l o s e a l l i a n c e , b u t C r o m w e l l w a s n o t r e a d y f o r
t h a t . It will be re membered that in 15 85 an embassy
had b een se nt to England from the States-General,
p e t i t i o n i n g Q u e e n E l i z a b e t h t o a s s u m e t h e s o v e r e i g n t y
o f t h e N e t h e r l a n d s , a n d t h a t s h e h a d d e c l i n e d . Afte r
t h e d e a t h o f t h e P r i n c e o f O r a n g e , d u r i n g t h e s e s s i o n
o f t h e G r e a t C o n v o c a t i o n o f t h e N e t h e r l a n d s i n 1 6 5 1 ,
two ambassad ors, named Oliver St . John and Walter
Stric kland , were s ent from England t o propose "a
more strict and intimate alliance and union whereby
t h e r e m a y b e a m o r e i n t r i n s i c a l a n d m u t u a l i n t e r e s t o f
e a c h i n t h e o t h e r t h a n h a t h h i t h e r t o b e e n f o r t h e g o o d
of both ." That this embassy failed can only be ex-
p l a i n e d b y t h e g r e a t c o m m e r c i a l r i v a l r y a n d j e a l o u s y
which had grown up b etween the tw o countries . Th e
E n g l i s h n a v y , w h i c h h a d h a d i t s r e a l b e g i n n i n g u n d e r
S i r F r a n c i s D r a k e a n d h i s c o n t e m p o r a r i e s , h a d i n t h e
i n t e r v e n i n g y e a r s g r o w n g r e a t , a n d w h e r e v e r i t s a i l e d
h a d c o m e i n c o n t a c t w i t h D u t c h s h i p s . D u r i n g t h e f i r s t
c i v i l w a r , P a r l i a m e n t h a d k e p t c o n t r o l o f t h e f l e e t , b u t
i n t h e s e c o n d c i v i l w a r t h e f l e e t h a d b e e n d i v i d e d , a
l a r g e p o r t i o n o f t h e n a v y b e i n g R o y a l i s t i n f e e l i n g , s o
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1 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREt h a t w e s e e a t t h e s a m e m o m e n t t w o c i v i l w a r s i n E n g -
l a n d , t h e o n e o n l a n d a n d t h e o t h e r , u n d e r t h e r i v a l
l e a d e r s h i p s o f P r i n c e R u p e r t a n d B l a k e , u p o n t h e s e a .
B l a k e ' s v i c t o r i e s o v e r R u p e r t d i d m u c h t o u n i f y t h e
navy an d fix in the minds of the British Government
t h e i d e a , w h i c h h a s e v e r s i n c e b e e n f i r s t i n E n g l a n d ' s
mind-that Britain must rule the sea . In Engla nd's
m a r i t i m e c i v i l w a r i t w a s p r a c t i c a l l y i m p o s s i b l e f o r
Holland not to bec ome involved . Her shi ps cr owded
t h e N o r t h A t l a n t i c a n d t h e E n g l i s h C h a n n e l , a n d w e r e
t h e c a r r i e r s o f t h e w o r l d . They even c arried a lar ge
p e r c e n t a g e o f B r i t i s h t r a d e , s o t h a t t h e E n g l i s h d e -
m a n d f o r a p o l i t i c a l u n i o n d i d n o t a p p e a l t o t h e D u t c h
people in 1651 . In 15 85 the Dutch states had b een
e n g a g e d i n a l i f e a n d d e a t h s t r u g g l e w i t h S p a i n , a n d
England's help seemed vital . Now Spa in n o longer
r u l e d t h e w a v e s , a n d t h e g r e a t e r p a r t o f t h e w o r l d ' s
trade tr aveled in Dutch b ottoms . This tim e it wa s
Holland which d eclined the proposed union . Alarme d
a t w ha t s he con s id e re d Du t ch agg r es s ion , En gl a n d
e n t e r e d u p o n w h a t h a s e v e r s i n c e b e e n h e r f i x e d p o l i c y
-to write the ma ritim e law of the world . S e e l e y
s a y s ,
" A p o l i c y n o w b e g i n s w h i c h i s n o t , t o b e s u r e , v e r y s c r u -
pul ou s, bu t whic h is abl e, resol u te and su cc essful . "
A g a i n , h e s a y s
" M o r a l r e c t i t u d e i s h a r d l y a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f i t , a n d i f i t i s
r e l i g i o u s t h i s p e r h a p s w o u l d h a v e a p p e a r e d , h a d t h e P r o t e c -
t o r a t e l a s t e d l o n g e r , t o h a v e b e e n i t s m o s t d a n g e r o u s f e a t u r e .
N o t h i n g i s m o r e d a n g e r o u s t h a n i m p e r i a l i s m m a r c h i n g w i t h
a n i d e a o n i t s b a n n e r , a n d P r o t e s t a n t i s m w a s t o o u r E m p e r o r
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ENGLAND AND HOLLAND 1 5
O l i v e r w h a t t h e i d e a s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n w e r e t o N a p o l e o n
a n d h i s n e p h e w .
" W e m a y w e l l , I t h i n k , s h u d d e r a t t h e t h o u g h t o f t h e
d a n g e r w h i c h w a s r e m o v e d b y t h e f a l l o f t h e P r o t e c t o r a t e . "
I n 1 6 5 1 , t h e y e a r o f i t s u n s u c c e s s f u l m i s s i o n t o H o l -
land, England passe d the Navigation Act, whic h re-
maine d in force for two hundr ed year s . S e e l e y c a l l s
t h i s " t h e a c t w h i c h l a i d t h e f o u n d a t i o n o f t h e E n g l i s h
Commerc ial Empire . "
It completed the work begun by Drake and carried
on by Raleigh , and crea ted an English commercia l
navy . B e f o r e t h i s t h e E n g l i s h p e o p l e h a d e s t a b l i s h e d
colonies in America and factories in India, b ut the
bulk of the carr ying betw een England, America a nd
I n d i a h a d b e e n d o n e b y t h e D u t c h m e r c h a n t f l e e t . The
Navigation Act excluded th e Dutch from car rying a ny
English trade and thus struck a deadly blow at the
state with which, a few months earlier in the same
y e a r , E n g l a n d h a d a t t e m p t e d t o f o r m a p o l i t i c a l u n i o n .
Another p rovision of the Navigat ion Act t o which
E n g l a n d h a s s t e a d f a s t l y a d h e r e d a s v i t a l t o h e r s e l f -
p r e s e r v a t i o n w a s t h e " r i g h t o f s e a r c h ." To the Dutc h
p e o p l e , w h o l i v e d b y t h e c a r r y i n g t r a d e o f t h e w o r l d ,
this was a blow which could not be acce pted with out
a s t r u g g l e , a n d s o w e s e e w a r d e c l a r e d i n 1 6 5 2 b e t w e e n
the tw o Protestant an d Republi can government s who
s h o u l d h a v e b e e n i n c l o s e s t a l l i a n c e b e c a u s e t h e y u p -
h e l d , o r p r o f e s s e d t o u p h o l d , t h e s a m e f a i t h a n d t h e
s a m e i d e a l s .
All the gre at war s of Europe in former cent uries
had been primarily r eligious wars, but from now on
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1 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREw e w i l l f i n d , i f w e s e a r c h f o r t h e v e r y b e g i n n i n g s o f
s t r u g g l e s , t h a t q u e s t i o n s o f t r a d e a n d n o t q u e s t i o n s o f
i d e a l s c a u s e m o s t o f t h e g r e a t w a r s o f t h e w o r l d . This
w a r w a s b r o u g h t a b o u t s o l e l y b e c a u s e o f t r a d e r i v a l r y
between the Dutch and the English . In 1624 , 1646
a n d 1 6 5 0 t h e q u e s t i o n o f l e g i s l a t i o n a g a i n s t t h e D u t c h
carrying trade had been brought up in the British
Parlia ment . In Mar c h , 16 5 1 , t h e Dut c h Repu b l i c
e n t e r e d i n t o a n a l l i a n c e w i t h D e n m a r k w h i c h d i s t i n c t l y
t h r e a t e n e d B r i t i s h t r a d e i n t h e B a l t i c S e a a n d w a s t h e
pri me motive for the pas sage of the Navig ation Act .
England had begun to realize tha t her vocation was
d i s t i n c t l y c o m m e r c i a l a n d m a r i t i m e , a n d t o f u l f i l l h e r
m a n i f e s t d e s t i n y i t w a s a b s o l u t e l y e s s e n t i a l t h a t s h e
m u s t c o n t i n u a l l y b u i l d a n d m a i n t a i n h e r f l e e t . To d o
t h i s s h e m u s t h a v e e a s y a c c e s s t o t h e w o r l d ' s s u p p l y
o f h e m p , t a r a n d t i m b e r . I n t h o s e d a y s t h e s e m a t e r i a l s
could only be found in t he Baltic c ountries . Anyarrangeme nt between other powers which could inter-
fere with her direct communication with these
countries was a menac e which England natura lly felt
was not to be endured . It was to her a m atter of
c o m m e r c i a l l i f e a n d d e a t h t h a t t h e n a r r o w s t r a i t w h i c h
marks the entranc e to the Baltic Sea should be kep t
open . It wa s equally natural that Holland, when she
f o u n d h e r s e l f o n t h e e v e o f w a r w i t h E n g l a n d , s h o u l d
d e s i r e t o c u t h e r r i v a l o f f f r o m a c c e s s t o t h o s e c o u n t r i e s
which produced the mat erials most needed for the
m a i n t e n a n c e o f t h e B r i t i s h f l e e t . An alliance with
Denmark made this possible . At tha t tim e Denmark
w a s o n e o f t h e i m p o r t a n t s t a t e s i n E u r o p e , a n d , b e c a u s e
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ENGLAND AND HOLLAND 17of th e fa m i l y con n e c t ion be t w e e n t h e Dan i s h r u l i n g
family and th e house of Stuart (Ja mes I having m ar-
r i e d a Dan i s h p r i n c e s s ) , t h e Dan i s h Gov e r n m e n t w a s
hostile to the English Commonweal th .
When th e news of the Dutch-Danish Treaty reac hed
En g l a n d , t h e Br i t i s h Go v e r n m e n t a t o n c e b e c a m e
a l a r m e d . It wa s for t h e pu r pos e of ch e c k m a t i n g a n
alliance which might c ut the m off from the Baltic Sea
that th e Britis h Governme nt deci ded to send St . Joh n
and Strickland to Holland to propose that politic al
union to which I have alrea dy referred . Mr . Gedde s
pri nts from the man uscr ipt orde r Book of the Counci l
of State , May 9, 1651 , in h is Ad m i n i s t r a t i o n o f Jo h n
de Witt, page 17 6, the following paragrap h of instruc-
t i o n t o S t . John and Stricklan d
" W h e r e a s t h e t r a d e o f t h i s n a t i o n t h r o u g h t h e S o u n d i n t o
t h e B a l t i q u e S e a i s o f v e r y g r e a t c o n c e r n m e n t , b o t h i n r e s p e c t
of the usefulnes s of the commodities b rought f r o m t h e n c e ,
s o n e c e s s a r y , a m o n g o t h e r t h i n g s , f o r b u i l d i n g a n d r i g g i n g
o f s h i p s , w h i c h i t i s n o t c o n v e n i e n t t h a t w e s h o u l d o n l y r e c e i v e
o r n o t a t t h e p l e a s u r e o f o t h e r n a t i o n s ; b u t m o r e e s p e c i a l l y
i n r e g a r d o f t h e g r e a t n u m b e r o f s h i p s w e h a v e e m p l o y e d i n
the transp ortation of these bulky goods whereby m a r i n e r s
a r e bre d a nd t h ey a n d ou r s hi p pi n g ma i nt a in e d, a n d be i ng
a l s o b u t s h o r t v o y a g e s , a r e o f t e n a t h o m e t o b e m a d e u s e o f
i n c a s e o f a n y p u b l i c o c c a s i o n s o f t h e s t a t e r e q u i r i n g t h e i r
s e r v i c e s ; a n d , w h e r e a s , t h i s t r a d e b e i n g v e r y m u c h w e a k e n e d
o t h e r w i s e , i s i n d a n g e r t o b e w h o l l y l o s t b y t h e agreement
that hath been lately ma de between the King of Denmar k
a n d t h e S t a t e s - G e n e r a l o f t h e U n i t e d P r o v i n c e s , e t c . "
Of course, these instru ctions to their amb assadors
w e r e n e v e r i n t e n d e d to re a c h t h e e y e s of th e Dut c h
Gov e r n m e n t , bu t t h e y pl a i n l y s how t h e mot i v e w h i c h
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1 8 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
p ro m p t e d t h e Engl i s h Com mo n w e a l t h t o pro po s e a
union of the two repub lics . After the e mbass y had
failed and the Navigation Act had been p assed, the
w a r w a s i n e v i t a b l e . Betw een t he Balt ic States w ere
rivalries as bitter as those between Spain and the
N e t h e r l a n d s o r t h e g r e a t h o u s e s o f B o u r b o n a n d H a p s -
bu rg . For a century Denmark and Sweden had b een
i n a s t a t e o f c o n s t a n t l y r e n e w i n g c o n f l i c t , w h i l e t h e
dispute s betwe en Sweden and Poland had been equally
b i t t e r .
When Holland, so powerful up on the se a, p roposed
a t r e a t y o f a l l i a n c e , D e n m a r k c o u l d n o t b u t f e e l t h a t
such an, association would strengthen her greatly
a g a i n s t h e r r i v a l t o t h e N o r t h , a n d , c o n s e q u e n t l y , i n
t h e w i n t e r o f 1 6 5 2 - 5 3 , a t r e a t y w a s d r a w n u p b e t w e e n
t h e U n i t e d P r o v i n c e s o f t h e N e t h e r l a n d s a n d t h e K i n g -
dom of Denmar k whic h closed th e Sound betw een Den-
mark an d the Scand inavi an Penins ula to all English
s h i p s .
By this treaty Denmar k agreed to enforce thi s
c l o s u r e o f t h e S o u n d b y a f l e e t , w h i l e t h e U n i t e d P r o v -
i n c e s a g r e e d t o s h a r e t h e e x p e n s e o f m a i n t a i n i n g s u c h
a f l e e t a n d a l s o t o d e f e n d D e n m a r k a g a i n s t a n y a t t a c k s
which might be made up on her becaus e of this treaty .
I d o n o t i n t e n d t o e n t e r i n t o a n y o f t h e d e t a i l s o f t h e
s t r u g g l e w h i c h c o n t i n u e d u n t i l A p r i l , 1 6 5 4 , a n d e n d e d
w i t h t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e s u p r e m a c y o f t h e B r i t i s h
f l e e t . W e h a v e s e e n h o w t h e n a t i o n w h i c h , a t t h e s u c -
cession of Elizabeth in 155 8, was but a small power
o c c u p y i n g o n l y a p o r t i o n o f t h e i s l a n d o f G r e a t B r i t a i n
a n d t o r n u p w i t h r e l i g i o u s d i s s e n s i o n s , h a d i n a l i t t l e
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ENGLAND AND HOLLAND 1 9
l e s s than o n e h u n d r e d y e a r s defeated the greatest
monarchy modern Europe had ever seen, and had also
reduced to a second place upon the sea that other
n a t i o n , s o a k i n t o h e r i n r a c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , i d e a l s
a n d r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , w h i c h s h e h e r s e l f h a d h e l p e d t o
u p b u i l d . For some y ear s more , i n f a c t u n t i l t h e a c c e s -
sion of a Prin ce of Oran ge to the throne of England
in 1688, Holland continu ed to prosper u pon the sea ,
but never to quite the same extent as she h ad done
under Cromwell . When Charles II came to the throne
he was wise e nough to follow in general th e foreign
p o l i c y o f t h e C o m m o n w e a l t h , e x c e p t w h e r e i t d i r e c t l y
i n t e r f e r e d w i t h h i s p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h L o u i s X I V .
I t w a s o f e q u a l i n t e r e s t t o t h e F r e n c h k i n g , w h o w a s
b u s i l y b u i l d i n g u p a n a v y o f h i s o w n , t o c r i p p l e t h e
nava l power of both Holland an d England, so we find
h i s e m i s s a r i e s s e c r e t l y f o s t e r i n g f r i c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e
English a nd the Dutch .
W h e n , t h e r e f o r e , C h a r l e s w i s h e d t o f o r m a n a l l i a n c e
w i t h F r a n c e , h i s g o v e r n m e n t s u p p o r t e d h i m i n P a r l i a -
m e n t , a l t h o u g h i t w a s t o b e a n o t h e r a l l i a n c e b e t w e e n a
C a t h o l i c a n d a P r o t e s t a n t p o w e r a g a i n s t a P r o t e s t a n t
one . Willi am Ashley Cooper , a sta tesm an of the
Cro m w e ll i a n t y p e , m a d e a n i m p a s s io n e d s p e e c h i n
Parlia ment, quoting Cato's words, " D e l e n d a e s t
C a r t h a g o , " a n d s a y i n g " H o l l a n d i s o u r g r e a t r i v a l i n
trade, on the ocean and i n the New World . Let u s
d e s t r o y h e r , t h o u g h s h e b e a P r o t e s t a n t p o w e r ; l et u s
d e s t r o y h e r w i t h t h e h e l p o f a C a t h o l i c p o w e r ." Tha t
this destruc tion was accomplished is now a matter
o f h i s t o r y , b u t l i t t l e d i d t h e s t a t e s m e n o f t h a t d a y
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2 0 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
believe that, by making the alliance which they so
strongly advocated, they were help ing to build up a
r i v a l b o t h on t h e s e a a n d i n t h e New World w ho
would draw them into a series of wars that would
s t r a i n E n g l i s h s t r e n g t h a n d d r a i n E n g l i s h c o f f e r s f o r
more than a hundred years .
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CHAPTER III .
ENGLAND AND FRANCE .
TO tell in det ail the st ory of the str uggle be -
t w e e n E n g l a n d a n d F r a n c e , w h i c h f i n a l l y r e s u l t e d
i n t h e e l i m i n a t i o n o f t h e l a t t e r a s a d a n g e r o u s r i v a l
upon the seas, would cover several volumes, as this
s t r u g g l e p r a c t i c a l l y b e g a n in the reign of Elizabeth
a n d c o n t i n u e d , i n t e r m i t t e n t l y , u n t i l t h e f i n a l d e f e a t o f
Napoleon at Water loo in 1815 .
I n t h e e a r l y p a r t o f E l i z a b e t h ' s r e i g n t h e C o n t i n e n t a l
p o w e r w h i c h s h e r e a l l y f e a r e d w a s n o t S p a i n , a g a i n s t
whom she later waged a succ essful war, but France .
T h e r e a s o n f o r t h i s i s e a s y t o u n d e r s t a n d b e c a u s e h e r
cousin, Mary Stuart , whom th e Catholics in England
r e g a r d e d a s t h e l e g i t i m a t e h e i r t o H e n r y V I I I , w a s t h e
wife of the Dauphin an d later , for a bri ef period,
queen consort of France . At thi s tim e the house of
V a l o i s , s o s o o n t o s u f f e r a t o t a l e c l i p s e , d i v i d e d w i t h
t h e h o u s e o f H a p s b u r g t h e s o v e r e i g n t y o f C o n t i n e n t a l
Europe, an d in the p erson of Mary Stuart clai med to
b e t h e r i g h t f u l r u l e r o f G r e a t B r i t a i n , b e c a u s e M a r y
Stuart was th e recognize d queen of Scotland . This
f a c t a l o n e a m p l y a c c o u n t s f o r E l i z a b e t h ' s r e l u c t a n c e
t o q u a r r e l w i t h P h i l l i p . By the time t hat it was no
l o n g e r p o s s i b l e t o a v o i d w a r w i t h S p a i n , t h e h o u s e o f
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2 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
V a l o i s h a d b e c o m e e x t i n c t , a n d H e n r y o f N a v a r r e ,
t h e c h a m p i o n o f P r o t e s t a n t i s m i n F r a n c e , h a d s u c -
c e e d e d t o t h e t h r o n e a n d w a s e n g a g e d i n a b i t t e r c i v i l
w a r t o s e c u r e p o s s e s s i o n o f h i s i n h e r i t a n c e , w h i c h
P h i l i p I I , t h r o u g h h i s m a r r i a g e t o E l i z a b e t h o f V a l o i s ,
w a s c l a i m i n g f o r h i s o w n . W e h a v e s h o w n h o w E l i z a -
b e t h h a d b e c o m e r e c o g ni z e d i n E u r o p e a s t h e P r o t e s -
t a n t Q u e e n , b e c a u s e o f t h e a s s i s t a n c e w h i c h s h e h a d
f o r s o m a n y y e a r s g i v e n t o t h e L o w C o u n t r i e s i n t h e i r
struggle with Spain . W h e n s h e f o u n d h e r s e l f f a c i n g
a c t u a l w a r w i t h S p a i n , w h a t w a s n r l o r e n a t u r a l t h a n
t h a t s h e s h o u l d f o r m a n a l l i a n c e w i t h H e n r y o f
N a v a r r e , a P r o t e s t a n t p r i n c e e n g a g e d i n a l i f e a n d
d e a t h s t r u g g l e t o m a i n t a i n p o s s e s s i o n o f h i s t h r o n e .
T h e S p a n i s h W a r w a s p r a c t i c a l l y e n d e d b y t h e d e -
f e a t o f t h e A r m a d a , a l t h o u g h t h e s t a t e o f w a r b e t w e e n
t h e t w o c o u n t r i e s l a s t e d u n t i l 1 5 9 7 . I n 1 5 9 3 , h o w ev e r ,
a n e v e n t h a d t a k e n p l a c e w h i c h g r e a t l y c h a n g e d t h e
c o n d i t i o n o f a f f a i r s o n t h e C o n t i n e n t - H e n r y I V b e -
c a m e R o m a n C a t h o l i c . B y t h i s a c t h e r e m o v e d t h e m a i n
c a u s e o f o p p o s i t i o n t o h i m i n h i s o w n c o u n t r y a n d a l s o
p u t a n e n d t o t h e a n i m o s i t y o f P h i l i p a n d e n t e r e d u p o n
that policy of internal de v elopment, strengthened by
f o r e i g n a l l i a n c e s , w h i c h s o r a p i d l y r a i s e d t h e h o u s e o f
B o u r b o n t o a p o i n t o f e q u a l i t y w i t h t h e h o u s e o f H a p s -
b u r g . After the death of Henry IV, F rance, under the
m i n i s t r y o f t h e C a r d i n a l s R i c h e l i e u a n d M a z a r i n ,
shortly became the greatest power in Western Europe .
D u r i n g t h e s e y e a r s E n g l a n d w a s u n d e r g o i n g h e r o w n
c i v i l c o n f l i c t , a n d l a t e r , u n d e r t h e d i c t a t o r s h i p o f C r o m -
well, was engaged in her struggle with the Dutch Re-
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ENGLAND AND FRANCE 2 3
p u b l i c . A f t e r H o l l a n d w a s r e d u c e d t o s e c o n d p l a c e
u p o n t h e s e a , C r o m w e l l f o r m e d a n a l l i a n c e w i t h h i s f o r -
m e r r i v a l a n d o s t e n s i b l y w a g e r w a r w i t h S p a i n , b u t i n
r e a l i t y h i s o p p o n e n t w a s F r a n c e , u n d e r M a z a r i n . I n
F r a n c e , i n s p i t e o f t h e f a c t t h a t M a z a r i n h a d f o r m a l l y
r e c o g n i z e d t h e g o v e r n m e n t o f C r o m w e l l , t h e s y m -
pathies were all with the house of Stuart, which was
so largely French in blood ; a n d i n F r a n c e , H e n r i e t t a
M a r i a , d a u g h t e r o f H e n r y I V , a n d w i d o w o f C h a r l e s
I h a d f o u n d a n a s y l u m f o r h e r s e l f a n d h e r s o n s . U n t i l
t h e R e v o l u t i o n o f 1 6 8 8 , w h i c h m a rk e d t h e b e g i n n i n g
o f m o d e r n E n g l a n d , t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e
S t u a r t k i n g s , C h a r l e s I I a n d J a m e s I I , a n d t h e i r c o u s i n ,
L o u i s X I V , w a s o f t h e c l o s e s t t y p e . This period marks
a l u l l i n t h e s t r u g g l e b e t w e e n F r a n c e a n d E n g l a n d , b u t
w i t h t h e e x i l e o f J a m e s I I a n d t h e a c c e s s i o n o f W i l l -
i a m a n d M a r y , a n e w p e r i o d b e g i n s .
S i r J o h n S e e l e y s a y s o f t h i s p e r i o d
" B e t w e e n t h e R e v o l u t i o n ( 1 6 8 8 ) a n d t h e B a t t l e o f W a t e r -
lo o , i t ma y b e r e cko n e d t h a t w e w a ge d s e v e n gr e a t w a r s , o f
which the shortest lasted seven years, and the longest about
t w e l v e . O u t o f a h u n d r e d a n d t w e n t y - s i x y e a r s , s i x t y - f o u r
years, or more than half, were spent in war . "
" N o E n g l i s h h i s t o r ia n h a s c o v e r e d t h i s p e r i o d o f
s t r u g g l e m o r e t h o r o u g h l y t h a n h a s S e e l e y i n h i s t w o
great books, The Expan sion o f Engl and a n d Th e
G r o w t h o f B r i t i s h P o l i c y , a n d a s h e c o n c l u s i v e l y p r o v e s
t h a t t h e s t r u g g l e b e t w e e n E n g l a n d a n d F r a n c e w a s t h e
m o s t i m p o r t a n t e v e n t i n t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e B r i t i s h E m -
p i r e , I s h a l l q u o t e h i m v e r y f r e e l y i n t h i s c h a p t e r i n
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2 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREo r d e r t o s h o w t h e m o t i v e s w h i c h w e r e b a c k of t h i s
gigantic struggle. Summarizing the wars of thisperiod, 1 688 to 1815, Seeley says
"Let us pass th ese wars in rev iew . T h e r e w a s f i r s t t h e
E u r o p e a n W a r , i n w h i c h E n g l a n d w a s i n v o l v e d b y t h e R e v o l u -
t i o n o f 1 6 8 8 . I t i s p r e t t y w e l l r e m e m b e r e d s i n c e t h e s t o r y o f
it has b een told by Macaulay . I t l a s t e d e i g h t y e a r s , f r o m
1 6 8 9 t o 1 6 9 7 . T h e n t h e r e w a s t h e g r e a t w a r c a l l e d f r o m t h e
S p a n i s h S u c c e s s i o n , w h i c h w e s h a l l a l w a y s r e m e m b e r b e c a u s e
i t w a s t h e w a r o f M a r l b o r o u g h ' s v i c t o r i e s I t l a s t e d e l e v e n
y e a r s , f r o m 1 7 0 2 t o 1 7 1 3 . T h e n e x t g r e a t w a r h a s n o w p a s s e d
a l m o s t e n t i r e l y o u t o f m e m o r y , n o t h a v i n g b r o u g h t t o l i g h t
a n y v e r y g r e a t c o m m a n d e r , n o r h a v i n g a c h i e v e d a n y d e f i n i t e
r e s u l t s - a n d y e t t h i s w a r , t o o , l a s t e d n i n e y e a r s , from 173 9
t o 1 7 4 8 . Next comes t he Seven Years ' War, i n whi ch we
h a v e n o t f o r g o t t e n t h e v i c t o r i e s o f F r e d e r i c k . I n t h e E n g l i s h
p a r t o f i t w e a l l r e m e m b e r o n e g r a n d i n c i d e n t , t h e b a t t l e o f
the Heights of Abraha m, the death of Wolfe and the c o n -
ques t of Canad a . W e h a v e q u i t e f o r g o t t e n t h a t t h a t v i c t o r y
was one of a long serie s, which t o contemporaries seemed
f a b u l o u s , s o t h a t t h e n a t i o n c a m e o u t o f i t i n t o x i c a t e d w i t h
g l o r y , a n d E n g l a n d s t o o d u p o n a p i n n a c l e o f g r e a t n e s s w h i c h
she had never reache d before . This is the fourth war . I t
i s i n s h a r p c o n t r a s t w i t h t h e f i f t h w h i c h w e h a v e t a c i t l y a g r e e d
t o m e n t i o n a s s e l d o m a s w e c a n . What we call the American
W a r , w h i c h , f r o m t h e f i r s t o u t b r e a k o f h o s t i l i t i e s t o t h e P e a c e
o f P a r i s , l a s t e d e i g h t y e a r s , f r o m 1 7 7 5 t o 1 7 8 3 , w a s i n d e ed
ignominious enough in America, but i n i t s l a t t e r p a r t i t
spread into a great naval war, in whi ch England stood a t
b a y a g a i n s t a l m o s t a l l t h e w o r l d , a n d i n t h i s , t h r o u g h t h e
v i c t o r i e s o f R o d n e y , w e c a m e o f f w i t h s o m e c r e d i t . T h e s i x t h
and seventh are th e two great wars with Revolutionar y
F r a n c e , w h i c h w e a r e n o t l i k e l y . t o f o r g e t , a l t h o u g h w e o u g h t
to keep them more separate in our minds t han we do . Th e
f i r s t l a s t ed n i n e y e a r s , f r o m 1 7 9 3 t o 1 8 0 2 , and the second
t w e l v e , f r o m 1 8 0 3 t o 1 8 1 5 . "
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ENGLAND AND FRANCE 2 5
During the long period of time covered by the se
s e v e n g r e a t w a r s i t i s n o t t h e w a r s t h e m s e l v e s w h i c h
a r e o f i n t e r e s t t o t h e s t u d e n t o f h i s t o r y , b u t t h e m o t i v e s
back of these wars . If we look into these motives
w e w i l l f i n d t h a t e v e r y o n e o f t h e m i s f u n d a m e n t a l l y
a war for the purpose of secu ring some sort of com-
mercial supremacy . England fought Spain beca use of
t h e " r i g h t o f s e a r c h " w h i c h w a s c l a i m e d b y t h e
S p a n i a r d s a n d h a v i n g s e t t l e d t h a t q u e s t i o n t o h e r o w n
s a t i s f a c t i o n b y e l i m i n a t i n g t h e S p a n i s h n a v a l p o w e r ,
s h e i m m e d i a t e l y e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t s a m e p r i n c i p l e o f t h e
" r i g h t o f s e a r c h " a s b e i n g f u n d a m e n t a l t o t h e p r o t e c -
tion and preserva tion of her own naval suprema cy .
We Americ ans know how our fathers regar ded tha t
p r i n c i p l e i n 1 8 1 2 , a n d w h a t i t c o s t u s , a l t h o u g h t o d a y ,
s o c o m p l e t e l y d o e s t h e p a s s a g e o f t i m e c h a n g e p u b l i c
o p i n i o n , i t s e e m s t o b e t h e d e s i r e o f o u r g o v e r n m e n t
and our press to defend Great Britain's assump tions .
The fourth war me ntioned by Seeley i s what in our
Am e r i c a n t e x t b o ok s i s k n o w n a s t h e "Fr e n c h a n d
Ind ia n War . " D u r i n g t h e a b l e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f C o l -
ber t, un der Louis XIV, Franc e had not only firmly
e s t a b l i s h e d h e r s e l f o n t h e b a n k s o f t h e S t . Lawr enc e
River a nd in t he pe ninsu la of Nova Scotia, bu t she
n a d a l s o , u n d e r t h e i n t r e p i d l e a d e r s h i p o f L a S a l l e ,
B i e n v i l l e a n d o t h e r s , p u s h e d h e r d i s c o v e r i e s i n t o t h e
h e a r t of th e Nor t h Ame r i c a n Con t i n e n t a n d t a k e n
p o s s e s s i o n o f t h e w h o l e o f t h e M i s s i s s i p p i V a l l e y t o
th e Gulf of Mexic o .
It would almost seem to the casu al observer t hat
France was destined t o be the controlling power in
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2 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREshap ing the desti nies of the North Americ an Conti-
n e n t , b u t , u n f o r t u n a t e l y f o r h e r , t h e v e r y e x t e n t o f
her possessi ons led to her loss of them . Engl an d
p o s s e s s e d a c o m p a c t s e t t l e m e n t o f h a r d y a n d i n t e l l i -
gent colonies rea chin g from the Bay of Fundy to the
peni nsula of Florida and extend ing inla nd to the
Appalachian Mountains . Nowhere in th e world w as
t h e p r i n c i p l e o f s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t m o r e d e e p l y i m p l a n t e d
t h a n i n t h e h e a r t s o f t h e B r i t i s h c o l o n i s t s , a s w a s s h o w n
i n 1 7 7 5 , w h e n t h e y e n t e r e d i n t o t h e i r l o n g s t r u g g l e f o r
t h e d e f e n s e o f t h i s p r i n c i p l e . U n d e r C o l b e r t ' s a d m i n i s -
tration France ha d not only greatly i ncreased her
f o r e i g n p o s s e s s i o n s b u t h a d a l s o b e c o m e t h e p r e d o m i -
n a n t p o w e r i n a l l E u r o p e a n a f f a i r s , s o t h a t w h e r e v e r
Engla n d t u r n e d s h e fou n d h e r s e lf oppos e d a n d
thwarted by what she considered French aggression .
The cen ter of trad e was no longer th e Medit erra nean
S e a , a s i t h a d b e e n e v e n a s l a t e a s t h e d a y s o f E l i z a -
beth, b ut was now upon the Atlantic Ocean, as the
C o n t i n e n t s u p o n i t s W e s t e r n s h o r e s o f f e r e d t o E u r o p e
b o u n d l e s s o p p o r t u n i t i e s o f d e v e l o p m e n t a n d t h e c o n s e -
q u e n t t r a d e p o s s i b i l i t i e s r e s u l t i n g t h e r e f r o m . B r i t i s h
s t a t e s m e n w e r e k e e n t o s e e t h a t t h e c o n t r o l o f t h e c e n -
tral v alley of the North America n Continen t by a
hostile power effectually prevented the growth and
e x p a n s i o n o f h e r s e a b o a r d c o l o n i e s ; t h e y a l s o s a w t h a t
by t he conquest of North Americ a they would effec-
tually cri pple the ar rogant pretens ions of France .
After the s ucce ssful conclus ion of the Seven Years'
War, Europe set tled down to what was expect ed to be
a l o n g p e r i o d o f p e a c e a n d i n t e r n a l d e v e l o p m e n t , a n d
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ENGLAND AND FRANCE 2 7
n o c o u n t r y f e l t i t s e l f m o r e s e c u r e t h a n E n g l a n d , w i t h
all of North Americ a excep t Mexico and Louisia na
f o r h e r f u t u r e e x p a n s i o n , a n d h e r s u p r e m a c y u p o n t h e
s e a s u n i v e r s a l l y r e c o g n i z e d .
I n l e s s t h a n t h i r t y y e a r s t h e c o n f l a g r a t i o n b r o k e o u t
a g a i n , a n d t h i s t i m e i t w a s s t a r t e d b y t h e s e s a m e u n -
grateful Americ an colonists i n whose behalf the
Mother Count ry ha d fought a b loody war, for whose
expansi on she had freed a continent from foreign
yoke, an d rea lly for whose de velopm ent George III
was ben ding eve ry effort to build u p a strong
p a t e r n a l g o v e r n m e n t s i m i l a r t o t h a t e s t a b l i s h e d b y t h e
house of -Bourbon, which had made of France the
m o s t p o w e r f u l n a t i o n i n t h e w o r l d . We a ll k now h ow
Bourbonism was s oon dest royed both in England a nd-
Fran ce . The Engl i s h Gov e r n m e n t , u n d e r t h e w i s e
guidan ce of William Pitt and Charles Fox, acc epte d
the lessons which the American colonists had taught
i t a n d e n t e r e d u p o n t h a t r e c o n s t r u c t e d c o l o n i a l p o l i c y
which has so splendidly built up the present world-
wide British Empire . After the war, w hich cost Eng-
l a n d a l l o f h e r N o r t h A m e r i c a n c o l o n i e s e x c e p t C a n a d a
and Nova Scotia, France entere d hea dlong into her
great Revolution, whic h shook the very foundations
of European civiliza tion and see med, for a time, to
threaten th e destructi on of monarchical government .
Out of the French Revolution arose a new Europe, in
w h i c h a r e v i v e d F r e n c h n a t i o n s t r u g g l e d t h r o u gh v a r i -
ous forms of attempted self-government until, und er
the autocratic power of the most brilliant mi litary
genius since Julius Caesar, the Napoleonic Empire
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2 8 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREdominated the entire Continent of Europe and entered
into its final st ruggl e for the overt hrow of Englan d's
s u p r e m a c y o f t h e s e a . Napoleon seems to haver e a l i z e d , f r o m t h e c o m m e n c e m e n t o f h i s m e t e o r i c
c a r e e r , t h a t En g l a n d a l o n e b l o c k e d t h e w a y t o t h e
p e r m a n e n t s u p r e m a c y of Fr a n c e , a n d t h a t , i n o r d e r
to attain to this su premacy, it was necessary for France
to recover her lost pla ce on the Americ an Continent ,
and some control of the sea, an d a careful stud y of
h i s p l a n s r e v e a l s h o w d e e p - l a i d w e r e N a p o le o n 's
designs for such recovery . Seele y say s
" H e s e e s i n E n g l a n d n e v e r t h e i s l a n d , t h e E u r o p e a n S t a t e ,
but a lways the World-Empire, th e network of dependencies
and colonies and islands covering every sea, among which
h e w a s h i m s e l f d e s t i n e d t o f i n d a t l a s t h i s p r i s o n a n d h i s
g r a v e .
" T h u s , w h e n i n 1 7 9 8 h e w a s p u t i n c h a r g e f o r t h e f i r s t
time of the war with England, he begins by examining the
B r i t i s h C h a n n e l , a n d , n o d o u b t , g l a n c e s a t I r e l a n d . But wha t
h e s e e s d o e s n o t t e m p t h i m , a l t h o u g h a f e w m o n t h s a f t e r w a r d
I r e l a n d b r o k e o u t i n a t e r r i b l e r e b e l l i o n , d u r i n g w h i c h , i f t h e
conqueror of Italy had s uddenly landed at the hea d of a
French army, undoubtedly he would have struck a heavier
b l o w a t E n g l a n d t h a n a n y s h e h a s y e t s u f f e r e d . His m ind is
p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h o t h e r t h o u g h t s . He re memb ers how Franc e
o n c e s e e m e d o n t h e p o i n t o f c o n q u e r i n g I n d i a , u n t i l E n g l a n d
c h e c k e d h e r p r o g r e s s ; a c c o r d i n g l y h e d e c i d e s , a n d c o n v i n c e s
t h e D i r e c t o r y , t h a t t h e b e s t w a y t o c a r r y o n t h e c o n t e s t w i t h
England is by occupying Egypt . . . a n d h e a c t u a l l y
c a r r i e s o u t t h i s p l a n s o t h a t t h e w h o l e s t r u g g l e i s t r a n s f e r r e d
f r o m t h e B r i t i s h C h a n n e l i n t o t h e b o u n d l e s s s p a c e s o f G r e a t e r
B r i t a i n .
"When this wa r was brought to an end by t he treaty of
Amiens, in 1 802, the results of it were such as to make a
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ENGLAND AND FRANCE 2 9
g r e a t e p o c h i n t h e h i s t o r y o f G r e a t B r i t a i n . I n t h e f i r s t p l a c e
E g y p t i s f i n a l l y e v a c u a t e d b y F r a n c e - i n t h e c o l o n i a l w o r l d
England r emained mistress of Ceylon and Trinidad .
" B u t t h e l a s t w a r , t h a t w h i c h l a s t e d f r o m 1 8 0 3 t o 1 8 1 5 , w a s
t h i s i n a n y s e n s e a w a r f o r t h e N e w W o r l d ? I t d o e s n o t s e e m
to be so ; and naturally, be cause England from the very
b e g i n n i n g h a d s u c h a n a v a l s u p e r i o r i t y t h a t N a p o l e o n c o u l d
never again succeed in making his way back into the New
Worl d . N e v e r t h e l e s s , I b e l i e v e i t w a s i n t e n d e d b y N a p o l e o n
to be so . By the treaty of Amiens England h ad enga ged
w i t h i n a g i v e n t i m e t o e v a c u a t e M a l t a , a n d t h i s , f o r c e r t a i n
reasons which need not here be discussed, she afterwards
r e f u s e d t o d o . Now, why did Napoleon want he r to leave
Ma l ta , a nd w h y di d s he r e fu s e to do so? It wa s b ec au se
Malta was the key of Egypt, and she had good reason to
b e l i e v e t h a t h e w o u l d i n a m o m e n t r e - o c c u p y E g y p t a n d t h a t
t h e s t r u g g l e f o r I n d i a w o u l d b e g i n a g a i n . . . .
"The fact is that Napoleon's inte ntion in t his war is
o b s c u r e d t o u s b y t h e g r a n d f a i l u r e o f t h e m a r i t i m e e n t e r -
p r i s e w h i c h h e h a d p l a n n e d . . . .
" H e d r i f t s i n a d i r e c t i o n h e d o e s n o t i n t e n d , y e t t h e C o n -
t i n e n t a l s y s t e m a n d t h e v i o l e n t s e i z u r e o f S p a i n a n d P o r t u g a l
( g r e a t N e w W o r l d p o w e r s ) s h o w s t h a t h e d o e s n o t f o r g e t h i s
o r i g i n a l o b j e c t . Moreover , Colonel Matt ers on shows i n hi s
" L a t e r S t r u g g l e s o f F r a n c e i n t h e E a s t " w h a t a d e s t r u c t i v e
privateering war the French were able to keep up in the
I n d i a n O c e a n f r o m t h e i r i s l a n d o f M a u r i t i u s , l o n g a f t e r t h e i r
n a v a l p o w e r ' h a d b e e n d e s t r o y e d a t T r a f a l g a r . I t w a s b y t h e
conquest of this island and its ret ention at the Peace of
Englan d tha t the Hundred Years' War in England a nd Fran ce
for th e New World came to an en d . "
En g l a n d a l o n e , a m o n g Eu r o p e a n p o w e r s , c a m e o u t
of the Napoleonic conflict unsc athed . By he r contr ol
of th e s e a h e r cou n t r y h a d e s c a p e d i n v a s i on by t h e
conqueror, although we know, from both t he histories
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3 0 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
a n d t h e r o m a n c e s o f t h a t p e r i o d , t h a t a s l o n g a s N a -
p o l e o n s a t o n t h e t h r o n e o f F r a n c e t h e E n g l i s h p e o p l e
never felt secure from invasion, and only when she
h a d h i m c o m p l e t e l y i n h e r p o w e r d i d s h e f e e l t h a t s h e
h a d a t l a s t r e a c h e d h e r g o a l a s t h e f i r s t p o w e r o f t h e
world . Even th en, so long and bitte r had b een th e
s t r u g g l e a n d a t m a n y t i m e s s o c l o s e t h e c o n t e s t , t h a t
S e e l e y s a y s :
" I n f a c t , i n t h o s e t i m e s a n d d o w n t o o u r o w n m e m o r y t h e
e t e r n a l d i s c o r d o f E n g l a n d a n d F r a n c e a p p e a r e d s o m u c h a
law of nature that it was seldom spoken of . "
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CHAPTER IV .
THE CONQUEST OF INDIA .
TH E s t o r y o f t h e B r i t i s h C o n q u e s t o f I n d i a i s
totally different from that of British Expansion
in other quarters of the globe, and in many ways re-
s e m b l e s t h e c o n q u e s t s o f M e x i c o a n d P e r u b y C o r t e z
a n d P i z z a r o . I n all three cases the conquests were
b e g u n b y p r i v a t e a d v e n t u r e r s f o r p r i v a t e g a i n , b u t , j u s t
a s t h e S p a n i s h G o v e r n m e n t t o o k o v e r t h e l a n d s p o s -
sessed by their sub jects in North and S outh America,
s o E n g l a n d , i n 1 7 8 4 , w h e n P i t t i n t r o d u c e d h i s I n d i a
B i l l t o P a r l i a m e n t , o f f i c i a l l y a s s u m e d t h e c o n t r o l o f t h e
a f f a i r s o f t h e E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y , a n d o n t h e f i n a l
dissolution of that company India became an integral
p a r t o f t h e B r i t i s h E m p i r e , w i t h a S e c r e t a r y o f S t a t e
f o r I n d i a w h o i s a r e c o g n i z e d m e m b e r o f t h e B r i t i s h
Cabinet, has a seat in Pa rliament and is respons ible
f o r t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f I n d i a n a f f a i r s . A l l a u t h o r -
i t i e s i n B r i t i s h h i s t o r y d w e l l , i n t h e i r a c c o u n t s o f t h e
c o n q u e s t o f I n d i a , u p o n t h e f a c t t h a t G r e a t B r i t a i n
d r i f t e d i n t o i t a s a c o n s e q u e n c e o f t h e l o n g - d r a w n - o u t
s t r u g g l e b e t w e e n F r a n c e a n d E n g l a n d . S e e l e y i s , a s
usual in dealing with the story of the upbuilding of
G r e a t e r B r i t a i n , t h e m o s t c l e a r a n d c o n c i s e o f
h i s t o r i a n s . H e s a y s
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3 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE" O u r a c q u i s i t i o n o f I n d i a w a s m a d e b l i n d l y . Nothing grea t
that has ever been done by Englishmen was done so unin-
t e n t i o n a l l y , s o a c c i d e n t a l l y , a s t h e c o n q u e s t o f I n d i a . The re
h a s i n d e e d b e e n l i t t l e e n o u g h o f c a l c u l a t i o n o r c o n t r i v a n c e
i n o u r c o l o n i z a t i o n . When our first sett lers went out to
Virginia or New England, it was not inte nded to lay the
f o u n d a t i o n s o f a m i g h t y r e p u b l i c a n s t a t e . B u t h e r e t h e e v e n t
h a s d i f f e r e d f r o m t h e d e s i g n o n l y i n d e g r e e . We did inte nd
t o e s t a b l i s h a n e w c o m m u n i t y , a n d w e e v e n k n e w t h a t i t w o u l d
b e r e p u b l i c a n i n i t s t e n d e n c y ; what was hid den from us was
only its immense magnitude . But in India we me ant one
t h i n g a n d d i d q u i t e a n o t h e r . Our object was t rade, an d in
t h i s w e w e r e n o t p a r t i c u l a r l y s u c c e s sf u l . W a r w i t h t h e n a t i v e
s t a t e s w e d i d n o t t h i n k o f a t a l l t i l l a h u n d r e d y e a r s a f t e r
o u r f i r s t s e t t l e m e n t , a n d t h e n w e t h o u g h t o n l y o f s u c h w a r
a s m i g h t s u p p o r t o u r t r a d e ; a f t er t h i s ti m e a g ai n m o r e t h a n
h a l f a c e n t u r y p a s s e d b e f o r e w e t h o u g h t o f a n y c o n s i d e r a b l e
t e r r i t o r i a l a c q u i s i t i o n s ; the Ninete enth Century had almost
b e g u n b e f o r e t h e p o l i c y o f a c q u i r i n g a n a s c e n d e n c y o v e r t h e
native states was entered up on ; a n d ou r pr e s e n t s u pr e m e
p o s i t i o n c a n n o t b e s a i d t o h a v e b e e n e n t e r e d u p o n b e f o r e t h e
G o v e r n o r - G e n e r a l s h i p o f L o r d D a l h o u s i e , a l i t t l e m o r e t h a n
a q u a r t e r o f a c e n t u r y a g o . All along we h ave b een looking
one way and moving another . . . . We cal l thi s Empire
a c o n q u e s t i n o r d e r t o . m a r k t h e f a ct t h a t i t w a s n o t ac q u i r e d
i n a n y d e g r e e b y s e t t l e m e n t o r c o l o n i z a t i o n b u t b y a s e r i e s o f
w a r s , e n d i n g i n c e s s i o n s o f t e r r i t o r y b y t h e n a t i v e P o w e r s t o
the East India Compa ny . "
It is in tere stin g to note that t he East India Com-
pany, the world's first great trad e monoply, came into
existence A . D . 1600, jus t after England h ad defeate d
Sp a i n a n d h a d b e g u n h e r m a r i t i m e c a r e e r . Shortly
after it s foundation th e Englis h colonizat ion of North
Am e r i c a b e g a n . That was truly the age of the great
adventure, when the world seemed to open up after its
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1
THE CONQUEST OF INDIA 3 3
l o n g s l e e p d u r i n g t h e D a r k Ag e s a n d o ff e r g o l d e n
opportunities to any brave soul who felt the call of
t h e s e a . It was jus t at t his time that the first English
trade settlements were made in India . The East Indi a
Co m p a n y w a s c r e a t e d s o l e l y for p u r p o s e s of t r a d e ,
and for nearly a century and a half it devoted itself to
these purposes . In 174 8, when distu rban ces br oke out
in the Deccan, the Company, in order to quiet the se
distu rbanc es, assum ed some of the functions of gov-
e r n m e n t a n d w a r . In those days th e distanc e betwe en
England and India was infinitely greater than today,
a n d t h e h o m e g ov e r n m e n t w a s e n t i r e l y t o o m u c h
absorbed in European affairs to pay much atte ntion to
what might be hap pening in far-off India . Th e De c c a n
d i s t u r b a n c e s w e r e qu e l l e d , a n d t h e Com pa n y e n t e r e d
u p o n i t s s e c o n d p e r i o d , a p e r i o d o f c o n q u e s t a n d
assimilation which lasted until the company was de-
stroyed by Act of Parliament in 1858 : Of this peri od
o f c o n q u e s t S e e l e y s a y s ( E x p a n s i o n o f E n g l a n d ,
page 180)
"The c o n q u e s t o f I n d i a by E n g l i s h merchants s e e m s a
u n i q u e and abnormal phenomenon, but we should be mis-
taken if we supposed that there was anything peculiarly
E n g l i s h , e i t h e r i n t h e o r i g i n a l i t y w h i c h c o n c e i v e d t h e i d e a o r
i n t h e e n e r g y w h i c h c a r r i e d i t i n t o e x e c u t i o n . So far as an
i d e a o f c o n q u e r i n g I n d i a w a s d e l i b e r a t e l y c o n c e i v e d , i t w a s
conceived by Frenchmen ; F r e n c h m e n f i r s t p e r c e i v e d t h a t i t
w a s f e a s i b l e a n d s a w t h e m a n n e r i n w h i c h i t c o u l d b e d o n e ;
F r e n c h m e n f i r s t s e t a b o u t i t a n d a d v a n c e d s o m e w a y t o w a r d s
a c c o m p l i s h i n g i t . I n I n d i a i n d e e d t h e y h a d t h e s t a r t o f u s ,
much more decid edly than in North America ; i n I n d i a w e h a d
a t t h e o u t s e t a s e n s e o f i n f e r i o r i t y i n c o m p a r i s o n w i t h t h e m ,
a n d f o u g h t i n a s p i r i t o f h o p e l e s s s e l f - d e f e n s e . A n d I f i n d ,
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34 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREw h e n I s t u d y t h e E n g l i s h c o n q u e s t o f I n d i a , t h a t w e w e r e
a c t u a t e d n e i t h e r b y a m b i t i o n n o r y e t b y a m e r e d e s i r e t o
a d v a n c e o u r t r a d e , b u t f r o m t h e f i r s t t o t h e l a s t , t h a t i s , f r o m
t h e f i r s t e f f o r t s o f C l i v e t o t h e t i m e w h e n L o r d W e l l e s l e y ,
L o r d M i n t o a n d L o r d H a s t i n g s e s t a b l i s h e d o u r a u t h o r i t y o v e r
t h e w h o l e v a s t p e n i n s u l a , w e w e r e a c t u a t e d b y t h e f e a r o f
t h e F r e n c h . B e h i n d e v e r y m o v e m e n t o f t h e n a t i v e P o w e r s w e
s a w F r e n c h i n t r i g u e , F r e n c h g o l d , F r e n c h a m b i t i o n , a n d n e v e r ,
u n t i l w e w e r e m a s t e r s o f t h e w h o l e c o u n t r y , g o t r i d o f t h e
f e e l i n g t h a t t h e F r e n c h w e r e d r i v i n g u s o u t o f i t , w h i c h h a d
d e s c e n d e d f r o m t h e d a y s o f D u p l e i x a n d L a b o u r d o n n a i s . "
James Mill, wh ose book, A History o f the British
I n d i a , w a s t h e f i r s t r e l i a b l e t r e a t i s e u p o n t h e B r i t i s h
Conquest, s ays
" T h e t w o i m p o r t a n t d i s c o v e r i e s f o r c o n q u e r i n g I n d i a w e r e
f i r s t , t h e w e a k n e s s o f t h e n a t i v e a r m i e s a g a i n s t E u r o p e a n
discipline ; s e c o n d , t h e f a c i l i t y o f i m p a r t i n g t h a t d i s c i p l i n e t o
n a t i v e s i n t h e E u r o p e a n s e r v i c e . . . . B o t h d i s c o v e r i e s
w e r e m a d e b y t h e F r e n c h . "
T h e t r u t h o f t h e m a t t e r i s t h a t t h e n a t i v e s t h e m s e l v e s
c o n q u e r e d I n d i a , a n d t h i s c a m e a b o u t s o l e l y b e c a u s e , i n
the modern se nse of the word, there wa s no India, bu t
only a vast conglomeration of r i v a l p r i n c i p a li t i e s . Th e
condition was very s imilar to that of Germany a t the
tim e of Nap oleon . Then t here were no Germans , as
we now use the w ord, but the re were Prussians, Ba-
varians, Austrians, Suabians, etc ., whose rivalr ies
Napoleon was ab le to make use of by settin g the
s o l d i e r y o f o n e p e t t y p r i n c i p a l i t y a g a i n s t a n o t h e r . Jus t
in this way did the East India Company employ nativ es
a g a i n s t , f i r s t t h e F r e n c h a n d l a t e r a g a i n s t o t h e r n a t i v e s .
Th e sepoys m a d e g o o d f i g h t e r s b u t p o o r o f f i c e r s . Dur -
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THE CONQUEST OF INDIA 3 5
i n g t h i s l o n g s t r u g g l e t h e E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y s e c u r e d
t h e s e r v i c e s o f t w o o f t h e , m o s t r e m a r k a b l e m e n i n
m o d e r n h i s t o r y - L o r d C l i v e a n d W a r r e n H a s t i n g s .
A b o u t b o t h o f t h e s e m e n m u c h h a s b e e n w r i t t e n , b o t h
for and against, and about both hangs . t h e g l a m o u r o f
r o m a n c e b e c a u s e o f t h e t h i n g s t h e y a c t u a l l y a c c o m -
p l i s h e d a n d a l s o b e c a u s e , t o t h e E n g l i s h m i n d , t h e r e
has always been a tinge of romance and mystery about
e v e r y t h i n g c o n n e c t e d w i t h I n d i a , l a r g e l y d u e t o t h e
d i s t a n c e b e t w e e n t h e t w o c o u n t r i e s a n d t h e d i f f i c u l t y
t o o b t a i n e x a c t f a c t s . M a c a u l a y' s " E s s a y o n C l i v e "
i s a p an e g yr i c o n E n g l i s u v a l o u r . " N o n e c o u l d r e s i s t
C l i v e a n d h i s E n g l i s h m e n ," a n d y e t c a r e f u l a n d e x a c t
h i s t o r i a n s , l i k e S e e l e y , t e l l u s t h a t f o u r - f i f t h s o f t h e
E n g l i s h a r m y w a s c o m p o s e d o f s e p o y s , a n d t h a t t h e y
a l w a y s k e p t p a c e w i t h t h e E n g l i s h i n c o u r a g e a n d
e f f i c i e n c y . T h e l a t e s t e d i t i o n o f t h e E n c y c l o p c e d i a
B r i t a n n i c a d e s c r i b e s L o r d C l i v e a s " t h e f i r s t o f a
c e n t u r y ' s b r i l l i a n t s u c c e s s e s o f t h o s e ' s o l d i e r - p o l i t i c a l s , '
a s t h e y a r e c a l l e d i n t h e E a s t , t o w h o m G r e a t B r i t a i n
o w e s t h e c o n q u e s t a n d c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f i t s g r e a t e s t
d e p e n d e n c y . "
W a r r e n H a s t i n g s ' c a r e e r w a s e v e n m o r e f u l l o f t h o s e
" s l i n g s a n d a r r o w s o f o u t r a g e o u s f o r t u n e " w h i c h
a l w a y s c r e a t e a n a t m o s p h e r e o f r o m a n c e a b o u t a m a n .
I n h i s y o u t h h e w a s a b o o k k e e p e r a t C a l c u t t a i n t h e
s e r v i c e s o f t h e E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y . I n 1 7 7 1 , a t t h e
a g e o f t h i r t y - n i n e , h e w a s m a d e g o v e r n o r o f B e n g a l
a n d l a t e r b e c a m e g o v e r n o r - g e n e r al o f E a s t I n d i a . I n
t h i s p o s i t i o n h e w o r k e d o u t t h e f i r s t s y s t e m a t i c c i v i l
g o v e r n m e n t a n d p u t a n e n d t o t h e w o r s t f o r m s o f
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3 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREc o r r u p t i o n which ha d previously existed am ong gov-
ernment officials, and the wholesale plundering of
n a t i v e s . S p e a k i n g o f t h e p r o c e e d i n g s c a r r i e d o n u n d e r
C l i v e a n d H a s t i n g s , S e e l e y s a y s
" O u r f i r s t s t e p t o E m p i r e w a s v e r y p l a i n l y t a k e n w i t h a
v i e w s i m p l y o f d e f e n d i n g o u r f a c t o r i e s . T h e M a d r a s P r e s i -
d e n c y g r e w o u t o f a n e f f o r t , w h i c h i n t h e f i r s t i n s t a n c e w a s
q u i t e n e c e s s a r y , t o p r o t e c t F o r t G e o r g e a n d F o r t D a v i d f r o m
t h e F r e n c h . T h e B e n g a l P r e s i d e n c y g r e w i n a s i m i l a r w a y
o u t o f t h e e v i d e n t n e c e s s i t y o f p r o t e c t i n g F o r t W i l l i a m a n d
p u n i s h i n g t h e M u s s u l m a n N a w a b o f B e n g a l , S u r a j a h D o w l a h ,
f o r h i s a t r o c i t y o f t h e B l a c k H o l e . S o f a r t h e c a u s a t i o n i s
c l e a r . I n t h e p e r i o d w h i c h i m m e d i a t e l y f o l l o w e d t h e r e v o l u -
t i o n a r y a n d c o r r u p t p e r i o d o f B r i t i s h I n d i a , i t i s u n d e n i a b l e
t h a t w e w e r e h u r r i e d o n b y m e r e r a p a c i t y . "
H e c a l l s W a r r e n H a s t i n g s ' a c t i o n s a t B e n a r e s , O u d e
and Rohilcund mere "money speculations . " What eve r
t h e y m a y h a v e b e e n , t h e y g a v e r i s e t o o n e o f t h e g r e a t -
e s t , i f n o t t h e g r e a t e s t , l e g a l p r o c e s s i n h i s t o r y . "The
i m p e a c h m e n t o f W a r r e n H a s t i n g s " i s a s t o r y t h a t w i l l
b e r e a d a s l o n g a s t h e E n g l i s h l a n g u a g e i s s p o k e n . I t
dragge d on from Febr uary , 1788, to Apri l, 1795, and
e n d e d i n H a s t i n g s ' a c q u i t t a l i n s p i t e o f t h e f a c t t h a t
h e h a d p i t t e d a g a i n s t h i m E n g l a n d ' s g r e a t e s t o r a t o r ,
Ed m u n d B u r k e . P o s t e r i t y h a s e n d o r s e d h i s a c q u i t t a l
because of the genuine reforms which he introduced
i n I n d i a , b u t , d u r i n g h i s l i f e t i m e , h e w a s a l w a y s t h e
s u b j e c t o f b i t t e r a t t a c k a t h o m e b e c a u s e o f t h e c r u e l t y
with which he c arried out his reforms . Six year s
b e f o r e t h e t r i a l a g a i n s t H a s t i n g s b e g a n , H e n r y D u n d a s ,
Treasu rer of the Admira lty, who later beca me Lord
Melville and First Lord of the Admiralt y, address ed
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THE CONQUEST OF INDIA 3 7
t h e H o u s e o f C o m m o n s f o r t h r e e h o u r s ( A p r i l 9 , 1 7 8 2 )
o n t h e " c a u s e s a n d e x t e n t o f t h e n a t i o n a l c a l a m i t i e s i n
the East ." He lai d b efore t he House the misconduc t
o f t h e I n d i a n P r e s i d e n c i e s a n d o f t h e C o u r t o f D i r e c -
tors of the East India Company, showing th at th e
f o r m e r h a d p l u n g e d t h e n a t i o n i n t o w a r s o f c o n q u e s t ,
had condemned and violated treaties and plundered
a n d o p p r e s s e d t h e I n d i a n p e o p l e s , w h i l e t h e l a t t e r o n l y
blamed mis conduct when it had produced no profit
a n d h a d s y s t e m a t i c a l l y g l o s s e d o v e r t h e a c t i o n s o f t h e
greatest delinquents, whenever these actions had
brought profit to the Company . He end ed his spee ch
with a number of resolutions upon which the House
solemnly voted . A t t h i s t i m e t h e r e w a s a s t r o n g f e e l -
i n g i n E n g l a n d a g a i n s t t h e p r o c e e d i n g s i n I n d i a , w h i c h
p r o d u c e d a l l s o r t s o f i n f l a m m a t o r y a r t i c l e s , e v e n p o e m s .
Thus Cowper w rote of his countr y
" T h a t s h e i s r i g i d i n d e n o u n c i n g d e a t h
O n p e t t y r o b b e r s , a n d i n d u l g e s l i f e
And l iberty, and oft- tim es honor, too,
T o p e c u l a t o r s o f t h e p u b l i c g o l d .
T h a t t h i e v e s a t h o m e m u s t h a n g , b u t h e t h a t p u t s
I n t o h i s o v e r - g o r g e d a n d b l o a t e d p u r s e ,
T h e w e a l t h o f I n d i a ' s p r o v i n c e s e s c a p e s . "
After th e passa ge of Pitt's India Bill (1784) th ere
w a s a d i s t i n c t i m p r o v e m e n t i n t h e g o v e r n m e n t o f I n d i a
a n d f a r l e s s i n c r e a s e o f t e r r i t o r y u n d e r t h e E a s t I n d i a
Company u ntil the a ppointm ent of Lord Wellesle y as
Governor-General in 1798 . H e s t a r t e d t h e p o l i c y o f
i n t e r v e n t i o n i n n a t i v e a f f a i r s , f o l l o w e d b y a n n e x a t i o n .
D u r i n g h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d t h a t o f L o r d H a s t i n g s ,
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38 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREhis successor, the boundaries of British dominion in
t h e p e n i n s u l a w e r e v e r y m a t e r i a l l y i n c r e a s e d . U n d e r
C l i v e a n d W a r r e n H a s t i n g s t h e B r i t i s h m a y b e s a i d
t o h a v e a c q u i r e d c o n t r o l o f t h e e a s t e r n c o a s t f r o m
M a d r a s t o C a l c u t t a ; u n d e r L o r d W e l l e s l e y a n d L o r d
H a s t i n g s t h e M a h r a t t a p o w e r w a s c o m p l e t e l y o v e r -
t h r o w n a n d B r i t i s h p o w e r w a s e s t a b l i s h e d o v e r t h e
c e n t r a l a n d w e s t e r n p o r t i o n s o f t h e c o u n t r y . T h i s
p e r i o d o f c o n q u e s t e n d e d i n 1 8 2 0 . F r o m t h e n u n t i l t h e
a p p o i n t m e n t o f L o r d D a l h o u s i e a s G o v e r n o r - G e n e r a l
o f I n d i a a n d G o v e r n o r o f B e n g a l i n 1 8 4 8 , t h e r e w a s
c o m p a r a t i v e p e a c e t h r o u g h o u t t h e p e n i n s u l a . L o r d
D a l h o u s i e w a s G o v e r n o r - G e n e r a l f o r n i n e y e a r s a n d
h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s i n m a n y w a y s t h e m o s t n o t a b l e
o f a n y o f t h o s e c a r r i e d o u t b y t h e E a s t I n d i a C o m -
p a n y . T h e r e c o r d o f t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n b y t h e C o m -
p a n y i s n o t a b l e f o r t h e n u m b e r o f v e r y r e m a r k a b l e
m e n w h o s e s e r v i c e s i t e m p l o y e d a n d a m o n g t h e s e m e n
n o o n e w a s m o r e r e m a r k a b l e t h a n J a m e s A n d r e w R a m -
s a y , f i r s t M a r q u i s a n d t e n t h E a r l o f D a l h o u s i e . He
w a s b o r n o n A p r il 2 2 n d , 1 8 1 2 , a n d d i e d o n D e c e m be r
1 9 t h, 1 8 6 0 . T h e E n c y c l o p e d i a B r i t a n n i c a s a y s o f
h i m
" H e c r o w d e d i n t o h i s s h o r t l i f e c o n s p i c u o u s p u b l i c s e r v i c e s
i n E n g l a n d , a n d e s t a b l i s h e d a n u n r i v a l e d p o s i t i o n a m o n g t h e
maste r build ers of the India n Empir e . Denoun ced on the
e v e o f h i s d e a t h , a s t h e c h i e f o f f e n d e r w h o f a i l e d t o n o t i c e
t h e s i g n s o f t h e I n d i a n M u t i n y o f 1 8 5 7 , a n d e v e n a g g r a v a t e d
t h e c r i s i s b y h i s o v e r b e a r i n g s e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s , c e n t r a l i z i n g
a c t i v i t y a n d r e c k l e s s a n n e x a t i o n s , h e s t a n d s o u t i n t h e c l e a r
light of history as the far-sigh ted Governor-General wh o
c o n s o l i d a t e d B r i t i s h r u l e i n I n d i a . "
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THE CONQUEST OF INDIA 3 9
S e e l e y s p e a k s o f h i m a s " a r u l e r o f t h e t y p e o f F r e d -
erick the Great" and says that he "did deeds which
a r e a l m o s t a s d i f f i c u l t t o j u s t i f y a s t h e s e i z u r e o f
S i l e s i a o r t h e P a r t i t i o n o f P o l a n d ." Almos t i m m e d i -
a t e l y a f t e r h i s a r r i v a l i n I n d i a a f i e r c e r e b e l l i o n b r o k e
o u t i n t h e P u n j a b d i s t r i c t . Without wait ing for any
ins truc tions from Englan d, Lord Dalhousi e quickl y
s u p p r e s s e d t h i s r e b e l l i o n a n d t o o k o v e r t h e e n t i r e d i s -
t r i c t i n 1 8 4 9 , t a k i n g i n t o h i s o w n c u s t o d y t h e i n f a n t
Mahara jah . H e i n a u g u r a t e d w h a t i s c a l l e d t h e " p o l i c y
o f l a p s e s , " w h i c h c o n s i s t e d i n a n n e x i n g t o t h e B r i t i s h
do m i n ion s a n y n a t i v e Hin d u s t a t e w h i c h h a d be e n
c r e a t e d o r r e v i v e d b y t h e B r i t i s h g o v e r n m e n t , i n w h i c h
t h e r e w a s a f a i l u r e o f t h e l i n e a l m a l e l i n e o f s u c c e s s i o n .
Under th is policy, in 1849, he added to the British
dominions the pr ovinces of Satara , Jaip ur and Sam-
b a l p u r . By t he . s a m e p r o c e s s , i n 1 8 5 3 , , h e a n n e x e d
J h a n s i a n d Nag p u r . In 1852, as a re sult of one of
t h o s e u p r i s i n g s a m o n g t h e n a t i v e s w h i c h h a d c o n s t a n t l y
sprung up u nder th e rule of the East India Company,
Dalhousie had conquered Martab an, Rangoon a nd
Bassein a nd in 1853 ha d also annexed Pegu . All of
these annexations had been quietly approved by the
Britis h Government , but in 1856 his war wit h the
King of Oudh, wh ich wa s the im media te cau se of the
Sepoy Rebe llion of 1857 a nd th e final downfall of
the East India Company, a roused a s torm of indi gna-
tion in England a nd b rought ab out Lord Dalhousie's
r e s i g n a t i o n .
T h e m o t t o , " U n i t y o f a u t h o r i t y c o u p l e d w i t h d i r e c t
responsibility," seems to have been the keynote of
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4 0 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
D a l h o u s i e ' s p o l i c y . I n p u r s u i t o f t h i s p o l i c y h e t r i e d
t o f o r c e t h e K i n g o f O u d h t o s i g n a t r e a t y w h i c h l e f t
h i m , t h e K i n g , w i t h h i s t h r o n e a n d a n e m p t y t i t l e b u t
depriv ed him of all administra tive authority in his
hereditary d ominions . This t reaty the King refused
to sign and consequently his Kingdom was made a
p a r t o f t h e B r i t i s h d o m i n i o n s . With t his a nne xation
the conquest of India may be sai d to be complete .
T h a t t h e r e w a s g r e a t d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n a m o n g t h e n a t i v e
peoples cannot be denied . Had th e Brit ish r egar ded
the r eligious feelings of the Hindus and Mohamme-
d a n s , a n d n o t d o n e v i o l e n c e t o t h e p r e j u d i c e s o f c a s t e ,
t h e c o n q u e s t m i g h t a l m o s t b e d e s c r i b e d a s o n e o f b e n e v -
o l e n t a s s i m i l a t i o n a n d t h e S e p o y r e b e l l i o n m i g h t n e v e r
have taken place . T h e s t o r y o f t h i s r e b e l l i o n a s t o l d
by Colonel Malles on in hi s Hist ory o f the Indi an
Mutiny is one of the gruesome horrors perpetrated
b y b o t h s i d e s , a n d i t s s u p p r e s s i o n p r o f o u n d l y s t i r r e d
Europe because of the atrocities p erpetrated , among
t h e m b e i n g t h e m e t h o d o f e x e c u t i n g r e b e l s b y b i n d i n g
them to the mouths of cannons whic h were the n ex-
p l o d e d . Th e E n c y c l o p a e d i a B r i t a n n i c a i n i t s a c c o u n t
o f t h e m u t i n y , s a y s , " a s e a r l y a s 1 7 6 4 i t b e c a m e n e c e s -
sary to stamp out mutiny by b lowing thirty Sepoys
from the cannon's mouth ." Colonel Mall eson giv es
a s t h e p r i n c i p a l c a u s e o f t h e m u t i n y t h e b a d f a i t h o f
t h e B r i t i s h G o v e r n m e n t t o w a r d s t h e S e p o y s . He s ay s
" T h e G o v e r n m e n t p u n i s h e d t h e S e p o y s f o r d e c l i n i n g t o
fulfill a contract which the Go v ernment had broken . "
For this he blames Lord Dalhousi e, especially for
his a nnexati on of the King dom of Oudh . "Of these
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THE CONQUEST OF INDIA 4 1
a c t s , " h e s a y s , " o f t h e a t t e m p t s , a s I h a v e t e r m e d i t ,
to disregard t he silent growth of ages and to force
We s t e r n i d e a s u p o n a n Eas t e r n peo pl e a n d i n t h e
c o u r s e o f t h a t a t t e m p t t o t r a m p l e u p o n p r e j u d i c e s a n d
t o d i s r e g a r d o b l i g a t i o n s , t h e m u t i n y w a s t h e t o o c e r t a i n
consequence . " W i t h t h e s u p p r e s s i o n o f t h e m u t i n y a l l
a c t i v e o p p o s i t i o n t o B r i t i s h p o w e r c e a s e d a n d i n 1 8 5 8
I n d i a c a m e u n d e r t h e d i r e c t c o n t r o l o f t h e c r o w n . As
in our Revolution England learned, from the opposi-
t i o n o f t h e A m e r i c a n c o l o n i s t s , h o w t o a d m i n i s t e r h e r
E n g l i s h s p e a k i n g d e p e n d e n c i e s s o a s t o w i n t h e i r s u p -
port to the Empire, s o from the mu tiny of 1857 she
gained an insight int o the workings of the Oriental
m i n d w h i c h s h e , h a s n e v e r l o s t , a n d w h i c h g a i n e d f o r
h e r t h e s u p p o r t o f I n d i a i n t h e p r e s e n t w a r . War r e n
H a s t i n g s w a s s a i d t o h a v e i n c r e a s e d t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f
the British Empire by two hundred millions and the
receipts of the state by from three to five million
po u n d s . E v e n b e f o r e t h e w h o l e h i s t o r y o f h i s a d m i n -
i s t r a t i o n w a s s h o w n f o r t h b y t h e m a t c h l e s s e l o q u e n c e
of Edmun d Burk e, Richa rd Pric e wri ting h is Obs er-
vations on the Nature o f Civil Liberty, th e Princip les
o f Justice and t he Policy o f the War wi th America,
s a i d i n 1 7 7 6 :
" T u r n y o u r e y e s t o I n d i a . T h e r e m o r e h a s b e e n d o n e t h a n
i s n o w a t t e m p t e d i n A m e r i c a . T h e r e E n g l i s h m e n , a c t u a t e d
b y t h e l o v e o f p l u n d e r a n d t h e s p i r i t o f c o n q u e s t h a v e d e -
p o p u l a t e d w h o l e K i n g d o m s , r u i n e d m i l l i o n s o f i n n o c e n t p e o p l e
b y t h e m o s t i n f a m o u s o p p r e s s i o n a n d r a p a c i t y . T h e j u s t i c e
o f t h e n a t i o n h a s s l e p t o v e r t h e s e e n o r m i t i e s . W i l l t h e
j u s t i c e o f H e a v e n s l e e p ? "
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4 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRESeeley, su mming up h is account of the conquest,
w h i l e a c k n o w l e d g i n g t h a t i t w a s b e g u n " i n p u r s u i t o f
t r a d e a n d h a d g r e a t t r a d e f o r o n e o f i t s r e s u l t s , " c o m e s
t o t h e c o n c l u s i o n t h a t u n d e r t h e d i r e c t c o n t r o l o f t h e
B r i t i s h g o v e r n m e n t i t h a s d e v e l o p e d i n t o a c o n q u e s t o f
a h i g h e r p l a n e , t h a t o f c a r r y i n g W e s t e r n c i v i l i z a t i o n t o
t h e h a l f - b u r i e d E a s t e r n w o r l d .
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CHAPTER V .
ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES IN 1812A S a p h a s e o f h e r g r e a t s t r u g g l e w i t h N a p o l e o n ,
E n g l a n d , t o h e r o w n s u r p r i s e , f o u n d h e r s e l f o n c e
a g a i n i n v o l v e d i n w a r w i t h t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . A f t e r
t h e t r e a t y o f S e p t e m b e r 3 r d , 1 7 8 3 , r e c o g n i z i n g t h e i n -
d e p e n d e n c e o f t h e f o r m e r c o l o n i e s , B e n j a m i n F r a n k l i n
s a i d t h a t t h e w a r e n d i n g w i t h t h e s u r r e n d e r o f C o r n -
w a l l i s w a s s i m p l y a w a r o f R e v o l u t i o n a n d t h a t t h e
w a r f o r t h e r e a l i n d e p e n d e n c e o f A m e r i c a h a d y e t t o
be fought . Few prophesies have come true more
q u i c k l y t h a n t h i s o n e o f F r a n k l i n ' s . The ca uses of
t h e t r o u b l e b e g a n s o o n a f t e r t h e a d o p t i o n o f t h e C o n -
s t i t u t i o n b y t h e s e v e r a l s t a t e s , b e c a u s e o f E n g l a n d ' s
a g g r e s s i v e p o l i c i e s o n t h e h i g h s e a s . On Novemb er
1 1 t h , 1 8 0 7 , G r e a t B r i t a i n i s s u e d a s e r ie s o f O r d e r s i n
C o u n c i l i n w h i c h s h e f o r b a d e a n y n e u t r a l t r a d e w i t h
F r a n c e o r h e r a l l i e s , e x c e p t t h r o u g h G r e a t B r i t a i n .
T h e c o n d i t i o n s o n t h e c o n t i n e n t w e r e s u c h t h a t t h i s
o r d e r p r e v e n t e d n e u t r a l s f r o m t r a d i n g w i t h a l l t h e
c o n t i n e n t a l n a t i o n s b u t S w e d e n . The Order s in Coun-
c i l a l s o d e c l a r e d t h a t a l l n e u t r a l v e s s e l s b o u n d f o r
Fran ce o r a n y c o u n t r y a l l i e d t o F r a n c e m u s t t o u c h a t
s o m e B r i t i s h o r I r i s h p o r t , p a y r e - e x p o r t a t i o n d u t i e s
and upon paymen t of such duti es receiv e a British
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4 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRElicense to trade with the continent of Europe ; t h a t
t h e r e s h o u l d b e n o e x p o r t a t i o n f r o m F r a n c e e x c e p t i n
v e s s e l s w h i c h h a d c o m p l i e d w i t h t h e a b o v e c o n d i t i o n s
a n d f u r t h e r t h a t a l l v e s s e l s m u s t r e t u r n t o a B r i t i s h
port and unload .
In ret aliation for the Briti sh Orders in Council,
N a p o l e o n i s s u e d h i s M i l a n D e c r e e i n w h i c h h e d e c l a r e d
t h a t a n y v e s s e l s u b m i t t i n g t o t h e c o n d i t i o n s s e t f o r t h
i n t h e B r i t i s h o r d e r s f o r f e i t e d a l l i t s r i g h t s .
P r e p a r a t o r y t o i s s u i n g h e r O r d e r s i n C o u n c i l , G r e a t
B r i t a i n h a d , o n O c t o b e r 1 9 t h o f t h e s a m e y e a r , 1 8 0 7 ,
summoned for service all seam en who had ever served
u n d e r t h e B r i t i s h f l a g . T h i s w a s a d i r e c t s l a p a t t h e
U n i t e d S t a t e s a s i t w a s p r a c t i c a l l y a c l a i m t h a t a l l
America n seamen over twen ty years of age were
B r i t i s h s u b j e c t s . N e u t r a l t r a d e w a s a l m o s t c o m p l e t e l y
des troyed b y the tw o decree s . President Jefferson
d r o v e t h e l a s t n a i l i n t o i t s c o f f i n b y h i s f a m o u s E m -
bargo Act of Decemb er 2 2nd, 1807 . P r e v i o u s t o t h i s
time the Americans had b uilt up wh at was, for those
d a y s , a l a r g e s h i p - b u i l d i n g i n d u s t r y a n d t h e A m e r i c a n
f l a g w a s t o b e f o u n d f l y i n g b r a v e l y i n a l l t h e S e v e n
Seas . After the passa ge of the Embargo the har bors
o f Ne w E n g l a n d a n d t h e Ch e s a p e a k e Ba y w e r e
c r o w d e d w i t h s i l e n t s h i p s ; b u s i n e s s w a s a t a c o m p l e t e
s t a n d s t i l l a n d t h e f u t u r e o f A m e r i c a l o o k e d v e r y d a r k .
I n s p i t e o f t h e c a l a m i t i e s t o A m e r i c a n p r o s p e r i t y d u r -
i n g h i s t w o a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s J e f f e r s o n ' s p e r s o n a l p o p u -
larity was undiminished . The p eople d id n ot forget
t h a t i n 1 8 0 3 h e h a d b o l d l y s e t a s i d e t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l
l i m i t a t i o n s o f h i s e x e c u t i v e p o w e r , a n d h a d s e c u r e d f o r
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ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES 4 5
his country by his Louisiana purchase, the r ich and
f e r t i l e M i s s i s s i p p i V a l l e y , s o h e w a s a g a i n u r g e d t o
s t a n d f o r r e - e l e c t i o n . This he refused to do, not be-
c a u s e , l i k e W a s h i n g t o n , h e w a s w e a r i e d b y t h e s t r a i n
o f a g i g a n t i c s t r u g g l e , b u t b e c a u s e h e w i s h e d t o e s t a b -
l i s h a p r e c e d e n t t h a t n o m a n s h o u l d b e p r e s i d e n t m o r e
t h a n e i g h t y e a r s . T h e p r e c e d e n t t h u s e s t a b l i s h e d b e -
c a m e a n u n w r i t t e n l a w w h i c h c o n t i n u e d i n f o r c e w i t h -
o u t a s i n g l e a t t e m p t t o s e t i t a s i d e f o r a p e r i o d o f o n e
hundred and four years .
If Jefferson would not ris k an other ele ction for
himself, he nevertheless deter mined who should suc-
c e e d h i m t o t h e h i g h o f f i c e , a s h e m a d e J a m e s M a d i s o n
p r e s i d e n t . U n d e r M a d i s o n ' s f i r s t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n c o n -
ditions in the country remaine d unchanged . All Eu-
r o p e w a s a t w a r t h e n a s i t i s t o - d a y a n d t h e n , a s n o w ,
the whole world suffered in c onsequence . Earl y i n
Madis on's admi nist rati on Mr . Erskine, the British
M i n i s t e r i n W a s h i n g t o n , n o t i f i e d t h e S t a t e D e p a r t m e n t
that he had been informed by Mr . C a n n i n g t h a t t h e
o b j e c t i o n a b l e B r i t i s h O r d e r s i n C o u n c i l w o u l d b e c a n -
c e l l e d o n J u n e 1 0 , 1 8 0 9 . This news was recei ved with
u n i v e r s a l r e j o i c i n g i n A m e r i c a , b u t a l a s ! a l m o s t b e f o r e
the pu blic celeb rations of joy were over, word came
t o t h i s c o u n t r y t h a t t h e O r d e r s w e r e s t i l l i n f o r c e , t h a tMr. Erskine ha d exceeded his i nstruct ions and thath e w a s r e c a l l e d . Grea t Brit ain sen t in Mr . E r s k i n e ' s
place as Minister Francis James Jackson, who proved
as objectionable to our government as the notorious
Genet whom Washi ngton sen t bac k to Franc e . Jack -
son was recalled a nd for over a year ther e was no
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4 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREB r i t i s h M i n i s t e r i n t h i s c o u n t r y . In th e sp rin g of
1 8 1 0 C o n g r e s s p a s s e d a b i l l r e m o v i n g a l l r e s t r i c t i o n s
o n f o r e i g n c o m m e r c e , b u t f o r b i d d i n g i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h
e i t h e r F r a n c e o r E n g l a n d , i f e i t h e r c o n t i n u e d h o s t i l e t o
o u r t r a d e . T h e p u b l i c s e n t i m e n t o f t h e c o u n t r y r i g h t l y
c o n d e m n e d t h i s b i l l a s a d i s g r a c e f u l p i e c e o f l e g i s l a -
tion savoring of bribery to one or the other of the
g r e a t p o w e r s a n d i t w a s e v e n t u a l l y r e p e a l e d . In 1 811
William Pinckn ey, one of the ab lest di plomats th at
our country h as ever produced, ret urned from Eng-
l a n d , w h e r e h e h a d s p e n t f i v e y e a r s o f a r d u o u s l a b o r
in an at temp t to gain for the Unite d States p roper
c o n s i d e r a t i o n a n d t r e a t m e n t . England refused to re-
g a r d t h i s c o u n t r y a s a n y t h i n g b u t a s e c o n d - r a t e p o w e r
whose rights upon . the s ea w ere w orthy of no con-
s i d e r a t i o n .
When our trad e with France was re opened, English
vesse ls blockad ed New York for the purp ose of cap-
turing all boats bound for France and impressing
America n seamen . T h e a f f a i r o f t h e " G u e r r i e r e " a n d
t h e " P r e s i d e n t , " t r i v i a l a s i t w a s , b r o u g h t m a t t e r s t o
an issu e and caused Great Britain to send Mr . F o s t e r
t o r e p r e s e n t h e r i n W a s h i n g t o n . The "Guerr ier e" ha d
i m p r e s s e d , f r o m a v e s s e l b o u n d f o r F r a n c e , a n A m e r i -
can seama n named Diggio with seve ral others . Th e
Secretar y of the Navy se nt in pursui t of the "Guer-
r i e r e " a f o r t y - f o u r g u n f r i g a t e , t h e " P r e s i d e n t , " t o
rescu e Diggio and the other Americ ans, and pr otect
our commerce and vi ndicate the honor of our navy .
While und er sail th e "Preside nt" sighte d a boat
t h o u g h t t o b e t h e " G u e r r i e r e ." On th e de man d "What
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ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES 4 7
s h i p i s t h a t ? " a s h o t w a s f i r e d w h i c h l o d g e d i n t h e m a i n
mast of the "Presiden t" ; a s k i r m i s h e n s u e d i n w h i c h
one boy on the "Presid ent" was wounded . At d ay-
b r e a k t h e o p p o s i n g s h i p w a s , f o u n d t o b e a B r i t i s h c o r -
v e t t e o f t w e n t y g u n s , n a m e d t h e " L i t t l e B e l t ." As a
r e s u l t o f t h e s k i r m i s h s e v e n t y - t w o m e n o n t h e " L i t t l e
Belt" were killed and twenty-one wounded . Shortly
after th is affair Mr . Foster ar rived in t he United
States, but when it was found that he had no power
t o r e p e a l t h e o b n o x i o u s O r d e r s i n C o u n c i l f e e l i n g i n
this country ran very high . The Pres ide nt an d his
cabinet were opposed to war, as was a large portion
of Congress, but, as has s o often happ ened in the
w o r l d ' s h i s t o r y , t h e j i n g o e s p r e v a i l e d .
In December, 1811, a new session of Congress, the
t w e l f t h , e n t e r e d u p o n i t s d u t i e s . This Congre ss, in
its makeup , was very different from its immediate
pred ecess ors, becau se of the infusi on of new and
y o u n g e r b l o o d i n t o i t s c o u n c i l s . Two mem be rs of the
Ho u s e , w h o a ft e r w a r d s b e c a m e v e r y p r o m i n e n t i n
A m e r i c a n a f f a i r s , f i r s t c a m e b e f o r e t h e p u b l i c a t t h i s
time. They were Henry Clay of Kentuc ky a nd J ohn
C . Calhoun of South Carolina . Clay w as ele cted to
t h e s p e a k e r s h i p o f t h e H o u s e , a p o s i t i o n w h i c h h e h e l d
for many yea rs . That this Congress would acc ept
f r o m E n g l a n d n o t h i n g l e s s t h a n a n u n q u a l i f i e d r e p e a l
of the Order s in Council was s oon evid ent, a nd thi sMr . F o s t e r h a d n o a u t h o r i t y t o g r a n t . A b i l l t o r a i s e
the army from ten thousand to thirty-five thousand
men pa ssed b oth Houses and a loan of eleven mill ion
d o l l a r s w a s a u t h o r i z e d . I n A p r i l , 1 8 1 2 , C o n g r e s s o r -
d e r e d t h e P r e s i d e n t t o c a l l f o r o n e h u n d r e d t h o u s a n d
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4 8 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREv o l u n t e e r s a n d t o d e c l a r e a n E m b a r g o f o r n i n e t y d a y s
in order to make needed pr eparat ions in the navy .
O n J u n e 1 s t t h e P r e s i d e n t s e n t t o C o n g r e s s a m e s s a g e
in which he gave four reasons for war w ith Great
B r i t a i n . They we re
F i r s t - T h e impre ssmen t of America n seamen .
S e c o n d ! The har assing of our shi pping by British
c r u i s e r s a l o n g o u r c o a s t .
T h i r d - T h e pretend ed blockade of European coasts
and the plundering of American ship s .
F o u r t h - T h e B r i t i s h O r d e r s i n C o u n c i l .
In the spring of 1812 the admi nistrat ion had pur-
chased from an Irishma n name d John Henry, for the
sum of fifty thousand d ollars, pape rs showing tha t
during Je fferson's emba rgo he had been employed by
the Governor-General of Canada as se cret agent in
New England t o connive wi th the Feder alist s, who
w e r e s u p p o s e d t o b e s t r o n g l y p r o - E n g l i s h i n f e e l i n g ,
t o b r i n g a b o u t a s e p a r a t i o n o f t h e N e w E n g l a n d s t a t e s
from the Uni on. Mr . M a d i s o n f e l t t h a t t h e s e p a p e r s
s h o w e d a w i d e s p r e a d c o n s p i r a c y t o b r e a k u p t h e u n i o n
o f t h e s t a t e s . While the agitati on in Congress wa s
goin g on Mr . F o s t e r , t h e B r i t i s h M i n i s t e r , t r i e d t o
prevail up on his government to repeal t he Orders in
Council, but , as Spencer Perceva l, who was t hen
prime-mi nister, would not consider for a moment any
possibility of the United States declarin g war upon
G r e a t B r i t a i n , t h e O r d e r s c o n t i n u e d i n f o r c e . On t he
11 th of May Mr . P e r c e v a l w a s a s s a s s i n a t e d , a n d o n
June 23r d the Orders were repea led-but it was then
too late, for on Jun e 18th, 1812, Congress declar ed
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ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES 4 9
t h a t a s t a t e o f w a r e x i s t e d b e t w e e n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s
a n d G r e a t B r i t a i n . T h i s d e c l a r a t i o n o f w a r w a s u n i q u e
i n i t s f o r m , a s i t w a s t h e f i r s t f o r m a l d e c l a r a t i o n o f w a r
e n a c t e d b y l a w t h r o u g h a l l t h e d e l i b e r a t i v e f o r m s o f
two distinct an d indepe ndent houses in a Congress
e l e c t e d b y a n e n t i r e p e o p l e , a n d i n d i c a t e d t h e c o n s t i -
t u t i o n a l t r a n s f e r o f t h e p o w e r o f d e c l a r i n g w a r f r o m
t h e e x e c u t i v e t o t h e l e g i s l a t i v e b r a n c h o f a n a t i o n a l
go v e r n m e n t . This power had be en vested in the
C o n g r e s s b y t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n , r a t i f i e d 1 7 8 7 , a s a p l e d g e
of peace a nd a pre ventiv e of wanton warfare and
w a s a g i f t f i r s t c o n f e r r e d o n m a n k i n d b y A m e r i c a n i n -
stitu tions . The new s of the de clar ation was r ecei ved
in England, according to Green, wit h surpri se and
d e r i s i o n . The Bri t i s h gov e r n m e n t co n s i d e r e d ou r
army an d navy alm ost worthy of contemp t and our
r e p u b l i c a n i n s t i t u t i o n s a m e n a c e t o t h e p e a c e o f t h e
world . Parli amen t declared that th e Orders in Coun-
cil, which had caus ed such resentm ent in the United
S t a t e s , h a d b e e n a j u s t i f i a b l e m e a s u r e o f s e l f - d e f e n s e
which had finally been r epealed before the news of
t h e d e c l a r a t i o n o f w a r h a d r e a c h e d E n g l a n d . On J ul y
3 1 s t , 1 8 1 2 , G r e a t B r i t a i n , a s a w a r m e a s u r e , o r d e r e d
a n e m b a r g o f o r t h e d e t e n t i o n o f a l l A m e r i c a n s h i p s i n
European waters . I n A m e r i c a t h e d e c l a r a t i o n o f w a r ,
i n s t e a d o f u n i f y i n g t h e n a t i o n , t h r e a t e n e d t h e d i s s o l u -
t i o n o f t h e r e p u b l i c . When t he Pres ide nt ca lled out
the militia, Massachus etts, Connecticut and Rhode
I s l a n d f l a t l y r e f u s e d t o c o n t r i b u t e e i t h e r m e n o r m o n e y .
T o t h e c i t i z e n s o f t h o s e s t a t e s t h e p r o s e c u t i o n o f t h e
war seemed worse than hopeless-suicidal in fact .
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5 0 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREThe Unite d States navy consisted of six first class
f r i g a t e s a n d t w e l v e s m a l l e r v e s s e l s , w h i l e t h e E n g l i s h
n a v y b o a s t e d o f n e a r l y a t h o u s a n d s h i p s . Against su ch
o d d s t h e r e w e r e c e r t a i n e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s w h i c h g a v e
some hope to America . England w as he avily involved
i n t h e E u r o p e a n s t r u g g l e w i t h N a p o l e o n , a n d h e r n a v y
w a s s c a t t e r e d ; on the other hand the ti ny America n
n a v y w a s i n t h e h a n d s of you n g a n d a bl e m e n w ho
h a d b e e n b r o u g h t u p o n t h e s e a , a n d C a n a d a , B r i t a i n ' s
vulnerable point, was open to attack all along the
border . The war open ed with a defeat wh ich would
have discouraged an older nation, especially as t he
d e f e a t w a s a t t e n d e d w i t h d i s g r a c e . Pres ide nt Madi son
had appointed General Dearborn commander- in-chi ef
of the ar my . When war b roke out Dearborn wa s in
Boston and for some time he dal lied be tween t here
and Albany tryin g to . g a t h e r i n t r o o p s . At th at t ime
W i l l i a m H u l l w a s g o v e r n o r o f t h e t e r r i t o r y o f M i c h i -
g a n , a n d D e t r o i t w a s a t r a d i n g p o s t o f e i g h t h u n d r e d
i n h a b i t a n t s . Rumors ca me pouri ng int o Detr oit that
t h e B r i t i s h w e r e a d v a n c i n g i n g r e a t f o r c e a g a i n s t t h i s
p o i n t . Without wait ing a decent time for rei nforce-
m e n t s , o r e v e n l o n g e n o u g h t o v e r i f y t h e r e p o r t s a s t o
the Briti sh adva nce, Governor Hull surr ender ed the
t e r r i t o r y w i t ho u t e v e n a t t e m p ti n g t o r e s i s t . G r e a t B r i t -
a i n a t o n c e j u m p e d t o t h e c o n c l u s i o n t h a t a t a r e a s o n -
able ad vance of Britis h soldiery the w hole country
would go to pieces and easily again come under the
a u t h o r i t y o f t h e B r i t i s h c r o w n . I t i s n o t m y i n t e n t i o n
t o g o i n t o t h e s t o r y o f t h e w a r , w h i c h l a s t e d n e a r l y
t h r e e y e a r s . The Americans were continually defeated
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ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES 5 1
on land and won no decisive victory until J ackson
won the b attle of New Orleans, which took plac e
a c t u a l l y a f t e r p e a c e h a d b e e n d e c l a r e d . On th e se a,
h o w e v e r , t h e l i t t l e A m e r i c a n n a t i o n f i r s t f o u n d h e r s e l f .
S i n c e t h e d a y s o f t h e A r m a d a E n g l a n d h a d p r a c t i c a l l y
met with no naval defeat, and, in consequence, had
c o m e t o r e g a r d h e r s e l f a s " m i s t r e s s o f t h e s e a s ." On
August 19, 1912, a b attle took place between t he
Briti sh shi p "Guerr iere " and the "Constitu tion," in
which the former was defeated . This a roused grea t
enthusiasm in the States and was regarded, even in
Great Britain, as a blow to English na val sup remacy .
Henr y Adam s say s of it : "A small affair it m ight
appe ar among the world's battles ; it took but half
a n h o u r , b u t i n t h a t h a l f h o u r t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s r o s e
t o t h e r a n k o f a f i r s t - c l a s s p o w e r ." The yea r of 1812
w a s t r u l y a g l o r i o u s o n e i n t h e a n n a l s o f t h e h i s t o r y
of the American n avy . I n t h a t y e a r , i n a d d i t i o n t o
the skirmi sh bet ween the "Guerriere" and the "Con-
s t i t u t i o n , " t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s s h i p " E s s e x " d e s t r o y e d
the "Alert," th e "Wasp " and th e Brit ish "Frolic, "
and t he "United States" v anquish ed the "Mace-
donian . " In thi s last battle Stephen Decatur, for-
ever dea r to the American s ailor, was in command .
T h e y e a r ' s r e c o r d o f v i c t o r i e s w a s r o u n d e d o u t b y t h e
defeat of the "Ja va" by the "Const itut ion" on De-
cember 29th, making two battles in which that ship
had been victorious . When t he n ews of these de-
feats reached England it seemed t o Parliamen t in-
credible that suc h reports could be true . Can ni ng
sai d t o the House of Commons : "It can not be t oo
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5 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREd e e p l y f e l t t h a t t h e s a c r e d s p e l l o f t h e i n v i n c i b i l i t y o f
t h e B r i t i s h n a v y i s b r o k e n ." During 1 813 in t he war
o n t h e s e a , h o n o r s w e r e m o r e e v e n l y d i v i d e d .
It was in th is year, on June 1 st, that the famous
fight between the "Chesapeak e" and the "Shannon"
t o o k p l a c e . T h e s t o r y o f t h i s f i g h t , l i k e t h a t o f t h e
B a t t l e o f B u n k e r H i l l i n t h e R e v o l u t i o n , i s o n e t h a t
h a s a l w a y s b e e n p e c u l i a r l y d e a r t o t h e A m e r i c a n h e a r t ,
although in both cases the British w on the victory .
At Bun k e r Hill t h e Min u t e - m e n s ho w e d t h a t t h e y
c o u l d b e a r d e f e a t a n d y e t g o o n t o v i c t o r y , w h i l e i n
the fight betwee n the "Chesap eake" and the "Shan-
non," the dying David Lawrence utte red the words,
" D o n ' t g i v e u p t h e s h i p , " w h i c h h a v e e v e r s i n c e b e e n
t h e c h o s e n m o t t o o f o u r n a v y . I n t h i s b a t t l e t h e E n g -
lish lost eighty-three m en and the Americans one
hundred a nd forty-five . To those in Parl iam ent as-
s e m b l e d i t s e e m e d t h a t t h e t i d e h a d t u r n e d , a n d t h a t
B r i t i s h n a v a l s u p r e m a c y h a d a g a i n a s s e r t e d i t s e l f , b u t
a t t h e e n d o f 1 8 1 3 t h e r e c o r d s t o o d a s f o l lo w s : The
English had cap tured seve n America n ships, mount-
ing one hundred and nineteen guns, and the Ameri-
c a n s h a d c a p t u r e d t w e n t y - s i x B r i t i s h s h i p s , m o u n t i n g
five hundred and sixty guns . Whe n on e r e m e m b e r s
the difference in s ize between the two navies, one
r e a l i z e s t h a t s u c h v i c t o r i e s a s t h e A m e r i c a n s h a d w o n
could do no actual h arm to the British navy, b ut,
nevertheless, the w hole world recognized the truth
o f C a n n i n g ' s w o r d s , t h a t t h e s p e l l o f t h e i n v i n c i b i l i t y
of the British navy h ad bee n broken . In 1 813 the
Americ ans won another vic tory of far-reach ing con-
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ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES 5 3
sequence, this time on an inland sea, far from any
base of supplies . On Sept e m b e r 1 0 t h Com modor e
Olive r H . P e r r y , w i t h a s m a l l s q u a d r o n o f b o a t s b u i l t
o n t h e s h o r e s o f L a k e E r i e , m e t t h e f l e e t w h i c h G r e a t
B r i t a i n u s e d t o p a t r o l t h e G r e a t L a k e s , a n d d e f e a t e d
them n ear Put-in-Bay, opposite t he ci ty of Sandusky .
His mes sage an nouncing hi s vict ory to Congress,
"We h a v e m e t t h e e n e m y a n d t h e y a r e o u r s , " w a s
t y p i c a l o f t h e w h o l e s p i r i t o f h i s c a m p a i g n , w h i c h h a s
s e t t l e d f o r e v e r , w e h o p e , t h e s t a t u s o f t h o s e i n l a n d
w a t e r s . Aside from her tiny navy , the United States
m a d e v e r y e f f e c t i v e u s e o f p r i v a t e e r s d u r i n g t h e T h r e e
Yea rs ' War . The Govern ment l icens ed tw o hundred
a n d f i f t y o f t h e s e s m a l l c r a f t , a n d t h e y m a d e s e v e r a l
hundred captures and succeeded in making both the
I r i s h S e a a n d t h e E n g l i s h C h a n n e l u n s a f e f o r B r i t i s h
merchant ships . I n t h i r t y - s e v e n d a y s t h e s l o o p " T r u e
Blooded Yanke es" not only cap ture d a town on the
coast of Scotland and burned seven ship s, but also
c a p t u r e d t w e n t y - s e v e n v e s s e l s . The "Surp ris e" t ook
twenty pr izes in one month, and the "Leo" captured
a n Ea s t Ind i a n m e r c h a n t m a n w i t h a boot y of two
million five hundr ed thousand dollars . It i s u n-
d o u b t e d l y t r u e t h a t t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e p r i v a t e e r s h a d
much to do with hastening the en d of the war, whic h
had never been popular in either country . Dur in g
the peace dis cussion one event took place which wa s
regarded with equal opprobrium in both England and
Americ a . The British army a ttacked the d efenseless
city of Washington an d set fire to the Capitol, the
W h i t e H o u s e , t h e n a v y y a r d a n d a l l p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s ,
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5 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREe x c e p t t h e P a t e n t O f f i c e , d e s t r o y i n g p u b l i c r e c o r d s a n d
archives which we re of priceless value to the Gov-
ernme nt of the United States . This p roceedi ng was
denounced in t he British Parliamen t as "an outrage,
i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h c i v i l i z e d w a r f a r e , " o n e m i g h t c a l l
i t a w o r k o f t h e " H u n s " o f t h o s e d a y s . Flush ed w ith
their victory at Washington the British advanced
a g a i n s t B a l t i m o r e , b u t w e r e t h e r e r e p u l s e d . This at-
tempt on Baltimore will be ever memorable because,
duri ng the atta ck on Fort William Henry , Franc is
S c o t t K e y h a d r o w e d o u t t o t h e B r i t i s h f l e e t u n d e r a
f l a g o f t r u c e t o a r r a n g e f o r t h e p a r o l e o f a b r o t h e r
s o l d i e r a n d h a d b e e n d e t a i n e d a l l n i g h t o n a B r i t i s h
s h i p . It was while i n detention and eagerly watch-
i n g t o s e e w h e t h e r t h e a t t a c k o n t h e f o r t w a s s u c c e s s -
ful that he comp osed "The Star Span gled Banne r,"
which has b ecome our national anthem . Whil e t he
a r b i t r a t o r s f o r p e a c e w e r e i n s e s s i o n i n G h e n t , i n t h e
autum n of 1814, th e news of Jackson's vict ory at
N e w O r l e a n s , t h e f i r s t r e a l A m e r i c a n v i c t o r y o n l a n d ,
reached Europe and en ded the war . Before thi s news
had bee n receive d the British Commissioners had de-
mande d th e ces sion to Canada of a portion of Maine
and Northern New York, and th at a la rge te rritory
in the Northwest, betwee n the Ohio River an d the
Great Lakes, should be reserved for the Indians and
regarded as neutral territory. The fai lur e of the
B r i t i s h t o c a p t u r e B a l t i m o r e a n d t h e i r d e f e a t a t N e w
Orlean s caus ed Great Britai n to greatly modify her
d e m a n d s . The United States was compelled to yield
on the impressment question, but the boundaries of
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5 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREbe cap able of permanent development or of carrying
on war . The li ttle war of 1812 showed t o Europe
t h a t b o t h o f t h e s e t h i n g s w e r e p o s s i b l e , a n d a r o u s e d
in the various states which formed the American Re-
p u b l i c t h e f i r s t r e a l l y n a t i o n a l f e e l i n g t h a t t h e c o u n t r y
had ever known . Why I have p lace d an outline of
t h i s p a r t i c u l a r w a r i n t h e m i d s t o f a n a c c o u n t o f t h e
upbu ilding of the British Empire will be s hown in a
l a t e r c h a p t e r .
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CHAPTER VI .
ENGLAND AFTER THE FALL OF NAPOLEON .
BEFORE des crib ing t he m eth ods by whic h Great
B r i t a i n , a f t e r t h e f a l l o f N a p o l e o n , b u i l t u p h e r
s p l e n d i d w o r l d - w i d e e m p i r e t o i t s p r e s e n t d i m e n s i o n s
it is n ecessary to tell of an expedition whic h took
p l a c e d u r i n g t h e h e i g h t o f t h e N a p o l e o n i c s t r u g g l e , i n
order to underst and exactly with what consistency
G r e a t B r i t a i n h a s r e g a r d e d t h e i n t e g r i t y o f s m a l l n a -
t i o n s . The p eace of Tilsit, betw een Napoleon and
the Czar Alexander, was si gned on the 7 th of July,
1807, and Continental Europe breathed a sigh of re-
l i e f , ~ b u t a l m o s t b e f o r e t h e i n k w a s d r y u p o n t h e t r e a t y
s e c r e t ' a r r a n g e m e n t s w e r e b e i n g m a d e t o a g a i n p l u n g e
Europe into war, and this time England started the
c o n f l a g r a t i o n . Rumors reac hed Canning that w hen
the Emperor and the Czar ha d met at Tilsit, on Ju ne
2 5 t h , t h e y h a d m a d e a s e c r e t ag r e e m e n t by w h i c h
Napoleon would g ain c ontrol of Schl esw ig-Holste in
and cu t the Briti sh nav y off from any commun icat ion
with the Baltic Sea . We ha ve s een how in Crom-
well's day England prev ented a sim ilar move between
Denma rk a nd Holland . A rep ort of this agre eme nt
was placed in Canning's hands on July 21st, and on
July 2 6th a Briti sh fleet, un der comma nd of Admir al
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5 8 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREG a m b i e r , w a s o r d e r e d t o t h e B a l t i c . On August 3rd ,
a t a c o n f e r e n c e b e t w e e n t h e E n g l i s h M i n i s t e r t o D e n -
mar k, Mr . Taylor, and Count Bernstorff, the Danish
Minis ter of Foreign Affairs, th e former stat ed that
he had positive information that a secret agreement
against England had b een entered into between
France a nd Russia , and that Denmark was a p arty to
that agreement . Later in August, Cannin g ann ounced
that his government was positively informed that
F r a n c e h a d a l r e a d y t a k e n p o s s e s s i o n o f S c h l e s w i g a n d
H o l s t e i n .
When Cannin g was questioned by the House of
C o m m o n s , h e r e p l i e d t h a t " t h e m i n i s t e r s h a v e n o t s a i d
t h a t t h e y h a d i n t h e i r p o s s e s s i o n a n y o n e s e c r e t a r t i c l e ,
b u t t h a t t h e s u b s t a n c e o f s u c h s e c r e t a r t i c l e h a d b e e n
confiden tia lly commu nic ate d to His Majes ty's Gov-
ernment, and that suc h communication had been made
a long time previous to the date alluded to by the
honorable gentleman ." In th e Decla rat ion of West -
minster, given out on September 25th, it is stated
"that the English Government had re ceived the most
p o s i t i v e i n f o r m a t i o n o f t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e p r e s -
ent ru ler of France to occupy with a military force
t h e t e r r i t o r y o f H o l s t e i n f o r t h e p u r p o s e o f e x c l u d -
ing Great Britai n from all her acc ustomed cha nnels
of communic ation ; o f i n d u c i n g o r c o m p e l l i n g t h e c o u r t
o f D e n m a r k t o c l o s e t h e p a s s a g e o f t h e S o u n d a g a i n s t
the British commerce a nd navigat ion ; a n d o f a v a i l i n g
himself of the ai d of the Danish marine for the in-
vasion of Great Britain and Ireland." This dec lar a-
tion was, as I have said, made pub lic on September
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AFTER THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 5 9
2 5 t h , but previ ous to this, on July 28th, a special
Mini ste r, Mr . Jack son, was app ointed to the Danish
Court, and on the next day, July 29th, he rece ived
from the Secretary of State h is inst ructions, whic h
w e r e i n Mr . Cannin g's own handwr iting a nd mark ed
" v e r y c o n f i d e n t i a l . "
A p o r t i o n o f t h e s e i n s t r u c t i o n s r e a d s a s f o l l o w s
" Y o u w i l l c a r e f u l l y b e a r i n m i n d t h a t t h e p o s s e s s i o n o f
t h e D a n i s h f l e e t i s t h e o n e m a i n a n d i n d i s p e n s a b l e o b j e c t t o
w h i c h t h e w h o l e o f y o u r n e g o t i a t i o n s i s t o b e d i r e c t e d a n d
w i t h o u t w h i c h n o o t h e r s t i p u l a t i o n o r c o n c e s s i o n c a n b e c o n -
s i d e r e d a s o f a n y v a l u e o r i m p o r t a n c e . I n t h e e v e n t , t he r e -
f o r e , o f t h e D a n i s h G o v e r n m e n t e v e n c o n s e n t i n g t o e n t e r i n t o
a t r e a t y o f a l l i a n c e , a s p r o p o s e d i n t h e p r o j e c t w i t h w h i c h
y o u a r e f u r n i s h e d , i t w i l l b e n e c e s s a r y t h a t a s e c r e t a r t i c l e
s h o u l d b e a d d e d t o t h i s t r e a t y b y w h i c h t h e d e l i v e r y o f t h e
D a n i s h f l e e t m u s t b e s t i p e n d e d t o t a k e p l a c e f o r t h w i t h a n d
w i t h o u t w a i t i n g f o r t h e f o r m a l i t y o f t h e r a t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e
t r e a t y . "
The ne gotiat ions be twe en Mr . Jack son and Count
B e r n s t o r f f w e r e f r u i t l e s s . I n s p i t e o f pr o t e s ts , B ri t i s h
soldiers landed, on August 16th, at Vibeck, bet ween
Copenha gen a nd Helsi ngor . On S e p t e m b e r 2 n d t h e
bombard ment of Copenhagen b egan, and was continu ed
for three days . During the bombardment the cathe-
dral, a number of the university bui ldings and over
three hundred houses were burned . In the end th e
c i t y c a p i t u l a t e d , a n d t h e B r i t i s h t o o k f o r c i b l e p o s s e s -
sion of the entire Danish fleet . Erik Molle r, th e
Danish hi storian, in his account of this expedition
against Denmark, pub lished in 1910, quotes Council-
lor Manth ey, wh o says
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6 0 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE" T o d a y , w h e n t h e w h o l e v e i l i s r e n t w h i c h h i t h e r t o c o n -
c e a l e d f r o m p r i n c e s a n d p e o p l e s E n g l a n d ' s s e l f i s h n e s s a n d
a m b i t i o n , l e t u s c o n s i d e r w h e t h e r s o m a n y a c r o w n w o u l d
h a v e b e e n b r o u g h t l o w a n d s o m a n y a f l o u r i s h i n g l a n d d e v -
a s t a t e d i f E n g l a n d ' s p o l i c y , E n g l a n d ' s g o l d a n d E n g l a n d ' s
s e c r e t c r i m e s h a d n o t b e e n t h e g r e a t f e r m e n t b y w h i c h , i n o u r
r e m a r k a b l e g e n e r a t i o n , t h e e x c i t e d m a s s e s w e r e b r o u g h t t o
r e v o l t a n d b y w h i c h d i s s o l u t i o n s , s e p a r a t i o n s a n d n e w a l l i a n c e s
w e r e b r o u g h t a b o u t , a n d e v e r y t h i n g t e n d e d t o w a r d a n a l t e r e d
s t a t e o f a f f a i r s w h o s e e v e n t u a l r e a l i z a t i o n w a s t o c o s t m a n k i n d
m u c h b l o o d a n d m a n y t e a r s . "
M o l l e r , i n t h e s a m e b o o k , p u b l i s h e s t h e s e c r e t a g r e e -
ment be tween Napoleon and the Czar, whic h did, un-
der certain conditi ons, provide for pressure being pu t
upon Denmark, bu t differed entirely from the asser-
t i o n s m a d e b y Ca n n i n g . He also states that th e
Duchies of Schleswi g and Holstein had never been
occupied b y French t roops . The gener al indigna tion
which wa s aroused by th e British a ssault up on Copen-
hagen w as not confined to Continen tal Europe, but
was even m ore strongly expressed in England . In
t h e P o l i t i c a l Revi ew for Septem ber, 1 807, the whole
p roc e e d i n g i s d e s c r i b e d a s "a s c e n e of com pl i c a t e d
i n i q u i t y ." Th e Rev iew s a y s : "If anythin g could ad d
to that disgust, that horror which we feel whene ver we
c o n t e m p l a t e t h e s u b j e c t , i t i s t h e l a n g u a g e o f h u m a n i t y
and piety affected by our commander-i n-chie f em-
p l o y e d i n t h i s e x p e d i t i o n . " When Parlia ment opened
i t s s e s s ion i n J a n u a r y , 1808, t h e a d d r e s s from t h e
throne commended th e Danish expedi tion as a glori-
ous deed . Six me mbe rs of the House of Lords p ro-
t e s t e d ag a i n s t t h i s com m e n d a t ion "be c a u s e no proof
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AFTER THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 6 1
of hostile inte ntion on the par t of Denmark has be en
adduced , nor any case of necessi ty made out to justify
the attack up on Copenhagen, without which the mea s-
u r e i s , i n o u r c o n c e p t i o n , d i s c r e d i t a b l e t o t h e c h a r a c -
ter and injur ious to the interests of this country . "
L o r d E r s k i n e , i n h i s i n d i v i d u a l p r o t e s t , s a y s
" N o s p e c u l a t i o n o f t h e p r o b a b l e f a l l o f t h e D a n i s h f l e e t i n t o
t h e p o s s e s s i o n o r p o w e r o f F r a n c e w o u l d j u s t i f y i t s h o s t i l e
s e i z u r e b y G r e a t B r i t a i n ; t h a t s u c h a s e i z u r e w o u l d b e s u b -
v e r s i v e o f t h e f i r s t e l e m e n t s o f p u b l i c l a w , a n d t h a t , u n t i l
t h i s a t t a c k u p o n C o p e n h a g e n s h a l l r e c e i v e v i n d i c a t i o n b y p r o o f
o f i t s j u s t i c e , G r e a t B r i t a i n h a s l o s t h e r m o r a l s i t u a t i o n i n
t h e w o r l d . " '
While p rotests wer e bei ng made in the House of
Lords, the renowned orator, William Windham , who
had only recently been made a member of the Cabinet,
said, in th e House of Commons, "the only w ay left of
effacing the stains thus brought upon the country was
the pub lic disavowal of their atr ocity," and he openly
accused the ministry of having deliberately sacrificed
the national reputation, declaring that "the ruins of
Copenhagen are monuments to their disgrace ."' Som e
years later, in 1822, Thomas Campbell, the poet, in
some verses dedica ted to a Danish friend, said :
" T h a t a t t a c k , I a l l o w , w a s a s c a n d a l o u s m a t t e r ;
I t w a s t h e d e e d o f o u r m e r c i l e s s T o r i e s ,
W h o m w e h a t e , t h o u g h t h e y r u l e u s , , a n d I c a n a s s u r e y o u
T h e y h a d s w u n g f o r i t i f E n g l a n d h a d s a t a s t h e i r j u r y . "
' F l o w e r ' s " P o l i t i c a l R e v i e w - R e f l e c t i o n s o n t h e W a r W i t h
Denmar k . "
' P a r l i a m e n t a r y R e g i s t e r f o r 1 8 0 8 , V o l u m e I .
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6 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREL a t e r h i s t o r i a n s , i n t r e a t i n g o f t h i s " l i t t l e w a r , " a r e
naturally far less heated than the men speaking and
w r i t i n g a t t h e t i m e .
In v olume 9 of the C a m b r i d g e M o d e r n H i s t o r y ,H. W . W i l s o n , o f T r i n i t y C o l l e g e , O x f o r d , a t t e m p t s
1 < o j u s t i f y i t b y s a y i ng : " T h a t t h e a t t a c k w a s n e c e s s a r y
no one wi ll now deny . Englan d was fighting for her
e x i s t e n c e , a n d , h o w e v e r d i s a g r e e a b l e w a s t h e t a s k o f
s t r i k i n g a w e a k n e u t r a l , s h e r i s k e d h e r o w n s a f e t y i f
s h e l e f t i n N a p o l e o n ' s h a n d s a f l e e t o f s u c h p r o p o r -
t i o n s . " H o w s t r a n g e l y s i m i l a r t h e s e w o r d s a r e t o t h e
excuses p ut forth by a nother power in our own day,
and almost universally condemned by the American
p r e s s ! J . Holland Rose, in t he sa me volume from
w h i c h I h a v e j u s t q u o t e d , s a y s :
" G r e a t B r i t a i n s u f f e r e d a l o s s o f m o r a l r e p u t a t i o n w h i c h
p a r t l y o u t w e i g h e d t h e g a i n b r o u g h t b y t h e a c c e s s i o n o f m a -
terial streng th to her na v y and the added sense of sec u rity .
" T h e p e o p l e s o f t h e C o n t i n e n t , u n a w a r e o f t h e r e a s o n s
w h i c h p r o m p t e d t h e a c t i o n o f G r e a t B r i t a i n , r e g a r d e d i t a s a
l i t t l e b e t t e r t h a n p i r a t i c a l . "
After Napoleon w as fina lly d efeated at Waterloo,
i n 1 8 1 5 , t h e s o v e r e i g n s o f E u r o p e m e t t o g e t h e r , u n i t e d
i n o n e d e t e r m i n e d p u r p o s e , w h i c h w a s t o u t t e r l y s t a m p
out the democratic ideas which h ad permea ted Europe
d u r i n g a n d a f t e r t h e F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n , a n d t o r e s t o r e
t h e s t a t u s q u o a n t e . I n a l l o f t h e s e c o n f e r e n c e s t h e
m a s t e r m i n d w a s t h a t of Pri n c e Met t e r n i c h , De-
mocracy's most implac able foe . Duri ng the Napole-
onic upheaval a new republi c had sprung into exist-
ence at the eas tern end of the Mediterra nean called
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6 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREreforms and to report to the home governmen t as to
t h e e x a c t c o n d i t i o n o f a f f a i r s . His re port wa s nev er
p u b l i s h e d , b e c a u s e i t w a s a g r e e d b y t h e c o l o n i a l o f f i c e
t h a t s u c h p u b l i c a t i o n w a s n o t e x p e d i e n t , o w i n g t o t h e
e x c i t e d c o n d i t i o n o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n , s o i t w a s f i l e d i n
t h e a r c h i v e s o f t h e c o l o n i a l o f f i c e . In s pi te of Mr .
Gladstone's efforts, conditi ons continued to grow
steadily w orse, and the British p rotectorate was
a b o l i s h e d i n 1 8 6 4 , E n g l a n d r e t a i n i n g f o r h e r s e l f t h e
island of Malta, whic h she de emed ne cessary for her
p r o t e c t i o n i n t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n .
The years im mediate ly following the fall of Napo-
l e o n w e r e y e a r s o f r e c u p e r a t i o n , r e a d j u s t m e n t a n d c o m -
p a r a t i v e p e a c e . G r e a t B r i t a i n , o u t s i d e o f t h e B r i t i s h
I s l e s , w a s m a i n l y o c c u p i e d w i t h s t r e n g t h e n i n g h e r p o w e r
i n I n d i a . A l l f e a r o f F r a n c e w a s f o r e v e r r e m o v e d , b u t
t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f I n d i a t u r n e d t h e a t t e n t i o n o f t h e
B r i t i s h G o v e r n m e n t t o t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d a m b i t i o n s
o f t h e E m p i r e o f R u s s i a . F r o m 1 8 1 7 t o t h e e n d o f t h e
c e n t u r y , t h e f e a r o f R u s s i a l o o m e d l a r g e i n t h e m i n d s
o f E n g l a n d ' s r u l e r s , a n d g o v e r n e d t h e i r e n t i r e f o r e i g n
p o l i c y .
The first a ctive conflict betw een t he two Powers
took plac e in Afghanistan . In thi s unha ppy country
English and Russia n interes ts were eve rywher e op-
po s e d , a n d e v e r y w h e r e Rus s i a s e e m e d to ha v e t h e
advant age a nd to sta nd i n favor with Dost Mo-
hammed, the ru ler of the easte rn territory, who re-
sided in Kabul . R u s s i a a n d P e r s i a , i n a l l i a n c e w i t h
Dost Mohamme d, att acke d Hera t, the ca pit al of the
w e s t e r n d i s t r i c t , i n 1 8 3 6 . At t his tim e Lord Auck -
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AFTER THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 6 5
l a n d w a s G o v e r n o r - G e n e r a l o f I n d i a , a n d h e c o n s i d e r e d
t h e t i m e r i p e f o r B r i t i s h i n t e r v e n t i o n , i n o r d e r t o p r o -
tect th e Indian b oundary from any possible Russi an
advance . Makin g an allia nce wi th the Sikhs he pro-
ceede d to depose Dost Mohammed an d set up in his
place an unpopular pretender who had been expelled
f r o m t h e c o u n t r y a n d w a s l i v i n g i n e x i l e . T h i s a c t i o n
of Lord Auck lan d's was ap pr oved b y the Home Gov-
ernment and cau sed rejoicing in London .
In 1841 the native Afghans revolted agai nst the
ruler who had been imp osed upon them contrary to
t h e i r w i s h e s . I n t h e c o n f l i c t w h i c h e n s u e d , t h e B r i t i s h
t r o o p s w e r e c o m p l e t e l y d e f e a t e d a n d c o m p e l l e d t o l e a v e
the country . Akb ar Khan , th e s on of Dost Mo-
hammed, had b een the leade r of the revolt . He fol-
l o w e d t h e r e t r e a t i n g B r i t i s h a r m y a n d e v e n t u a l l y t o o k
under his protection the large number of women and
children who were with the British and who not only
s u f f e r e d g r e a t h a r d s h i p , b e c a u s e o f t h e s e v e r i t y o f t h e
w i n t e r , b u t w e r e i n c o n s t a n t d a n g e r , a s t h e a r m y w a s
continually attacked by fanatical mountain tribes .
A f t e r s e v e r a l t h o u s a n d o f t h e B r i t i s h h a d l o s t t h e i r
l i v e s , t h e r e m a i n d e r o f t h e a r m y f o u n d i t s e l f t r a p p e d
i n t h e J u g d u l l u k Pas s , w h e r e t h e y w e r e br u t a l l y
massacred ; o n l y o n e m a n o u t o f t h e o r i g i n a l s i x t e e n
t h o u s a n d e s c a p e d , a n d h e f o u n d r e f u g e u n d e r t h e w a l l s
o f D i e l l i b a d , w h e r e a B r i t i s h g a r r i s o n w a s m a i n t a i n e d .
Akbar Khan tried in vain to gain this garri son, but
w a s d r i v e n b a c k b y r e - e n f o r c e m e n t s o f B r i t i s h , u n d e r
G e n e r a l P o l l o c k , a n d t h e s i e g e w a s r a i s e d . On Octob er
1, 1 842, Lord Ellenborough, wh o had su cceed ed Lord
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AFTER THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 6 7
Summing up hi s acc ount of the whole affair, Urqu-
hart further says
"Into Central Asia we m arch a n army among a pe ople so
friendly as to be ready to even accept our government-we
set up a pretender-we support the perp etration of every
interna l folly and crime-we do everyth ing that can arouse
a p e o p l e , a l r e a d y s u b j e c t t o u s t h r o u g h g o o d w i l l a n d r e s p e c t ,
i n t o h a t r e d a n d c o n t e m p t . Our ar my is destroyed . We m a k e
up our minds that we sh all have nothing to do with the
c o u n t r y , a n d y e t w e s e n d a n a r m y t h e r e a g a i n t o r a v i s h a n d
d e s t r o y w i t h o u t e v e n t h e t h o u g h t o f r e t a i n i n g p o s s e s s i o n , s o
t h a t t h e c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n t h e M o n g o l s a n d t h e B r i t i s h i s t h i s
-that the first destroyed and ravished by calculation and
w i t h o u t e i t h e r h a t r e d o r v e n g e a n c e , a n d t h a t o u r t r o o p s , c o m -
p o s e d o f s o - c a l l e d c i t i z e n s a n d C h r i s t i a n s , a n d s e n t f o r t h
from a country honoring itself with the na me of Britain,
e s t e e m i n g i t s e l f e n l i g h t e n e d , p h i l a n t h r o p i c a n d r e l i g i o u s , a p -
p e a r t h e r e w i t h o u t a n y c a l c u l a t i o n , t o d e v a s t a t e a n d d e s t r o y ,
moved only by hatred and vengeance . A s t o t h e p r e t e x t t h a t
we marched to regain the prisoners, however it might have
s e r v e d f o r t h e c r y o f t h e m o m e n t , i t i s - t o o h o l l o w a n d a b s u r d
t o r e f e r t o n o w . The prisoners c ould have been end angered
o n l y b y t h e s t e p w e t o o k ; a n d f o r t h e m t o b e r e t u r n e d t o u s
i t r e q u i r e d t h a t w e s h o u l d c e a s e t o r e p e r p e t r a t e c r i m e a n d t o
h o l d a s a s l a v e t h e P r i n c e w h o m w e h a d s o c r u e l l y d e t h r o n e d . "
J u s t i n McCar t h y , from w hos e His tor y of Our Own
T i m e s I have gathered most of the facts related in
this chap ter, calls the hist ory of these years, 1839 to
1842,
" a t a l e o f s u c h m i s f o r t u n e , b l u n d e r a n d h u m i l i a t i o n a s t h e
annals of England do not anywhere else p resent . Blund ers
which were, indeed, worse than crimes and a principle of
a c t i o n w h i c h i t i s a c r i m e i n a n y r u l e r t o s a n c t i o n , b r o u g h t
t h i n g s t o s u c h a p a s s t h a t i n a f e w y e a r s f r o m t h e a c c e s s i o n
o f t h e Q u e e n w e h a d i n A f g h a n i s t a n s o l d i e r s w h o w e r e p o s i -
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6 8 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREt i v e l y a f r a i d t o f i g h t t h e e n e m y a n d s o m e E n g l i s h o f f i c i a l s w h o
w e r e n o t a s h a m e d t o t r e a t f o r t h e r e m o v a l o f o u r m o s t f o r -
m i d a b l e f o e s b y p u r c h a s e d a s s a s s i n a t i o n . T h i s c h a p t e r w i l l
t e a c h u s h o w v a i n i s a p o l i c y f o u n d e d o n e v i l a n d i g n o b l e
p r i n c i p l e s . W e h a d g o n e c o m p l e t e l y o u t o f o u r w a y f o r t h e
p u r p o s e o f m e e t i n g m e r e s p e c u l a t i v e d a n g e r s . "
After this unfortunate experience England k ept
p r a c t i c a l l y o u t o f A f g h a n i s t a n f o r f o r t y y e a r s , b u t i n
1879 there was again a revolution in Kabul, and on
S e p t e m b e r 3 r d , o f t h a t y e a r , t h e e n t i r e B r i t i s h l e g a t i o n
was massacred . A s a r e s u l t o f t h i s m a s s a c r e , a f t e r
several skirmish es with the Afghans, England was
again compelled to withdraw and to give up her de-
mand for a permanen t Briti sh legati on at Kabul . I t
w a s n o t u n t i l h e r a g r e e m e n t w i t h R u s s i a , n e a r l y t h i r t y
y e a r s l a t e r , t h a t t h e A f g h a n i s t a n q u e s t i o n c o u l d b e c o n -
s i d e r e d s e t t l e d , b u t t h a t A n g l o - R u s s i a n a g r e e m e n t o f
1 9 0 7 w i l l b e d e s c r i b e d i n a n o t h e r c h a p t e r - .
About the same time that sh e was attempt ing to
impose upon Afghanistan a ru ler whom the people
w o u l d n o t a c c e p t , E n g l a n d t r i e d , f o r p u r p o s e s o f t r a d e ,
t o c o m p e l t h e C h i n e s e E m p i r e t o a d m i t i n t o i t s t e r r i -
tory a commodity whi ch China both feared and hated .
The story of the "Opium War" is not a pr etty story,
b u t i s o f i n t e r e s t t o u s b e c a u s e t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , i n
s p i t e o f i t s p o l i c y o f n o t m i x i n g i n E u r o p e a n a f f a i r s ,
was outspoken in its condemnat ion of the opium
t r a d e . Morse, in his h istory of Th e I n t e r n a t i o n a l
R e l a t i o n s o f t h e C h i n e s e E m p i r e , s a y s
" P u b l i c o p i n i o n i n A m e r i c a w a s p r o n o u n c e d a g a i n s t t h e
o p i u m t r a d e . O f t h e P r o t e s t a n t m i s s i o n a r i e s i n C h i n a d u r -
i n g t h e y e a r s 1 8 3 4 t o 1 8 6 0 , i t m a y b e s a i d g e n e r a l l y t h a t t h e
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AFTER THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 6 9
A m e r i c a n s o u t n u m b e r e d t h e E n g l i s h i n t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f t w o
t o o n e ; a n d t h e i r r e p o r t s t o t h e h o m e s o c i e t i e s p r o d u c e d a
m a r k e d e f f e c t u p o n t h e d e e p l y r e l i g i o u s s e n s e o f t h e A m e r i c a n
p e o p l e . "
During t he negotiations of the years 1832 to 1844
t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s w a s t h e o n l y
one who strongly supported the Chinese Government
i n i t s e f f o r t s t o p r e v e n t t h e i m p o r t a t i o n o f o p i u m , a n d
even b efore thes e negotiations, a num ber of Ameri-
c a n m e r c h a n t s h a d d e c l i n e d t o t r a d e i n o p i u m o n m o r a l
grounds . T h e o p i u m t r a d e i n t o C h i n a w a s f i r s t i n t r o -
d u c e d b y t h e E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y , w h i c h c o n t r o l l e d t h e
c u l t i v a t i o n o f p o p p i e s i n I n d i a . After t he powers of
the company were curtai led, in 1784, the government
monopolized th e cultiv ation of the poppy . A t f i r s t
the tra de into China wa s confined to smuggli ng, as
the Chinese Government ab solutely forbade all im-
p o r t a t i o n o f o p i u m b e c a u s e o f t h e h o r r i b l e m o r a l a n d
p h y s i c a l e f f e c t s r e s u l t i n g f r o m t h e u s e o f t h i s d r u g .
I n s p i t e o f t h e e f f o r t s o f C h i n a t o e n t i r e l y s u p p r e s s
t h i s t r a d e , t h e s m u g g l i n g w e n t o n , b e c a u s e t h e B r i t i s h
Government took no measures to prevent it . Great
B r i t a i n o f f i c i a l l y d e c l a r e d t h a t s h e w o u l d n o t p r o t e c t
British sub jects when carry ing on a trade which was
contrary to the laws of the country with whi ch they
were trading, but this declaration was never taken
seriously, as no provisions were made for enforcing
i t . Towards the end of the year 1837, the Chinese
Empe ror, Suan Tsung, took a deci sive s tep by order-
ing the Governor of Canton to deman d the de liver ing
to the government of all contraban d stores of opium .
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AFTER THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 7 1
ston, who regarded Russia ve ry much as Pitt had re-
garded France . McCarth y sa ys
" H e ( P a l m e r s t o n ) b e l i e v e d f r o m t h e f i r s t t h a t t h e p r e -
t e n s i o n s o f R u s s i a w o u l d h a v e t o b e p u t d o w n b y f o r c e o f
a r m s a n d c o u l d n o t b e p u t d o w n i n a n y o t h e r w a y ; h e b e l i e v e d
t h a t t h e d a n g e r t o E n g l a n d f r o m t h e a g g r a n d i z e m e n t o f R u s -
s i a w a s a c a p i t a l d a n g e r c a l l i n g f o r a n y e x t e n t o f n a t i o n a l
s a c r i f i c e t o a v e r t i t . H e b e l i e v e d t h a t w a r w i t h R u s s i a w a s
i n e v i t a b l e , a n d h e p r e f e r r e d t a k i n g i t s o o n e r t o t a k i n g i t
l a t e r . . H e u n d e r s t o o d b e t t e r t h a n a n y o n e e l s e t h e
p r e v a i l i n g t e m p e r o f t h e E n g l i s h p e o p l e . "
The war w as und ertak en for the supp ort of Turke y
and to preser ve the "balance of power" in Europe .
T h e o n l y p a r t i c i p a n t w h o r e a p e d a n y r e a l p r o f i t f r o m
it wa s the Frenc h Empe ror, Louis Napoleon, wh ose
p r e s t i g e i n E u r o p e w a s g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d . Peac e w as
s i g n e d i n P a r i s i n 1 8 5 6 . What England lear ned, as a
r e s u l t o f t h e w a r , w a s t h a t h e r m i l i t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n ,
e s p e c i a l l y o n t h e s a n i t a r y s i d e , w a s w h o l l y i n a d e q u a t e
a n d i n e f f i c i e n t . This was plainly shown in t hat re-
markab le novel by Richard Dehan, entitled , B e t w e e n
T w o T h i e v e s , whi ch, n ext to Tolstoi's War an d
P e a c e ,g i v e s t h e b e s t p i c t u r e o f t h e h o r r o r s o f t h i s
unnecessary war . From its inception the war had
b e e n o p p o s e d b y m a n y o f t h e c l e a r e s t t h i n k e r s i n E n g -
land, notabl e among them bei ng John Bright , whom
Lord Salisbury describ ed as th e "greatest English
o r a t o r o f h i s c e n t u r y ." During the preliminar y pea ce
n e g o t i a t i o n s , w h i c h w e r e h e l d a t V i e n n a , J o h n B r i g h t
s a i d : "The Angel of Death has b een a broad th rough-
o u t t h e l a n d ; y o u m a y a l m o s t h e a r t h e b e a t i n g o f h i s
wings . " The inab ility of the belligeren ts to agree
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7 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREu p o n t h e n e u t r a l i z a t i o n o f t h e B l a c k S e a b r o u g h t t h e
n e g o t i a t i o n s a t V i e n n a t o a n e n d , a n d t o g a i n t h i s p o i n t
P a l m e r s t o n p r o l o n g e d t h e w a r f o r a n o t h e r y e a r . Ru s-
s i a w a s c o m p e l l e d t o c o n s e n t t o t h i s n e u t r a l i z a t i o n , b u t
in 1870, when France was at war wi th Prussia, s he
a v a i l e d h e r s e l f o f t h e o p p o r t u n i t y a n d r e p u d i a t e d t h e
agreem ent about th e Black Sea, so that all of Eng-
l a n d ' s e f f o r t s i n t h a t d i r e c t i o n h a d b e e n i n v a i n . B r i g h t
h a d v i g o r o u s l y o p p o s e d , w i t h a l l t h e f o r c e o f h i s s p l e n -
d i d o r a t o r y , t h e p r i n c i p l e o f w a g i n g w a r s t o p r e s e r v e
the balan ce of power, also alliances wh ich had only
t h a t e n d i n v i e w . T h a t h e w a s r i g h t i n h i s t h e o r y t h e
p r e s e n t c o n f l i c t i n E u r o p e i s a n e l o q u e n t p r o o f .
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CHAPTER VII .
ENGLAND IN EGYPT .
N order to round out and c omplete th e story
I of the growth of the Britis h Empir e duri ng the
N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y , a b r i e f a c c o u n t m u s t b e g i v e n o f
t h e a c q u i s i t i o n o f E g y p t , w h i c h , o n ly l a s t y e a r ( 1 9 1 5 ) ,
w a s d e c l a r e d b y S i r E d w a r d G r e y t o b e f o r m a l l y a n -
n e x e d t o t h e B r i t i s h E m p i r e . From the tim e of the
F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n , w h e n N a p o l e o n m a d e h i s s p e c t a c u -
l a r a s s a u l t u p o n E g y p t , u n t i l t h e l a t t e r p a r t o f t h e
N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y , t h e c o u n t r y o f t h e P h a r a o h s h a s
been a bone of contention bet ween France a nd Eng-
l a n d . I n 1 8 6 4 F e r d i n a n d d e L e s s e p s f o u n d t h a t a l l
h i s e f f o r t s t o f i n a n c e h i s p r o j e c t o f a c a n a l t h r o u g h
the Isthmu s of Suez w ere b eing th warte d by Lord
P a l m e r s t o n , w h o s e a g e n t s t i r r e d u p o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e
p r o j e c t i n C o n s t a n t i n o p l e . S o s h o r t - s i g h t e d w a s L o r d
Palmerston as to the treme ndous advantages wh ich
t h e b u i l d i n g o f t h i s c a n a l w o u l d b r i n g t o t h e e n t i r e
w o r l d , t h a t h e s t a t e d i n P a r l i a m e n t " t h a t i n t h e o p i n i o n
o f t h e B r i t i s h G o v e r n m e n t t h e c a n a l w a s a p h y s i c a l
i m p o s s i b i l i t y ; t h a t i f i t w a s m a d e i t w o u l d i n j u r e B r i t -
ish maritime supremacy ; and that the project was
m e r e l y a d e v i c e f o r F r e n c h i n t e r f e r e n c e i n t h e E a s t . "
I n s p i t e o f B r i t i s h o p p o s i t i o n , d e L e s s e p s , i n 1 8 6 6 ,
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7 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREsecure d the neede d concession from the Sultan and
proceeded to build the canal, which was opened for
t r a f f i c i n N o v e m b e r , 1869 . I n 1875 D i s r a e l i , w h o w a s
always an idealist and dreamer of empire, purchased
f r om t h e K h e d i v e h i s c a n a l s t o c k , a m o u n t i n g t o
176,602 s h a r e s , f o r f o u r m i l l i o n s t e r l i n g . This pu r-
chase t he Prime Minister carried through on his own
p e r s o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l it y , w i t h t h e a s s i s t a n c e o f t h e g r e a t
bank ing house of Rothschild , and even a fter it was
accomplishe d, it was rega rded b y the British Gov-
ernment and people with very mixed feelings . Tha t
it was a bi t of far-sighted w isdom on the part of
D i s r a e l i h a s l o n g s i n c e b e e n r e c o g n i z e d , a n d t h i s t r a n s -
a c t i o n r e a l l y m a r k s t h e b e g i n n i n g o f B r i t i s h i n t e r e s t s
in Egypt . A t t h e t i m e o f t h e p u r c h a s e , t h e r e i g n i n g
Khedive, Ismail, found himself overwhelme d with
d e b t , o w i n g t o t h e f a i l u r e o f m o s t o f h i s s c h e m e s f o r
personal aggrandizement, including the AbyssinianWar . His relat ions with France h ad bee n such that
he feared to apply t o the French Government for
f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e , a n d , a s h i s n e e d s w e r e d e s p e r a t e ,
he mad e overtures to the English Government through
C o l o n e l S t a u n t o n , i n t h e a u t u m n o f 1875 . I n t h e m a t -
t e r o f t h e b u i l d i n g o f t h e c a n a l , E g y p t h a d b e c o m e v e r y
s u s p i c i o u s o f t h e u l t i m a t e m o t i v e s o f t h e F r e n c h G o v -
e r n m e n t , s o w h e n I s m a i l d e c i d e d t o s e l l h i s s h a r e s i n
t h e c a n a l , i t w a s n a t u r a l t h a t h e s h o u l d f i r s t o f f e r t h e m
to the Europea n Power whic h was most frien dly to
the Ottoman Empi re . D i s r a e l i w a s , f o r a t i m e , b l a m e d
for involving England in a transa ction which was
bound to have serious political consequences, as at
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ENGLAND I N EGYPT 7 5
that tim e the Britis h Government was not disposed
to enter into any complicated sit uation in the East .
I s m a i l w a s a l s o u n d o u b t e d l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r M r . C a v e ' s
mission to Egypt, w hich almost immediately followed
t h e p u r c h a s e o f t h e c a n a l s h a r e s . He s e e m e d t o t h i n k
t h a t h e h a d d i s c o v e r e d a n e w s o u r c e o f s u p p l i e s u p o n
w h i c h h e m i g h t d r a w i n d e f i n i t e l y , a n d , i n o r d e r t o r e -
cover his credit u pon the European stock exchanges,
h e w i s h e d t o s e c u r e s o m e p u b l i c t e s t i m o n i a l a s t o h i s
s o l v e n c y . Mr . C a v e , w h o w a s s e n t o u t b y t h e B r i t i s h
Government, was evidently an honorable and public-
s p i r i t e d m a n , b u t h e w a s u t t e r l y i g n o r a n t o f t h e E a s t ,
and soon beca me a tool in the hands of the Khedive .
I t w a s I s m a i l ' s p o l i c y t o d a z z l e d i s t i n g u i s h e d f i n a n c i a l
v i s i t o r s , w h o s e a i d h e d e s i r e d t o e n l i s t w i t h a s h o w o f
O r i e n t a l m a g n i f i c e n c e a n d p o w e r , a n d t o p r e v e n t t h e m
from seein g any of the nakedness and poverty of the
land . Ha d Mr . C a v e u n d e r s t o o d a n y t h i n g o f t h e w o r k -
ings of the Orient al mind , he would have s oon dis-
c o v e r e d t h a t I s m a i l ' s d e b t s w e r e t h e r e s u l t o f p u r e l y
personal extravagance and were i n no sense of the
word national, but he was completely decei ved, and,
b y h i s r e p o r t t o h i s h o m e g o v e r n m e n t , l e d t o t h e r e c o g -
n i t i o n o f I s m a i l ' s d e b t s a s a p u b l i c o b l i g a t i o n , a n d s o
b r o u g h t a b o u t p o l i t i c a l i n t e r v e n t i o n . The s tory of the
B r i t i s h o c c u p a t i o n o f E g y p t h a s b e s t b e e n t o l d i n t w o
books, which are fairly well known in this country,
a n d i t i s f r o m t h e s e t w o b o o k s t h a t I h a v e g o t t e n m o s t
o f t h e f a c t s m e n t i o n e d i n t h i s c h a p t e r . Thes e books
a r e Modern Egyp t, b y Lor d Cromer, and S e c r e t
History of the English Occupation of Egypt, by Wil-
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7 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREfr i d Sca w e n Blu n t . Lor d Cr o m e r 's c a r e e r i n Eg y p t
began a fter the defeat of Arabi Pasha and the first
active English interv ention . As a care ful and grap hic
a c c o u n t o f t h e u p b u i l d i n g o f Br i t i s h p o w e r w h i c h
finally resulted in actual ann exation to the British Em-
pire, his book is an invaluable document, but he was
n o t a t Ca i r o d u r i n g a n y p a r t of t h e Re v o l u t i o n a r y
p e r iod , a n d i n h i s w r i t i n g s h e al w a y s a s s u m e d t h a t t h e
"official truth" wa s the o n l y t r u t h . Mr . Blunt first
visited Egypt in 1875, and ever sinc e then has resided
in that countr y for a large portion of each yea r, and
was personally intimate with all of the participants in
the drama which has resulted in the elimination of this
ancient land as a p olitically independent nationality .
S p e a k i n g o f h i s f i r s t v i s i t , h e s a y s
" I w a s a s y e t , t h o u g h n o t p e r h a p s e v e n t h e n e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y
s o , a b e l i e v e r i n t h e c o m m o n E n g l i s h c r e e d t h a t E n g l a n d h a d
a p r o v i d e n t i a l m i s s i o n i n t h e E a s t , a n d t h a t o u r w a r s w e r e
w a g e d t h e r e f o r h o n e s t a n d b e n e f i c e n t r e a s o n s . Nothing was
further from my mind than tha t we English could ever b e
g u i l t y , a s a n a t i o n , o f a g r e a t b e t r a y a l o f j u s t i c e i n a r m s f o r
o u r m e r e s e l f i s h i n t e r e s t s . "
Within less than thre e years a fter Disraeli's pur-
chase of the canal shares came the war between Rus-
s i a a n d Tur k e y , w h i c h e n d e d i n t h e s pr i n g of 1878 .
In th i s w a r Rus s i a w a s e v e r y w h e r e v i c tor iou s , a n d
would have gain ed posses sion of Constant inople had
it not been for the active int erference of England in
beh alf of the Sultan . By th i s t i m e Engl i s h p u bl i c
opinion had become entirely reconciled to the canal
purchase, and the English Government had decided to
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ENGLAND IN EGYPT 7 7
t a k e a n a c t i v e p a r t i n a f f a i r s o f t h e n e a r E a s t a s t h e
champ ion of the Ottoman Empire . By th e tr eaty of
San Stefano, whi ch termin ated the Russo-Turkish
War, the integri ty of the Turkish Empire was p re-
s e r v e d , a n d , a s a c o n s e q u e n c e o f t h i s t r e a t y , a s e c r e t
convention was drawn u p betw een England and Tur-
key by wh ich the English gained possession of the
Island of Cypr us . In the meantime , affairs in Egypt
had gone from bad to worse . The Cave Missi on, to
which I have referred, had be en followed by sever al
other missions which had resulted in an arrangem ent
for the se ttlement of the Khedive's debts unde r the
"Dual Contr ol" of Engla nd a nd Fran ce, b y wh ich a n
a n n u a l c h a r g e o f n e a r l y s e v e n m i l l i o n p o u n d s s t e r l i n g
h a d b e e n a d d e d t o t h e Eg y p t i a n r e v e n u e s , w h i c h
enormous sum had to be wrung out of the alre ady
a l m o s t s t a r v i n g f e l l a h i n . The gen eral e lecti ons in
England in 1 880 proved to have far-rea ching con-
s e q u e n c e s f o r E g y p t b e c a u s e t h e y b r o u g h t i n t o s u p r e m e
powe r Mr . G l a d s t o n e , w h o , i n s p i t e o f h i s s t r o n g l i b e r a l
s y m p a t h i e s , d i d m o r e t h a n a n y o t h e r p r i m e m i n i s t e r t o
destroy the independence of Egypt . In 1 8 7 7 , i n t h e
Augu s t n u m b e r of th e Ninet eent h Centu ry Revie w,Mr . Gladstone contri bute d an art icle on Egypt a nd
the freedom of the East, in wh ich he expressed him-
s e l f a s o p p o s e d t o f u r t h e r B r i t i s h a g g r e s s i o n i n A f r i c a .
Pointing out the danger s which would result in an
a g g r e s s i v e p o l i c y , h e m a d e a p r o p h e c y o f i t s p r o b a b l e
r e s u l t s w h i c h h a s b e e n s o n e a r l y f u l f i l l e d t h a t i t i s
worthy of quotation .
"Ou r first site in E g yp t (he writes), be it by l arc eny or be
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7 8 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREi t b y e x e m p t i o n , w i l l b e t h e m o s t c e r t a i n e g g o f a North
African Empire that will gr ow and grow until another Vic-
t o r i a a n d a n o t h e r A l b e r t , t i t l es of t h e l a k e s o u r c e s o f t h e
w h i t e N i l e , w i l l c o m e w i t h i n o u r b o r d e r s a n d u n t i l w e f i n a l l y
j o i n h a n d s a c r o s s t h e E q u a t o r w i t h N a t a l a n d C a p e T o w n , t o
say nothi ng of the Trans vaal an d the Orange River on th e
s o u t h , o r o f A b y s s i n i a , o r Z a n z i b a r t o b e s w a l l o w e d b y w a y o f
viaticum on our journey, and then, with a great empire i n
e a c h o f t h e f o u r q u a r t e r s o f t h e w o r l d , w e m a y b e t e r r i t o r i a l l y
c o n t e n t b u t l e s s t h a n e v e r a t o u r e a s e . "
C o n t i n u i n g , h e s a i d ( I q u o t e o n l y i n p a r t s )
" T h e s u s c e p t i b i l i t i e s w h i c h w e m i g h t o f f e n d i n E g y p t a r e
r a t i o n a l a n d j u s t . For very many centurie s she has be en
inhabited by a Mohammedan community . That c ommunity
has always b een governed by Mohammedan i n f l u e n c e s a n d
powers . Dur ing a p o r t i o n o f t h e p e r i o d i t h a d s u l t a n s o f i t s
ow n . O f l a t e , w h i l e p o l i t i c a l l y a t t a c h e d t o C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , i t
h a s b e e n p r a c t ic a l l y g o v e r n e d f r o m w i t h i n , a h a p p y i n c i d e nt
i n t h e c o n d i t i o n o f a n y c o u n t r y a n d o n e w h i c h w e s h o u l d b e
s l o w t o c h a n g e 1 The grieva nces of the people are indeed
g r e a t , b u t t h e r e i s n o p r o o f w h a t e v e r t h a t t h e y a r e i n c u r a b l e .
. . . M y b e l i e f i s t h a t t h e d a y w h i c h w i t n e s s e s o u r o c c u p a -
t i o n o f E g y p t w i l l b i d a l o n g f a r e w e l l t o a l l c o r d i a l i t y o f
p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n F r a n c e a n d E n g l a n d . There mi ght
b e n o i m m e d i a t e q u a r r e l , n o e x t e r i o r m a n i f e s t a t i o n , but a
s il en t r an kl in g gru dg e t he re wou ld b e , li k e t h e now ex-
tinguish ed grudge of America during the Civil War, which
a w a i t e d t h e o p p o r t u n i t y o f s o m e e m b a r r a s s m e n t o n o u r s i d e ,
a n d o n h e r s , o f r e t u r n i n g p e a c e a n d l e i s u r e f r o m w e i g h t i e r
m a t t e r s . Nations have long memories . "
T h i s w a s G l a d s t o n e ' s a t t i t u d e i n 1 8 7 7 . In 1 880 h e
beca me Prime Minist er of England , and Ismail was
deposed in Egypt and suc ceeded by his son Tewfik .
' I t a l i c s a r e t h e a u t h o r ' s .
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ENGLAND I N EGYPT 7 9
I n t h e m e a n t i m e , t h e N a t i o n a l i s t p a r t y i n E g y p t , u n d e r
t h e g u i d a n c e o f o n e o f t h e m o s t r o m a n t i c a n d c h i v a l -
. r o u s l e a d e r s i n m o d e r n h i s t o r y , A r a b i P a s h a , h a d s u c -
c e e d e d i n w r e s t i n g f r o m t h e K h e d i v e c e r t a i n c o n s t i t u -
t i o n a l p r i v i l e g e s , w h i c h l e a d o n e t o t h i n k t h a t h a d t h e
Egyptians b een left alone they mi ght have succ eeded
in becoming a constitutionally independent nation .
Only since his defeat and elimination has the true
characte r of Arabi become known in England . Duri ng
the revolution, which he led, he was held up to the
B r i t i s h p u b l i c - b y t h e j i n g o p r e s s , w h i c h w a s c o n t r o l l e d
b y t h e f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t s d e s i r i n g i n t e r v e n t i o n , a s a n
u n s p e a k a b l e t y r a n t w o r t h y o n l y o f t o t a l a n n i h i l a t i o n ;
y e t a s l o n g a g o a s 1 8 8 2 , s h o r t l y a f t e r t h e B r i t i s h f l e e t
had bombarded Alexandria and set fire to the city,
Gener al Gcrdon, th at tr uly Briti sh her o, wrote from
Cape Town, where he wa s th en st ationed, "As for
Arabi, what ever may become of him individ ually, he
w i l l l i v e f o r c e n t u r i e s i n t h e p e o p l e , " a n d B i s m a r c k
spoke of him as "a p owerful factor with whom one
must reckon ." On Ju ly 11 , 1882, the British b om-
barde d and destroyed Alexandria , and Gladstone,
whose views in 1877 I h a v e a l r e a d y q u o t e d , d e f e n d e d
this bombard ment in th e House of Commons !
P u b l i c o p i n i o n i n E n g l a n d , p r i o r t o t h e a c t u a l b o m -
bardment , was almost equally divided . John Bri ght ,
t h e a b l e s t m e m b e r o f G l a d s t o n e ' s c a b i n e t , w a s s o o p -
p o s e d t o a c t i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n t h a t h e r e s i g n e d f r o m t h e
cabinet on June 1 9th . On J une 21 st Mr . B l u n t , a t
t h e p e r s o n a l r e q u e s t o f F r e d e r i c H a r r i s o n , e d i t o r o f
t h e P a l l M a l l G a z e t t e , and an ardent sympathizer with
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ENGLAND IN EGYPT 8 1
" T h e m a i n p o i n t s i n t h e p a s t w h i c h I w o u l d s t a t e a r e t h e s e :
" 1 . I n t h e m o n t h o f D e c e m b e r l a s t , I a s s i s t e d t h e N a t i o n a l
party to publish a program of their views which w as j u s t
a n d l i b e r a l a n d t o w h i c h t h e y h a v e s i n c e r i g i d l y a d h e r e d . At
t h i s t i m e , a n d d o w n t o t h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h e D u a l N o t e o f t h e
8 t h o f J a n u a r y , t h e E g y p t i a n s h a d n o q u a r r e l w h a t e v e r w i t h
England or the English, neit her had the y any real quar rel
w i t h t h e K h e d i v e o r t h e ( D u a l ) C o n t r o l , t r u s t i n g i n t h e s e t o
p e r mi t t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f p o l i t ic a l l ib e r ty i n t h e i r c o un t r y
in the direction of parliamentary a n d c o n s t i t u t i o n a l s e l f -
government . T h e i r a i m w a s , a n d i s , t h e r e s u m p t i o n b y E g y p t
o f h e r p o s i t i o n a s a n a t i o n , t h e r e d e m p t i o n o f h e r d e b t , a n d
t h e r e f o r m o f j u s t i c e . T h e y t r u s t e d t h e n , a s n o w , t o t h e a r m y
w h i c h w a s , a n d i s , t h e i r s e r v a n t , t o s e c u r e t h e m t h e s e r i g h t s ,
a n d t o t h e i r P a r l i a m e n t t o s e c u r e t h e m t h e s e e n d s ; a n d t h e y
w e r e p r e p a r e d t o a d v a n c e g r a d u a l l y a n d w i t h m o d e r a t i o n , i n
t h e p a t h t h e y h a d t r a c e d .
" 2 . The Dual Note, dra wn u p b y M . G a m b e t t a , w i t h t h e
view of making England a part ner of his anti-Mussulman
p o l i c y , a n d u n d e r s t o o d b y t h e E g y p t i a n s a s t h e f i r s t s t e p i n a
p o l i c y a n a l o g o u s t o t h a t r e c e n t l y p u r s u e d i n T u n i s , changed
t h i s c o n f i d e n c e i n t o a s e n t i m e n t o f p r o f o u n d d i s t r u s t . I n -
s t e a d o f a w i n g t h e m i t p r e c i p i t a t e d t h e i r a c t i o n . I t c a u s e d
t h e m t o i n s i s t u p o n t h e r e s i g n a t i o n o f S h e r i f P a s h a , whomt h e y s u s p e c t e d o f t h e d e s i g n t o b e t r a y t h e m , a n d t o a s s i s t
with . the Khedive in summoning a Nationalist m i n i s t r y t o
o f f i c e . T h i s i n s i s t e n c e , t h o u g h r e p r e s e n t e d b y t h e E n g l i s h
j o u r n a l s a s t h e w o r k o f t h e a r m y , w a s , i n f a c t , t h e w o r k o f
t h e n a t i o n t h r o u g h t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , t h e n o t a b l e s . Of
t h i s I c a n f u r n i s h a m p l e e v i d e n c e .
" 3 . The u nexpec ted fall of M . Gambe tta prev ented t h e
e x e c u t i o n o f t h e t h r e a t o f a r m e d i n t e r v e n t i o n i m p l i e d b y t h e
Dual Note . N e v e r t h e l e s s , a p l a n o f i n d i r e c t i n t e r v e n t i o n w a s
p e r s i s t e d i n . The Engli sh and French Controlle rs- Gene ral
p r o t e s t e d a g a i n s t t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n g r a n t e d b y t h e K h e d i v e on
t h e 6 t h o f F e b r u a r y , a n d t h e E n g l i s h a n d F r e n c h G o v e r n m e n t s
c a r e f u l l y w i t h h e l d t h e i r c o n s e n t t o i t , s i g n i f y i n g o n l y t h a t
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8 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREt h e A r t i c l e g i v i n g t o t h e E g y p t i a n P a r l i a m e n t t h e r i g h t o f
v o t i n g t h a t h a l f o f t h e B u d g e t w h i c h w a s n o t a f f e c t e d t o t h e
payment of the debt was an infringemen t of international
engagements . T h e a r g u m e n t f o r t h i s , b a s e d o n c e r t a i n f i r m a n s
of the Port and certa in decree s of the Khedive, has be en
c o n s t a n t l y d e n i e d b y t h e E g y p t i a n s .
" 4 . A c t i n g , i t m u s t b e p r e s u m e d i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e i r
i n s t r u c t i o n s , t h e E n g l i s h a g e n t s a t C a i r o h a v e f o r t h e p a s t
t h r e e m o n t h s s e t t h e m s e l v e s s t e a d i l y t o w o r k t o b r i n g a b o u t
a r e v o l u t i o n c o u n t e r t o t h e w i l l o f t h e p e o p l e a n d t h e l i b e r t i e s
granted to them by the Viceroy . The Engli sh Controlle r-
General, th rough a paid a gent of the Egyptian Government,
h a s n o t s c r u p l e d t o t a k e p a r t i n t h i s ; a n d t h e E n g l i s h R e s i d e n t
M i n i s t e r h a s s p a r e d n o p a i n s t o c r e a t e a q u a r r e l b e t w e e n t h e
K h e d i v e a n d h i s M i n i s t e r s . Th e C o n t r o l l e r -G e n e r a l , s i t t i n g i n
c o u n c i l w i t h t h e M i n i s t e r s a s t h e i r o f f i c i a l a d v i s e r , h a s w i t h -
held his advice, counting, it would seem, on the mistakes
l i k e l y t o b e m a d e b y m e n n e w t o o f f i c e , a n d n o t i n g t h e s e i n
s i l e n c e . T h e E n g l i s h p r e s s c o r r e s p o n d e n t s , h i t h e r t o h e l d i n
c h e c k b y t h e R e s i d e n t , h a v e b e e n p e r m i t t e d f u l l l i c e n s e i n t h e
dissem ination of news injur ious to the Ministry a nd known
t o b e f a l s e . I w i l l v e n t u r e t o r e c a l l t o y o u s o m e o f t h e s c a r e s
reported at this time and disseminated through Europe-the
scare of bandit ti in the Delta-the sc are of the Bedouins
rising-t he scare of the revolt in the Soudan-the sca re of
an Abyssinian war-the scare of huge military expenditure-
t h e s c a r e o f a g e n e r a l r e f u s a l t o p a y t a x e s , o f t h e r e s i g n a t i o n
o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n o r s , o f t h e n e g l e c t o f i r r i g a t i o n w o r k s ,
o f d a n g e r o f t h e S u e z C a n a l , t h e s c a r e o f A r a b i P a s h a h a v -
i n g b e c o m e t h e b r i b e d a g e n t , i n t u r n , o f I s m a i l , o f H a l i m a n d
o f t h e S u l t a n . For some of these a very s light foundation
m a y h a v e e x is t e d, i n f a c t ; f o r m o s t , t h e r e w a s n o f o u n d a t i o n
whatsoever .
" 5 . On the 20th of March I addre ssed Lord Granvi lle by
A r a b i P a s h a ' s r e q u e s t , o n t h i s s u b j e c t , a n d p o i n t e d o u t t o h i m
t h e d a n g e r c a u s e d t o p e a c e i n E g y p t t h r o u g h t h e a t t i t u d e o f
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ENGLAND IN EGYPT 8 3
t h e E n g l i s h a g e n t s , u r g i n g t h a t a c o m m i s s i o n s h o u l d b e s e n t
t o C a i r o t o e x a m i n e i n t o E g y p t i a n g r i e v a n c e s .
" I n t h e m o n t h o f A p r i l a d v a n t a g e w a s t a k e n b y t h e E n g l i s h
and French Consuls -Genera l of the discovery o f a p l o t t o
a s s a s s in a t e th e N a t io n a l M i n i s t r y , a n d t r a c e d b y t h e s e t o a n
a g e n t o f I s m a i l P a s h a ' s , t o i n d u c e t h e K h e d i v e t o p u t h i m s e l f
i n o p e n o p p o s i t i o n t o h i s m i n i s t e r s . T h o s e i m p l i c a t e d i n t h e
plot and condemned to banishm ent were men o f p o s i t i o n ,
Turks and Circassians, and as such of the same race and
s o c i e t y w i t h t h e K h e d i v e , a n d h e w a s u n w i l l i n g t o r a t i f y t h e i r
s e n t e n c e a n d s u f f e r e d h i m s e l f t o b e p e r s u a d e d t o r e f u s e h i s
s i g n a t u r e . T h i s l e d t o t h e r u p t u r e w h i c h t h e p r e v i o u s d i p l o -
m a t i c a c t i o n o f t h e C o n s u l - G e n e r a l h a d p r e p a r e d . A s u m m o n s
was sen t by Mahmud Sami Pasha to the Deput ies to come to
C a i r o a n d d e c i d e b e t w e e n t h e M i n i s t e r s a n d t h e K h e d i v e , a n d
t h e D e p u t i e s c a m e . S u l t a n P a s h a , h o w e v e r , t h r o u g h j e a l o u s y ,
r e f u s e d t o p r e s i d e a t a n y f o r m a l s i t t i n g , a n d a d v a n t a g e w a s
again take n by the Consul-General to encourage all who
w e r e i n o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e N a t i o n a l p a r t y t o r a l l y a r o u n d t h e
Khedive . A s e c t i o n o f t h e r i c h E g y p t i a n s , f e a r i n g d i s t u r b -
a n c e s , s i d e d w i t h t h e C i r c a s s i a n s , a n d t h e C o n s u l - G e n e r a l ,
deceived by appearances, v e n t u r e d a coup d e m a i n . Anultimatum, dictated by them, was sent in to the M i n i s t e r s ,
i n s i s t i n g o n t h e r e s i g n a t i o n o f t h e m i n i s t r y a n d A r a b i P a s h a ' s
d e p a r t u r e f r o m t h e c o u n t r y . T h e s t e p f o r a n i n s t a n t s e e m e d
t o s u c c e e d , f o r t h e m i n i s t r y r e s i g n e d . I t b e c a m e , h o w e v e r ,
i m m e d i a t e l y a p p a r e n t t h a t t h e f e e l i n g o f t h e c o u n t r y h a d b e e n
m i s c a l c u l a t e d b y o u r d i p l o m a c y , a n d A r a b i , b y t h e m a n i f e s t
will of the nation, retu rned next day to power . I can not
understand th at the action of our C o n s u l - G e n e r a l i n t h i s
m a t t e r w a s j u s t i f i e d b y a n y p r i n c i p l e s o f L i b e r a l p o l i c y , i t
c e r t a i n l y h a s n o t b e e n j u s t i f i e d b y s u c c e s s .
" 6 . W h e n t h e f l e e t w a s o r d e r e d t o A l e x a n d r i a , I e n d e a v o r e d
t o c o n v e y a w a r n i n g , a s m y p r i v a t e o p i n i o n , b a s e d u p o n a l l I
h a d w i t n e s s e d l a s t w i n t e r o f t h e t e m p e r o f t h e E g y p t i a n p e o -
p l e , t h a t t h e p r e s e n c e o f E n g l i s h m e n - o f - w a r a t t h a t m o m e n t
i n t h e p o r t o f A l e x a n d r i a , e s p e c i a l l y i f t h e i r c r e w s s h o u l d b e
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8 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREa l l o w e d o n a n y p r e t e n s e t o l a n d , w o u l d b e e x c e e d i n g l y l i k e l y
t o p r o v o k e a s e r i o u s d i s t u r b a nc e ; a n d i t w a s m y i n t e n t i o n t o
go myself to Egypt t o do what I could toward s miti gating
w h a t I f e a r e d w o u l d b e t h e r e s u l t s .
" 7. About the same t ime th e English Government con-
s e n t e d t o t h e d e s p a t c h o f a T u r k i s h C o m m i s s i o n e r t o C a i r o .
I t w a s s u p p o s e d t h a t t h e a u t h o r i t y o f t h e S u l t a n w a s s o g r e a t
in Egypt tha t obedience would be sh own to whatev er orders
h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e m i g h t b r i n g , o r t h a t , a t a n y r a t e , l i t t l e
o p p o s i t i o n w o u l d b e o f f e r e d . I n a n y c a s e , t h e P o r t e w a s a u -
t h o r i z e d t o a c t i n i t s o w n w a y . Dervi sh Pasha was s ent ; a n d
i t i s a l a m e n t a b l e f a c t t h a t h e w a s a m a n n o t o r i o u s l y un-
s c r u p u l o u s i n h i s m e t h o d o f d e a l i n g w i t h r e b e l s . I h a v e r e a s o n
to know that what was expec ted of him was that he s hould
summ on Arabi Pasha to Constan tinople ; t h a t , f a i l i n g t h i s , h e
s h o u l d h a v e r e c o u r s e t o b r i b e r y ; a n d t h a t in the extreme
r e s o r t h e s h o u l d a r r e s t o r s h o o t t h e M i n i s t e r o f War a s a
mutineer, with his own hand . Whether t hese we re Dervish
P a s h a ' s i n s t r u c t i o n s o r i n t e n t i o n s I will not a rgue . Th e
P o r t e s e e m s t o h a v e b e e n a s l i t t l e p r e p a r e d a s H e r M a j e s t y ' s
G o v e r n m e n t w e r e f o r t h e s t r e n g t h o f t h e N a t i o n a l f e e l i n g i n
Egypt ; a n d o n l y t h e u n i o n a n d c o u r a g e s h o w n b y t h e p e o p l e
w o u l d s e e m t o h a v e c o n v i n c e d t h e S u l t a n t h a t m e t h o d s , s u c h
a s t h o s e f o r m e r l y u s e d b y D e r v i s h P a s h a a g a i n s t t h e A l b a n -
i a n s , w o u l d b e h e r e o u t o f p l a c e . Humaner counsels h ave in
a n y c a s e p r e v a i l e d , a n d p e a c e h a s b e e n r e c o m m e n d e d b e t w e e n
t h e K h e d i v e a n d h i s p e o p l e .
" S u c h , s i r , i s s h o r t l y t h e h i s t o r y o f E n g l a n d ' s d i p l o m a t i c
a c t i o n i n E g y p t d u r i n g t h e p a s t s i x m o n t h s . I t i s o n e o f t h e
m o s t d e p l o r a b l e o u r f o r e i g n o f f i c e h a s t o r e c o r d . T h e f u t u r e ,
however, in some measure remains to us, though, when t h e
C o n f e r e n c e a s s e m b l e s , E n g l a n d ' s w i l l be only one of many
v o i c e s r a i s e d i n t h e s e t t l e m e n t . I t i s n o t f o r m e t o s u g g e s t
t h e w o r d s w h i c h s h o u l d t h e r e b e s p o k e n ; b u t I wi l l v e n tu r e
t o e x p r e s s m y c o n v i c t i o n t h a t i f H e r M a j e s t y ' s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e
t h e n c o m e s f o r w a r d w i t h a n h o n e s t c o n f e s s i o n o f t h e m i s t a k e s
m a d e , a n d a d e c l a r a t i o n o f E n g l a n d ' s s y m p a t h y w i t h E g y p t i a n
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ENGLAND IN EGYPT 8 5
f r e e d o m , E n g l a n d w i l l r e g a i n h e r l o s t gr o u n d . I n s p i t e o f
t h e j u s t a n g e r o f t h e E g y p t i a n s a t t h e u n w o r t h y t r i c k s w h i c h
have b een pla yed up on them by our Foreign Office, the y
b e l i e v e t h a t a m o r e g e n e r o u s f e e l i n g e x i s t s i n t h e b o d y o f
t h e E n g l i s h n a t i o n w h i c h w o u l d n o t s u f f e r s o v a s t a p u b l i c
w r o n g t o b e c o m m i t t e d a s t h e s u b j u g a t i o n o f t h e i r c o u n t r y
f o r a m i s u n d e r s t o o d i n t e r e s t i n E g y p t i a n f i n a n c e a n d i n t h e
S u e z C a n a l . T h e y h a v e , o v e r a n d o v e r a g a i n , a s s u r e d m e ,
a n d I k n o w t h a t t h e y s p e a k t r u l y , t h a t t h e i r o n l y a i m i s
p e a c e , i n d e p e n de n c e a n d e c o n o m y , a n d t h a t t h e S u e z C a n a l
c a n n o t b e b e t t e r p r o t e c t e d f o r E n g l a n d , a s f o r t h e r e s t o f t h e
w o r l d , t h a n b y t h e a d m i s s i o n o f t h e E g y p t i a n p e o p l e i n t o
t h e c o m i t y o f n a t i o n s . O n l y l e t t h e h a n d o f f r i e n d s h i p b e
h e l d o u t t o t h e m f r e e l y , a n d a t o n c e , a n d w e s h a l l s t i l l e a r n
t h e i r g r a t i t u d e .
" I a m , S i r , y o u r o b e d i e n t s e r v a n t ,
"WILFRID SCAWEN BLUNT"
Unfortunately, for t he Egyptian dreams of political
indep endenc e, neither th e Prime Ministe r nor the
Foreign Office p aid any attention to thi s app eal ofMr . B l u n t ' s . After the bombard ment of Alexandria ,
w h i c h Mr . Gladstone s o eloquently de fended, British
troops, unde r Sir Garnet, after ward s Lord Wolseley,
e n t e r e d Eg y p t b y w a y o f t h e c a n a l a n d d e f e a t e d
Arabi a t Pel-el-Kebi r on Septem ber 1 3th, an d Egypt
virtually passed into the control of Great Britain .
Arabi, after a long and sensa tional trial, was sen-
tenc ed to exile in Ceylon . The "Dual Control" con-
t i n u e d , t h e o r e t i c a l l y , i n f o r c e u n t i l 1 9 0 4 , w h e n , b y t h e
s e c r e t ag r e e m e n t be t w e e n Fra n c e a n d Engl a n d , w h i c h
will b e des crib ed in the s tory of Morocco, Franc e
finally withdrew all her Egyptian claims, and England
assumed a protectorate over Egypt . Under t he Briti sh
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8 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREcontrol there is no doubt that the country has been
wisely adminis tered by Lord Cromer and the m en as-
sociated with him, but the Egyptians feel that they
h a v e l o s t t h e i r i n d e p e n d e n c e . F o r e i g n r u l e , n o m a t t e r
h o w w i s e o r h o w l e n i e n t , i s n e v e r g r a t e f u l t o t h e p e o p l e
under it and is always regarded as a burd en . Whena l a c k o f c o m p r e h e n s i o n o f n a t i v e c u s t o m s a n d h a b i t s
b f t h o u g h t i s j o i n e d t o s e v e r i t y a g a i n s t c r i m e s w h i c h
r e s u l t f r o m a t t e m p t s t o p r e s e r v e t h e s e n a t i v e c u s t o m s ,
d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n a l w a y s r e s u l t s . Professor Sayce, the
well-known authority on Semitic language, says
" T h o s e w h o h a v e l i v e d i n t h e E a s t a n d h a v e t r i e d t o m i n g l e
w i t h t h e n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n k n o w w e l l h o w u t t e r l y i m p o s s i b l e
i t i s f o r t h e E u r o p e a n t o l o o k a t t h e w o r l d w i t h t h e s a m e e y e s
as the Oriental . F o r a w h i l e , i n d e e d , t h e E u r o p e a n m a y f a n c y
t h a t h e a n d t h e O r i e n t a l u n d e r s t a n d o n e a n o t h e r , b u t s o o n e r
o r l a t e r a t i m e c o m e s w h e n h e i s s u d d e n l y a w a k e n e d f r o m
h i s d r e a m a n d f i n d s h i m s e l f i n t h e p r e s e n c e o f a m i n d w h i c h
i s a s s t r a n g e t o h i m a s w o u l d b e t h e m i n d o f a n i n h a b i t a n t
o f S a t u r n . "
I n s p i t e o f t h e a b l e m a n n e r i n w h i c h t h e a f f a i r s o f
Egypt have b een administered, there has been con-
t i n u e d o p p o s i t i o n i n E n g l a n d t o t h e s t e a d y e n c r o a c h -
ment of Briti sh power , and Sir Edwar d Grey h as be en
s e v e r e l y c r i t i c i z e d b o t h i n t h e H o u s e o f C o m m o n s a n d
among his own party . How the m ass of the Brit ish
p u b l i c r e g a r d t h e f i n a l i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f E g y p t i n t o t h e
Empire, so recently ann ounced to the world by Sir
Edward Grey, the present ce nsorship has, thu s f a r ,
preven ted the outside world from knowing . I t m a y b e
t h a t a f t e r t h e w a r w e s h a l l l e a r n m o r e a b o u t t h i s l a s t
i n s t a n c e o f " b e n e v o l e n t a s s i m i l a t i o n ." The conque st
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ENGLAND IN EGYPT 87
o f t h e S o u d a n f o l l o w e d a s a n a t u r a l c o r o l l a r y t o t h e
contr ol of Egyp t . One thing during thi s conquest
s t i r r e d t h e e n t i r e w o r l d , a n d t h a t w a s t h e t r a g i c f a t e
of the her oic Gordon at Khartoum . S h o r t l y b e f o r e
t h e n e w s o f G o r d o n ' s f a t e r e a c h e d E n g l a n d , H e r b e r t
S p e n c e r w r o t e , i n 1 9 0 3 :
"Love of country is not fostered in me on remem berin g
t h a t w h e n , a f t e r o u r P r i m e M i n i s t e r h a d d e c l a r e d t h a t w e w e r e
b o u n d i n h o n o r t o t h e K h e d i v e t o r e c o n q u e r t h e S o u d a n , w e ,
a f t e r t h e r e - c o n q u e s t , f o r t h w i t h b e g a n t o a d m i n i s t e r i t i n t h e
n a m e o f t h e Q u e e n a n d t h e K h e d i v e , p r a c t i c a l l y a n n e x i n g i t .
. . . . C o n t e m p l a t i o n o f t h e a c t s b y w h i c h E n g l a n d h a s
a c q u i r e d o v e r e i g h t y p o s s e s s i o n s - s e t t l e m e n t s , c o l o n i e s , p r o t e c -
t o r a t e s , e t c . - d o e s n o t a r o u s e f e e l i n g s o f s a t i s f a c t i o n . "
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P A R T I I ,
ENGLAND AND THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
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CHAPTER VIII .
THE ACQUISITION OF THE TRANSVAAL .
TH E b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n e w c e n t u r y f o u n d t h e B r i t -
i s h E m p i r e e n g a g e d i n t h e m o s t s e r i o u s s t r u g g l e
i n h e r l o n g h i s t o r y , t h e w a r w i t h t h e t w o l i t t l e S o u t h
A f r i c a n R e p u b l i c s . S h o r t l y b e f o r e t h e w a r b r o k e
o u t , o n S e p t e m b e r 1 2 , 1 8 9 9 , L o r d W o l s e l e y , w h o ,
a l o n e a m o n g B r i t i s h g e n e r a l s s e e m s t o h a v e a p p r e -
c i a t e d t h e B o e r s t r e n g t h , w r o t e : " I f t h i s w a r c o m e s
o f f i t w i l l b e t h e m o s t s e r i o u s w a r E n g l a n d h a s e v e r
h a d . " T h e s t o r y o f t h i s w a r i s o f s u c h r e c e n t d a t e
a n d h a s b e e n s o w e l l t o l d b y n u m e r o u s w r i t e r s t h a t I
s h a l l n o t g o i n t o i t i n t h i s c h a p t e r . T h e t w o m o s t
i n t e r e s t i n g b o o k s o n t h e s u b j e c t a r e T h e G r e a t B o e r
W a r , b y S i r A . C o n a n D o y l e , w h i c h t r e a t s i t f r o m
t h e B r i t i s h s t a n d p o i n t , a n d The Thr ee Yea rs ' War ,
b y G e n e r a l C h r i s t i a n d e W e t , w r i t t e n w i t h g r e a t c l e a r -
n e s s o f m i n d f r o m t h e B o e r p o i n t o f v i e w . W i t h t h e
r e s u l t s o f t h e w a r a n d t h e w i s e a n d h u m a n e B r i t i s h
p o l i c y a f t e r c o n q u e s t , a l l t h e w o r l d i s f a m i l i a r . L e t
u s c o n s i d e r f o r a f e w m o m e n t s t h e e a r l y h i s t o r y o f
t h i s i n t e r e s t i n g l i t t l e c o u n t r y , t h e T r a n s v a a l , a n d h o w
i t ' f i r s t c a m e u n d e r B r i t i s h c o n t r o l .
I n 1 8 3 5 a s m a l l b o d y o f D u t c h f a r m e r s f r o m Ca p e
C o l o n y , i n s p i r e d b y m u c h t h e s a m e m o t i v e s w h i c h l e d
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9 0 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREour forefathers in 1620 to brav e the pe rils of the
A t l a n t i c a n d s e t t l e o n t h e b a r r e n c o a s t s o f N e w E n g -
land, crossed the Vaal River and trekked as far as
the Zoutpansberg . T h e f i r s t p a r t y , u n d e r t h e l e a d e r -
ship of Louis Trichar d and Jan von Rensbu rg, con-
sisted of about a hundred p ersons . Thei r mai n de-
s i r e w a s t o g e t e n t i r e l y a w a y f r o m B r i t i s h c o n t r o l a n d
govern themselves and the natives as they saw fit .
Whe n t h e y r e a c h e d t h e Zou t p a n s b e r g t h e pa r t y
d i v i d e d u p , a p o r t i o n , u n d e r T r i c h a r d , s e t t i n g o u t t o
explore the country as far as Delagoa Bay . Theremai nder of the par ty, under Rensb urg, were , soon
a f t e r t h e s e p a r a t i o n , m u r d e r e d b y t h e n a t i v e s . Tri ch -
a r d ' s p a r t y d i d n o t r e a c h t h e c o a s t u n t i l 1 8 3 8 , a f t e r
a number of them had pe rished . The s urv ivors p ro-
ceeded to Natal by boat . In 1846 anothe r party, led
by Andries Hendri k Potgieter, c rossed th e Vaal and
establis hed themse lves on the banks of the Vet, but
no permanent settlement was made until 1838, when
P o t g i e t e r a n d h i s f o l l o w e r s , i n N o v e m b e r o f t h a t y e a r ,
founded the town of Potchefstroom . An e lem en ta ry
f o r m o f g o v e r n m e n t w a s e s t a b l i s h e d , a n d i n 1 8 4 0 t h e s e
c o l o n i s t s e n t e r e d i n t o a v e r y l o o s e f o r m o f c o n f e d e r a c y
w i t h t h e B o e r s o f N a t a l . In 1 848 And ri es W . J . P r e -
torius b ecam e comma nder of the Boers of Potchef-
str oom . U n d e r h i s l e a d e r s h i p t h e c o l o n y g r e w r a p i d l y ,
and its re cognition by Great Britai n was sought by
t h e c o l o n i s t s . This re cognition was s ecur ed on Janu -
ary 17, 1852, when a convention, known as the Sand
River Convent ion, was draw n up b etwee n Pretorius
and other Boers on one hand and ass istant commis-
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THE ACQUISITION OF THE TRANSVAAL 9 1
sioners nomin ated b y the Britis h High Commissi oner
on the other . The first clause of this convention reads
as follows
" T h e a s s i s t a n t c o m m i s s i o n e r s g u a r a n t e e i n t h e f u l l e s t m a n -
ner on the pa rt of the British Government to the emigr ant
farmers beyond the Vaal River, the r ight to manage their
o w n a f f a i r s a n d t o g o v e r n t h e m s e l v e s a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r o w n
laws without any i nterference on the part of the British
Government, and that no encroachmen t shall be made by the
s a i d g o v e r n m e n t o n t h e t e r r i t o r y b e y o n d t o t h e n o r t h o f t h e
Vaal River, with th e further assuran ce that the warm est
wish of the Britis h Governmen t is to promote pea ce, free
t r a d e a n d f r i e n d l y i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h t h e e m i g r a n t f a r m e r s n o w
inhabiti ng, or who may hereafter inhabit that country ; i t
being underst ood that this system of non-interference is
b i n d i n g u p o n b o t h p a r t i e s . "
This convention ma rks the first recognition of the
existence of a new incipient nationality . The p opu l a -
tion of white p eople north of the Vaal consisted of
about five thousand families, numb ering in all, includ-
i n g w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n , a b o u t fo r t y t h o u s a n d p e r -
sons . Th e s e p e o p l e w e r e o n l y u n i t e d i n o n e t h i n g ,
and that was their determin ation to live independ ent
of Britis h control in what they consid ered the ir own
t e r r i t o r y . Am o n g t h e m s e l v e s d i s p u t e s w e r e m a n y a n d
b i t t e r , b u t i n 1856 Mar t h i n u s W . Pretori us, who, on
the death of his father, had succeeded to the leadershi p
a mon g t h e Bur g h e r s , w a s a bl e to br i n g a bou t a sor t
of unity among the scattered 'factions and to estab-
l i s h a pe r m a n e n t for m of gov e r n m e n t . A rep rese nta-
tive assem bly of delegate s was chosen for the purp ose
of drafting a constit ution . The t it le , "The South
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THE ACQUISITION OF THE TRANSVAAL 9 3
h e s a i d , w o u l d b e o f i n c a l c u l a b l e b e n e f i t t o t h e O r a n g e
F r e e S t a t e b u t o f s m a l l b e n e f i t t o t h e T r a n s v a a l . Fol-
l o w i n g t h i s o u t b r e a k i t w a s d e c l a r e d u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l
for the same man to be presid ent of both republics .
At th e end of his s ix months' leave of absen ce Pre-
t o r i u s , a f t e r a s t o r m y m e e t i n g o f t h e V o l k s r a a d , r e -
s i g n e d t h e p r e s i d e n c y o f t h e T r a n s v a a l . In Octobe r,
1 8 6 0 , a m a s s m e e t i n g o f c i t i z e n s w a s h e l d a t P o t c h e f -
s t r o o m , t h e o l d c a p i t a l , w h i c h r e s u l t e d i n t h e p a s s i n g
o f t h e f o l l o w i n g r e s o l u t i o n s
"A. T h a t t h e v o l k s r a a d n o l o n g e r e n j o y e d t h e c o n f i d e n c e
o f t h e p e o p l e .
"B . T h a t P r e t o r i u s s h o u l d r e m a i n p r e s i d e n t o f t h e S o u t h
A f r i c a n R e p u b l i c a n d s h o u l d h a v e a y e a r ' s l e a v e o f a b s e n c e
t o b r i n g a b o u t u n i o n w i t h t h e F r e e S t a t e .
"C. T h a t S c h o e m a n s h o u l d a c t a s p r e s i d e n t i n t h e a b s e n c e
o f P r e t o r i u s .
"D . T h a t b e f o r e t h e r e t u r n o f P r e t o r i u s t o r e s u m e h i s
d u t i e s a n e w v o l k s r a a d s h o u l d b e e l e c t e d . "
Had the Transva al Boers not been a ctuat ed by an
extremely narrow and distrustful policy, it is un -
doubtedly true that a strong and compact rep ublican
s t a t e w o u l d h a v e r e s u l t e d f r o m P r e t o r i u s ' e f f o r t s , a s
the b urghers of the Orange Free State w ere not at
t h a t t i m e o p p o s e d t o t h e u n i o n , b u t t h e c o m p l i c a t i o n s
whic h followed Pretoriu s' resi gnation brought about
a l m o s t a s t a t e o f a n a r c h y , w i t h t w o a c t i n g p r e s i d e n t s
a n d t w o r i v a l g o v e r n m e n t s i n c o n t r o l o f t h e T r a n s v a a l .
To put an end to this distressing and demoralizing
stat e of affairs, Commandant Paul Kruger took mat-
t e r s i n t o h i s o w n h a n d s . C a l l i n g o u t t h e b u r g h e r s o f h i s
own district , he d rove Schoeman and his followers
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9 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREout of Pretoria and then attac ked Potschefstroom,
which, after a sharp skirmish, in which three men
were killed and seven wounded, fell into his hands .
I n 1 8 6 3 P r e t o r i u s r e s i g n e d t h e p r e s i d e n c y o f t h e F r e e
S t a t e a n d r e t u r n e d t o P r e t o r i a , w h e r e , a c t i n g a s m e d i a -
t o r b e t w e e n r i v a l f a c t i o n s , h e b r o u g h t a b o u t a c o n d i -
t i o n o f a t l e a s t t e m p o r a r y p e a c e . A confere nce b e,
tween factions was held in Januar y, 1864, which was
followed b y a new elec tion, in which Pretorius was
again chosen president, and Kruger was made c om-
mandant-general .
A s a r e s u l t o f t h i s c i v i l w a r t h e c o n d i t i o n o f t h e
country was deplorable . The p ublic exchequer w as
e m p t y , a n d , i n o r d e r t o m e e t c u r r e n t e x p e n s e s , p a p e r
money was introduced, with the usual results which
have followed such an e xpedient in a ll parts of the
world . The exact b oundaries of the state had not
been defined in the Sand River Convent ion, so when
g o l d w a s d i s c o v e r e d a t T a t i , i n 1 8 6 8 , P r e s i d e n t P r e -
torius, by proclamation, extended the b oundaries of
the Transvaal on the north and west to include the
g o l d f i e l d s a n d t h e w h o l e o f B e c h u a n a l a n d , a n d o n t h e
e a s t t o D e l a g o a B a y . T h i s p r o c l a m a t i o n b r o u g h t f o r t h
s t r o n g p r o t e s t s f r o m S i r P h i l i p W o d e h o u s e , t h e B r i t -
ish High Commis sione r and from the Portu gue se Con-
s u l - G e n e r a l . T h e e a s t e r n b o u n d a r y q u e s t i o n w a s f i n a l l y
s e t t l e d b y t r e a t y w i t h P o r t u g a l i n 1 8 6 9 . T h e t e r r i t o r y
to the north, which Pretorius wi shed to annex, was
claimed not only by the South African Republi c, bu t
also by the Bechua nas, th e Koranas and als o by one
Nicholas Water boer, a Griqua captain . T o s e t t l e t h i s
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THE ACQUISITION OF THE TRANSVAAL 95
q u e s t i o n , i n 1 8 7 1 , a n a r b i t r a t i o n b o a r d w a s a p p o i n t e d ,
c o n s i s t i n g o f A . A. O ' R e i l l y , o n b e h a l f o f t h e S o u t h
African Repub lic ; John Campb ell, on behalf of the
o t h e r c l a i m a n t s ; and Lieute nant- Governor Keate, of
Natal, w ho was to act as referee . The ju dges dis-
a g r e e d , a n d , t h e d e c i s i o n b e i n g l e f t t o t h e r e f e r e e , h e ,
on October 17, decid ed in favor of Waterb oer .
What ren dered t his dec ision of far-reac hing con-
sequenc es was the fact that on August 25 , 1870, a
year b efore the "Keate Award ," Water boer had
o f f e r e d h i s t e r r i t o r y t o G r e a t B r i t a i n . A few d a y s
a f t e r t h e d e c i s i o n o f t h e " K e a t e A w a r d , " t h e B r i t i s h
High Commi ssi oner, Sir Henr y Bark ly, i ssu ed a
p r o c l a m a t i o n t a k i n g o v e r , i n t h e n a m e o f G r e a t B r i t a i n ,
a l l o f W a t e r b o e r ' s t e r r i t o r y w h i c h h e c a l l e d G r i q u a -
l a n d Wes t . T h i s t e r r i t o r y i n c l u d e d a l l o f t h e t h e n
discovered diamond diggings . This a nne xation by
G r e a t B r i t a i n , a l t h o u g h b a s e d u p o n t h e K e a t e d e c i s i o n
a n d W a t e r b o e r ' s o r i g i n a l o f f e r , a r o u s e d g r e a t r e s e n t -
ment among the Boers, and led to the res ignat ion of
P r e s i d e n t P r e t o r i u s . The Boers, wi shi ng to ha ve i n
the presidenc y a man w hom they felt to be strong
e n o u g h t o c o p e w i t h G r e a t B r i t a i n , o f f e r e d t h i s p o s i -
tion to Mr . (afterwards Sir) John Brand, p resident
o f t h e O r a n g e F r e e S t a t e , b u t h e d e c l i n e d . F a i l i n g t o
s e c u r e t h e s e r v i c e s o f M r . B r a n d t h e b u r g h e r s e l e c t e d
the Rev : Thomas Francois Burgers, a mini ster of the
Reformed Churc h and a memb er of a prominent Cape
C o l o n y f a m i l y , t o t h e p r e s i d e n c y . This was in 1 872 .
and marked a ne w departu re in policy, as heretofore
every officer of the republ ic had be en chosen from
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9 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREa m o n g t h e f a m i l i e s o f t h e o r i g i n a l c o l o n i s t s . Bur ge rs
was an able, active and patriotic man, but was more
v i s i o n a r y t h a n a g g r e s s i v e , a n d h e b e c a m e i n v o l v e d i n
many entanglements with the native chiefs . In 1875
he wen t to Europe for the pur pose of raisi ng money
t o f i n a n c e t h e b u i l d i n g o f a r a i l r o a d t o D e l a g o a B a y ,
b u t w a s n o t s u c c e s s f u l . He ret urne d to the Transvaal
i n 1 8 7 6 t o f i n d t h a t i n h i s a b s e n c e t h e a c t i n g p r e s i d e n t ,
with the consent of the Volksraad, had attemp ted to
carry out many measures opposed to the public wel-
f a r e , h a d u n w i s e l y a n d i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y a l l o t t e d n a t i v e
lands to various adventurers, and that war wi th the
Zulus was imminent . In 1877 the paper currenc y had
so deprecia ted that Transv aal one-pound notes only
` b r o u g h t o n e s h i l l i n g i n a c t u a l c a s h . J u s t a t t h i s t i m e
the South African Colonial Secr eta ry, t he Earl of
Carnarv on, was agit ating a union of all the South
African States und er the Briti sh Governm ent . OnO c t o b e r 5 , 1 8 7 6 , h e h a d a p p o i n t e d a c o m m i s s i o n , u n d e r
S i r T h e o p h i l u s S h e p s t o n e , t o v i s i t t h e T r a n s v a a l a n d
try to arra nge wi th the Boers for the an nexation of
t h e c o u n t r y t o t h e B r i t i s h c r o w n . Sheps tone went to
Pretoria in J anuary, 1 877, escorted by twenty-five
m o u n t e d p o l i c e , a n d a f t e r c a r e f u l c o n s i d e r a t i o n d e c i d e d
t h a t a n n e x a t i o n w a s t h e o n l y s a l v a t i o n f o r t h e T r a n s -
v a a l , b u t t o h i s d i s a p p o i n t m e n t t h e V o l k s r a a d d i d n o t
agree with him . T h e c o n d i t i o n o f a f f a i r s c o u l d h a r d l y
have been worse, as the treasury was empty and the
Boers would not pay their taxes ; government con-
t r a c t o r s w e r e u n p a i d ; t h e c o u n t r y w a s i n d e b t t o t h e
a mou n t of $ 1, 0 7 5, 0 0 0 ; a n d t h e r e s e e m e d to be no
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THE ACQUISITION OF THE TRANSVAAL 9 7
p o w e r a b l e t o c o m p e l t h e B o e r s t o m e e t t h e i r o b l i g a -
t i o n s . Findin g that the Volksraad would do nothing
to remedy c onditions, on April 1 2, 1877, Shepstone
issued a proclamation formally annexing the country
t o G r e a t B r i t a i n . The p roclamation graciously stated
tha t "It is the wis h of Her Most Gracious Majes ty
t h a t t h e S t a t e s h a l l e n j o y t h e f u l l e s t l e g i s l a t i v e p r i v i -
l e g e s c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s o f t h e c o u n t r y
a n d t h e i n t e l l i g e n c e o f i t s p e o p l e ." This i nst anc e of
b e n e v o l e n t a s s i m i l a t i o n , l i k e a l m o s t a l l o f t h e m o r e r e -
c e n t a d d i t i o n s t o B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r y , w a s r e c e i v e d b y t h e
people of England w ith mi xed feelings . Sir Bar tl e
Frere defende d Sheps tone's act of annexation on the
ground t hat Burge rs, Presi dent of the South African
Repu blic , had alre ady ap proache d some of the Conti-
n e n t a l P o w e r s w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o f o r m i n g a n a l l i a n c e ,
and that Germany w ould surely intervene if Great
B r i t a i n d i d n o t f o r e s t a l l h e r . In th e Tran sva al Shep-
s t o n e ' s p r o c l a m a t i o n a r o u s e d a l m o s t i n s t a n t o p p o s i t i o n ,
although Presiden t Burgers seemed to be i n favor of
t h e a n n e x a t i o n . I n A p r i l F r e r e v i s i t e d t h e T r a n s v a a l
a n d t r i e d t o p e r s u a d e t h e B o e r s t o a c c e p t t h e a n n e x a -
t i o n a s b e i n g f o r t h e i r u l t i m a t e g o o d , a s s u r i n g t h e m
that unde r the British cr own they would have com-
plete self-government in all local affairs with the
a d d e d s e c u r i t y o f t h e B r i t i s h a g a i n s t t h e Z u l u s , w h o
were the common enemy . The Boer s, h owev er , felt
t h a t t h e Z u l u s w e r e m o r e t h a n a m a t c h f o r t h e B r i t i s h
army, and that this w as the time for them to secure
absolute independe nce . The conflict with the Zulus,
w h i c h e n s u e d , w a s c a r r i e d o n w i t h o u t a n y c o - o p e r a t i o n
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9 8 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
from the Boers, and cost Great Britain many lives
and $25,000 ,000 before it was ended . Sir Garn et
Wolseley, who had come out to Africa in June to
c o m m a n d t h e B r i t i s h f o r c e s , d e c l a r e d t o t h e B o e r s , i n
a p u b l i c g a t h e r i n g h e l d a f t e r t h e Z u l u s h a d b e e n d e -
f e a t e d , t h a t " S o l o n g a s t h e s u n s h i n e s , t h e B r i t i s h
f l a g w i l l f l y a t P r e t o r i a ." This w as in 1879 ; o n t h e
1 3 t h o f D e c e m b e r , 1 8 8 0 , t h e B o e r s a g a i n d e c l a r e d t h e
indep enden ce of the South African Republic an d ap-
p o i n t e d a t r i u m v i r a t e , c o n s i s t i n g o f K r u g e r , P r e t o r i u s
a n d J o u b e r t , a s a p r o v i s i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t . The y fel t
justified in assu ming that th e British Governm ent
w o u l d a c q u i e s c e i n t h i s d e c l a r a t i o n b e c a u s e i n t h e e l e c -
tions held in England in 1880, Gladstone had been
m a d e Pri m e Min i s t e r. While cond ucti ng his c am-
p a i g n i n M i d - L o t h i a n b e f o r e t h i s e l e c t i o n , G l a d s t o n e
had, in his spee ches, seeme d to favor Boer indepen-
dence . He had accused the British of having plac ed
themse lves in t he position of "free subject s of a
monarchy going to coerce th e free subject s of a re-
p u b l i c , " a n d i n o n e o f h i s s p e e c h e s h a d s a i d
" I f t h e s e a c q u i s i t i o n s w e r e a s v a l u a b l e a s t h e y a r e v a l u e -
less, I would repudiate them, because they were obtained b y
means dishonorable to the character of our country . "
T h e s e s p e e c h e s w e r e c i r c u l a t e d f r e e l y i n t h e T r a n s -
v a a l , a n d f r o m t h e m t h e B o e r s n a t u r a l l y a s s u m e d t h a t ,
wi th Mr . G l a d s t o n e i n c o n t r o l , t h e i r e f f o r t s t o s e c u r e
complete independence would be crowned with suc-
c e s s . In Februa ry, 1881, came the comple te defeat
of the British a rmy, unde r Sir George Colley, at
Majuba Hill, in which batt le Colley himse lf was
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THE ACQUISITION OF THE TRANSVAAL 99
slain. This defeat at Majuba Hill was a tremendous
blow to British prestige in South Africa and was so
regarded in Great Britai n . A truce was declared on
March 3rd, and on March 21st a treaty was drawn
up between Sir Evelyn Wood on behalf of Great
Britain and the Boer Triumvirate by which complete
in terna l self-government under Britis h suzerain ty was
granted to the Boers. This treaty was confirmed in
a convention held in Pretoria on August 3rd, and on
the 8th the government wa s handed over to the Trium-
virate, who contin ued in control until May, 1883, when
Kruger was elected president. After the Pretoria
convention the Boers felt that their in dependence was
a ssured, and that the Britis h suzera inty was merely a
nominal concession to save the face of the British
Government at home. In 1884 a convention was held
in London in which certain articles were substituted
for those of the Pretoria convention. The timidity
of Lord Derby, in the London convention, only
strengthened the Boer belief in the actual indepen-
dence of the republic . At first Lord Derby repudiated
the Majuba treaty, on the ground that treaties could
only be drawn up between. equally sovereign states . At
the same time he acted as i f he wished to conci liate
the Boers, and while he was not willing to formally
relinquish the suzerainty, he consented not to men-
tion it. Lord Cairns, i n the House of Lords, openly
accused Lord Derby of havi ng reli nqui shed the Britis h
suzerai nty in substan ce even if he had refrain ed from
usi ng the word, and the impress ion of British defeat
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100 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
made upon Kruger and his associates was as strong
as that created by the surrender at Majuba Hi ll .
The increased discoveries of gold in 1883, followed by
those in the Rand in 1886, brought an influx of diggers
and prospectors into the country from the British
Colonies and from Europe, and in 1886 Johannesburg
was founded, a nd i n ten years became a city of 108,000
inhabitants . The whole country was on a boom, and
the wealth which was pouring into the Boer treasury
exceeded an ything that Kruger and his thrifty burgh-
ers had ever imagined. By 1896 fully one-third of
the land areas had been purchas ed by Uitlanders . In
spite of the fact that these outsiders were fil ling up
the land and bringing to it untold prosperity, the
Boers would not recognize them as citizens, andadopted towards them a policy of rigid political ex-
clusion . In 1888 Cape Colony, the Orange Free State
and Natal attempted to form a customs-union with
the Transvaa l, but to this Kruger was rigidly opposed .
Because of his hostility to Great Britain, Krugeradopted a policy which was distinctly prejudicia l to
the gold in dustry, an d this na tural ly caused friction
between the Uitlanders and the Boers. To the de-
mands of the former for some share in the govern-
ment, Kruger replied by extending the period of
qualifi cation for suffrage from five to ten years . Acompromise of a seven years' period was fin all y agreed
upon, but this was never satisfactory to the Uit-
landers, who, by 1890, formed a majority of the
popula tion . The friction between the native and out-
side elements became so strong that in 1895 the ques-
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THE ACQUISITION OF THE TRANSVAAL 101
tion of a direct appeal to the British Government was
considered by the Uitlanders, but was opposed by the
men of Colon ial birth, who, because of the defeat at
Majuba and the vacillating policy of the home gov-
ernment, had lost faith in the ability of Great Britai n
to coerce the Boers . In October, 1895, Cecil Rhodes,
Prime Minister of Cape Colony and the real origina-
tor of the dream of uniting al l Africa under the British
crown, made overtures to the Uitlanders through Dr.
Jameson, which led to what is known as the "Jameson
Raid ." The coll apse of this raid, endin g in the arrest
of Jameson and his associates, only intensified the
feeling between Boers and Uitlanders, and greatly
strengthened Kruger's power, while increasing his
an tipathy to Great Britain . When Sir Hercules Robin-
son, the Britis h High Commis sioner, heard of the raid
he at once sent an order to the British Resident at
Pretoria advisin g al l Britis h subjects i n Johannesburg
against any co-operation with Jameson. On January
7, 1896, Sir Hercules telegraphed to the British agent
at Johannesburg "that if the Uitlanders do not
comply with my request they will forfeit all claims
to sympathy from Her Majesty's Government and
from British subjects throughout the world, as the
lives of Jameson and the other prisoners are now prac-
tically in their hands ." Upon the receipt of this tele-
gram, the rifles and ammunition which had been dis-
tributed among the Uitlanders at Johannesburg were
given up. After the disarmament at Johannesburg,Kruger proceeded to arrest sixty-four members of the
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102 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
reform committee while declaring to the world that
his motto would be "Forget and Forgive. "
In the period between the col lapse of the raid an d
the outbreak of the war in October, 1899, Kruger's
policy became more and more aggressive against the
Uitla nders . Sir Alfred Milner, who had succeeded
Sir Hercules Robinson in 1897, did everything that
was humanly possible to persuade the Transvaal Gov-
ernment to consider the much needed reforms, but his
efforts were fruitless . At the conference, held at
Bloemfontein from May 31, to June 5, 1899, between
Sir Alfred and President Kruger, it was evident from
the outset that the latter was determined to wring
further concessions from the British Government
rather than make any on his own part. After this
conference Sir Alfred urged the home government to
rigidly insist upon certain reforms, among them the
return to the five years' franchise, and his recom-
mendations were loyally supported by Mr. Chamber-
lain. Mr. Kruger mai ntai ned that the franchis e ques-tion was a local one in which Great Britain had no
right to interfere. He persi sted in ass erting the full
independence of the South African Republic as a
sovereign state and formally denied the claim of
British suzerai nty. Thus an impasse was reached, and
in October the war broke out .
As I said at the beginnin g of this chapter, I will not
attempt to tell the story of the war. Much has been
written i n En gli sh reviews, both before and during the
war, of the attitude of Germany towards both of the
belligerents . In view of the present struggle, which i s
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104 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
their new al legi an ce has been splendidly shown i n the
present war. What the attitude of South Africa will
be after the war no man now knows, but it looks as if
this la st case of assi milation in to the Empire would
be permanent, because of the wisdom and broad-
mindedness shown in internal administration after
the war .
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CHAPTER IX
THE STORY OF MOROCCO .
ONE can not get a comprehens ive knowledge of
the present tendencies of British Foreign Policy
without carefully considering the "Affair of Mo-
rocco." In May, 1891, Lord Salisbury sent a special
mission to the Sultan of Morocco for the purpose of
clearing up all questions which had arisen between the
British and Moorish Governments and protecting
British interests in Morocco, which were very exten-
s i v e . This mission, which was headed by Sir C .
Euan-Smith, was attended with a good deal of cere-
mony as a means of impressing a semi-Oriental
potentate. In his written instructions to Sir C. Euan-
Smith, Lord Salisbury said
"You wil l observe that it has been the cons tant ai m of Her
Majesty's Government, an d of your predecessors at Tangier,
to preserve the independence a nd territorial integrity of the
Empire of Morocco, while neglecting no favorable oppor-tunity of impressin g upon the Sultan an d his Min is ters the
importance and advantage of improving the government andadmin is tration of the country . Unfortuna tely, their efforts
in this direction have hitherto been uns uccessful, an d herein
li es the great danger of the situation, as the decease of the
present Sultan will, in a ll probabil ity, give rise to in ternal
disturbances, the is sue of which it is impossible to foresee . "
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THE STORY OF MOROCCO 107
procrastination, the French Government refused to
ratify the treaty, and so the matter was dropped .
Lord Salisbury, in his last despatch to Sir C. Euan-
Smith, said
"The correspondence which has now been published will
sufficiently establi sh that there was nothing in your Mission
prejudicia l to the independence or integrity of Morocco orthreateni ng i n any way the Sulta n's prerogative or his terri-
torial rights . It was conceived and carried out in a spirit
entirely conformable to the poli cy which Her Majesty's Gov-ernment has uniformly pursued of upholding the MoorishEmpire an d dis couragin g all efforts either to dimin is h its
extent or to precipitate its fall . "
The Euan-Smith mission was Great Britain's last
serious effort to maintain the political independence
and sovereignty of the Sultan, although she continued
to be very greatly interested in the commercial develop-
ment of Morocco until 1902. The Times, in an edi-
torial on July 19, 1892, commenting upon the results
of this mission, said
"As usual, France stood out . The Power which protects
the Shereef of Wazau a nd which, with sca rcely an y disguise,
supports hi m in something li ke rivalry to the Sultan of Mo-
rocco, has yet obtained influence enough with the latter to
put a stop to negotia tions which were directed to the corn-
mon advantage of Europe . Probably this wil l be represented
tomorrow, by the Pari sian journa ls, as `a triumph of French
diplomacy.' That Spain , Austria , Engla nd an d France herselfare not to be al lowed to import corn or horses from Morocco
is `a triumph of French diplomacy!' What it real ly means i s
that, even for a great common gain to Europe, France willnot permit Great Britain to obtai n in fluence at Fez, lest, per-
chan ce, at some future time the claims of the mis tress of
Algeria to succeed to the Sultan's doni li ni ons should fin d
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108 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
themselves barred . But there are some people to whom no
present advantage counts in comparison to some sentiment
o f amour pro pre, especially of a national kind, and among
these, we fear, are to be reckoned the French consular and
diplomatic agents in backward countries, almost without ex-
ception, together with a large portion of the official and
journalistic world of Paris . "
In 1901 the Moorish Government seems to have
become alarmed by the attitude of France, and ap-
pealed to Great Britain . A mission was sent to Lon-
don, but accomplished nothing much beyond Lord
Lansdowne's gaining some minor advantages for
international trade .
Fi ve years after this came the Council a t Algeciras,
where the Governments of Great Britain, France,
Germany, Italy, Austria, Belgium, Holland, Spain,
Portugal, Russia, Sweden and the United States were
represented . Before cons idering this counci l and its
consequences, it is necessary to understand France's
position in Africa and the arrangements between
France, Morocco and the various Powers which made
this council an international necessity . Up to 1881 theinterests of France in Morocco had been confined to
Algeria, which had been declared a French Colony in
1848. In 1881 France had assumed control of Tunis,
in order to prevent that country's falling into the
han ds of Italy, and she had cast longin g eyes towards
Egypt, which, since the days of Napoleon, had been
tempting her ambitions. After the French challenge
to British control of Egypt had been defeated atFashoda in 1901, M. Delcas se wrote as follows to the
French Minister at Tangier
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THE STORY OF MOROCCO 109
"You should make the Sultan understand that it will depend
upon himself to find in us friends the surest, the most anxious
for the integrity of his power, the most capable of preserving
him, in case of need, from certai n dangers . Our loyalty, as
al so our interests, are guaran tees to him that we shall not
incroach upon it . "
This was in 1901 . In 1904 a rapprochement began
between France and Great Britain, as a result of ar-
rangements settling the disputes which had been ex-
isting between the two governments about the fisheries
of Newfoundland, the West African boundaries
problem and various questions concerning Siam,
Madagascar and the New Hebrides. An agreement
was also made between the two powers affecting
Egypt and Morocco . This agreement, like the one
drawn up later in the year, consisted of two parts, a
public declaration an d several secret convention s . Not
until seven years later were the people of either
England or France aware of the existence of these
secret agreements, and they would probably be still
ignorant of their existence had not an over-zealous
and rather indiscreet reporter published them in the
Paris Matin in November, 1911 .
The arrangement with England was signed early in
April, 1904, and reads, in part, as follows :
"The Government of the French Republic declares that they
have no intention of altering the political status of Morocco .
"His Britannic Majesty's Government for their part recog-
nize that it appertains to France more particularly, as a Power
whose domin ions are contermin ous for a great dis tance with
those of Morocco, to preserve order in that country and to
provide as si stan ce for the purpose of al l admin is trative,
economic, financial and military reforms which it may require.
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110 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
"They declare that they w i l l not obstruct the action taken
by France for this purpose, provided that such action shall
leave intact the rights which Great Britain, in virtue of
treaties, conventions and usage enjoys in Morocco, including
the rights of the coasting trade between the ports of Morocco
enjoyed by British trading vessels since 1901 . "
The Declaration further states that both in Egypt
and Morocco the British and French governments are
"equall y attached to the principle of commercia l li b-
erty" an d that they cannot "countenan ce an i nequality
either in the imposition of customs duties or other
taxes or of railway charges; that the trade of both
nations should enjoy the same treatment in transit
through the French and British possessions in Africa,
an d that concess ions for roads, railwa ys, ports, etc . ,
should only be granted on such conditions as would
mai ntai n intact the authority of the state over these
great undertakin gs of public interest . "
Article 7 of the public Declaration states that neither
state should "permit the erection of an y fortifications
or strategic works on that portion of the coast of
Morocco comprised between, but not including, Me-
lilla and the heights which command the right bank
of the river Sebou . "
Article 8 stipulates that "Fran ce should come to an
understanding with Spai n, bearin g in mi nd the latter's
interest derived from her geographical position and her
territorial possessions on the Moorish cost of theMediterranean. "
Article 9 provides that both governments should"afford to one another their diplomatic support in
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THE STORY OF MOROCCO 111
order to obtain the execution of the clauses of the
present Declaration ." The commercial provisions of
the Declaration were to remain in force for a period
of thirty years .
Article 7 was evidently insisted upon by England
for the purpose of not allowing a great power like
France to control the approaches to the Straits of
Gibraltar a nd her direct route to India . Besides the
articles above quoted, which were duly made known to
the publi c of both na tion s who were parties thereto,
as well as to the government of Spain, there were
several articles which, as I have said above, were kept
secret until their publication in the Paris Matin i n
November, 1911.
Article 1 of these secret documents foresees the
possibility of either government finding itself con-
strained by force of circumstan ce to modify this policy
in respect to Egypt or Morocco. Article 3 presages
the possibil ity of a French Protectorate over Morocco
and imposes upon such a Protectorate a permanent
Spanish control of the North Atlantic and Mediter-
ranean coasts of Morocco. It sa ys
"The two governments agree that a certai n extent of Moor-
ish territory adjacent to Meli lla, Ceuta and other presides
should, whenever the Sulta n ceases to exercise authority over
it, come within the sphere of influence of Spain, an d that the
admini stration of the coast from Meli ll a as far as, but not
includin g the heights on the right ban k of the Sebou, shall be
entrusted to Spain .
"Nevertheless, Spain would previously have to give herformal as sent to the provis ions of Articles 4 an d 7 of the
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112 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
Decla ration of today's date (April 8, 1911), an d undertake to
carry them out .
"She would also have to undertake not to al ienate the
whole, or a part, of the territories placed under her authority
or in her sphere of influence . "
The public declaration of the agreement between
France and Spain is very short and declares on the
part of France that she remains "firmly attached to theintegrity of the Moorish Empire under the authority
of the Sultan," while Spain declares her adherence
to the Anglo-French Declaration of April 8th. This
agreement between the two countries was entered into
on October 3rd ; on October 6th M. Cambon wrote to
Lord Lansdowne"Dear Lord Lansdowne
"I am instructed to communicate to you the arrangementswhich have just been concluded between France and Spai n
on the subject of Morocco . They were signed on the 3rdinst., by our Minister of Foreign Affai rs and the SpanishAmbassador at Paris ; they cons is t of a general declaration,
which wil l be made publi c, an d of a convention, which is to
be kept secret . M. Delcass e, in i ns tructing me to forward
to you the text of this agreement, in accordance with Article 8
of our Decla ration of April 8, 1904, pointed out to me theconfidentia l character of this communi cation an d in structed
me to request you to be good enough to keep the Convention
entirely secret .
"I have, etc . ,
" PAUL CAMBON"
To this Lord Lansdowne promptly replied
"Dear M. Cambon"I have had the pleasure of receivi ng your letter of today's
date, covering the two documents which you had been in-strurte& to communicate to me in accordan ce with Article 8
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THE STORY OF MOROCCO 113
of the `Declaration respecting Egypt and Morocco,' of April
8th last .
"I need not say that the confidentia l character of the Con-
vention entered in to by the President of the French Republi c
and the King of Spain in regard to French and Spanish
in terests in Morocco is fully recogni zed by us an d wil l be
duly respected . The shorter paper, or ̀ Declaration,' madeby the two governments i s, I understan d, publi c property .
"With best thanks, I am, etc . ,
"LANSDO W NE."
It is readily seen from the reading of the two public
Declarations that the integrity and political entity of
the Empire of Morocco is guaranteed, but Article 3
of the private agreement between England and France
certainly presages the termination of that integrity .
Now let us examine the secret convention between
France and Spain as published in the Matin .
Article 2 describes the sphere of influence which
falls to Spain by virtue of her possessions on the
Moorish coast of the Mediterranean where she shall
possess the same right of action as France has acquired
by the Anglo-French understanding in the remainder
of the country to preserve order in and provide assist-
ance for all administrative, economic, financial and
military reforms which it may require .
Article 3 says : In case the continuance o f the poli-
tical status of Morocco and the Shereefian Government
should become impossible, or if, owing to the weak-
ness of that Government and to its continued inability
to uphold law and order or to any other cause, the
existence of which is acknowledged by both parties,
the status quo can be no longer maintained. Spain
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114 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
may freely exercise her right of action in the territory
defin ed in the preceding article, which henceforward
constitutes her sphere of influence . '
In Article 4 the Spani sh s phere in Atla ntic Morocco
is carefully defined and Spai n agrees not to exercis e
her right of action for fifteen years without the con-
sent of France, statin g that if she shall "be obliged to
take mil itary action the other party shal l be at once
informed. In no case shall the ass is tance of a foreign
power be invoked. "
Article 10 declares that -all schemes for the develop-
ment of public works, mines, rai lways, etc ., and "eco-
nomic undertakings in general" in the respective
French and Spanish spheres (which comprise the
whole of Morocco) "shall be executed" by French
and Spanish enterprise.
To both of these agreements England was a party
and with both of them was apparently in active sym-
pathy, although we have seen how persistently shehad, under Lord Salisbury and even as late as 1901,
insisted upon the independence and integrity of Mo-
rocco. We have seen how in 1901 the Sultan, alarmed
by the aggressions of France, had sent a mission to
London to appeal to the British Government. Let us
now for the moment go back to the general situation
in Morocco at the time that Lord Salisbury sent his
ill-fated mission to the Sultan under Sir C. Euan-
Smith .
The governments to which Lord Salisbury's pro-
'Italics are the author's .
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116 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
London Times, in its issue for July 19, 1892, said :
"The actual dealings between the British Minister and the
Sultan, who, by the law and practice of Morocco, takes per-
sonal cogni zance of every detai l of publi c diplomatic busi -
ness, are believed to have been amicable, as are those between
the Mis sion a nd most of the other European representatives,
Germany, in particular, which negotiated the la st commercial
treaty in 1890, has supported British diplomacy, and Spain and
Italy are stated to have done the same .
"The support of nearly a ll the Powers wa s accorded very
freely to the Britis h Envoy, and it i s beli eved that Count
Tattenbach, the German Minister, has been especially promi-
nent in supporting the British attitude to obtain rights which
would benefit all European na tions . "
It is interesting to note that the support given by
Count Tattenbach to the British efforts aroused con-
siderable opposition in Germany from the jingoes and
the Pan-German press, a nd i t is quite equal ly i nterest-
ing and important to remember that the Count's actions
received the unqualified support of the Imperial Chan-
cellor and the entire German government. In France
this German action was looked upon in the nature of
an affront. From this outline of conditions in Mo-
rocco previous to 1904, the year in which France made
her first special arrangements with England and Spain
respectively, it will be seen that Germany had suffi-
cient commercial interest in Morocco to make the
preservation of the integrity of the Moorish Empire
of great importance to her. According to every prece-
dent recognized by diplomatic and international cus-
tom, the text of the two special declarations of 1904
should have been submitted to the German Ambassador
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THE STORY OF MOROCCO 117
in Paris . That they were not so submitted is a well
known fact, and the German government only learned
of the Anglo-French declaration a fter its wording had
been made public in England and France. On April
12, 1904, four days after the signature of the declara-
tion, Count von Bulow, the German Chancellor, stated
in the Reichstag that he had no reason to believe that
the Anglo-French agreement was directed against Ger-
man y but that he had received no officia l notification
of its existence . Speaking of Morocco he said
"We are interested in that country, as, moreover, in the
rest of the Mediterranean, principally from the economic
standpoint . Our interests therein are, before all, commercial
i n t e r e s t s ; also we are specially interested that calm and order
should prevail i n Morocco . We must protect our commercial
interests in Morocco, and we shall protect them . We haveno reason to fear that they w i l l be set aside or infringed upon
by any power . "
Apparently there was no cause for any an xiety about
Morocco in any of the chancellories of Europe. OnMarch 30, 1905, the German Emperor, who was cruis-
in g in the Mediterranean , called at Gibraltar and dined
with Sir George White. The next day he proceededto Morocco and anchored off Tangier and spent a few
hours there where he received the diplomatic corps
and held a conversation with representatives of the
Sultan who had been sent to meet him. The short
speech which the Emperor made to the German resi-
dents in Tangier was reported throughout Europeand caused great excitement as it was regarded as a
challenge-and against what? The public only knew of
the published declarations between France and Eng-
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118 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE .
land and France and Spain . The entire English press
in particular was up in arms. German commercialinterests in Morocco, which had been developing stead-
ily since 1873, were belittled, and the Emperor's visit
was regarded as a piece of insolent effrontery and an
attempt to drive a wedge between England and France .
Is it not reasonable to suppose that the German For-eign Office, through their well-developed secret ser-
vice, had gotten some inkling of the secret addenda to
the public declarations and that it was with this knowl-
edge in mind that the Emperor determined to visit
Morocco and on the spot declare his intention to guard
the independence of the sultan, and by this means to
maintain the open door in Morocco? When Europe dis-
covered that Germany proposed another conference of
the powers over the Moroccan question the English
and French papers, especially the English, violently
opposed the idea. TheTimes on May 2, 1902, said
"The internationa l conference, which it is suggested should
be proposed by the Sultan of Morocco and which Count vonTattenbach sa ys will be supported by German y, will probably
never take pla ce. Its object could only be to revise or stultify
the agreement recentl y concl uded by France an d to give Ger-
man y a voice i n matters with which she has nothing to do . "
Again on June 5th of the same year the Times said
"Cons equently it may be an nounced with confi dence that the
Moroccan proposal for a European conference wil l be enter-
tained by only one of the great powers-namely Germany . Onall sides it is recogni zed that German y must have foreseen that
an invitation coming from Morocco would meet with no re-sponse, and this confirms the general opin ion as to Germany's
whole Moroccan policy being a mere bli nd for something else . "
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THE STORY OF MOROCCO 1 1 9
In France the general trend of public opinion s eemed
to be growing in favor of the proposed conference,
whil e the opposition in the Britis h press became more
bitter. The Foreign Office went so far as to inform
the Sultan that Great Britain would not attend aconference. In spite of this, the conference met at
Algeciras in April, 1906, at which conference eleven
European nations in cluding Great Britai n were repre-
sented as well as the United States of America. At
this conference an act was drawn up which was sup-
posed to settle the Mooris h question for five years .
The Sultan of Morocco ratified the act on June 18,
1906. The act begins, "In the name of God Almighty"
and states that it is "bas ed upon the threefold prin-
ciple of the sovereignty and independence of His
Majesty the Sultan , the in tegrity of his domin ions an d
economic l iberty without an y in equali ty . "
The reforms, which the signatory powers declared
to be necess ary for the preservation of the three prin -
ciples upon which the act was based, covered the or-
ganization of the police ; the illicit trade in arms which
had been going on for some years; the establishmentof a "Moorish State Bank" ; the proper regulation of
taxes so as to provide new sources of revenue; theregulation of customs and suppression of smuggling,and public offices a nd public works . How these re-
forms were to be carried out is very carefull y defined
in various articles of the Act, the concluding article
of which (No. 123) reads as follows :
"All existing treaties, conventions and arrangements be-
tween the signatory Powers and Morocco remain in force. It
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120 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
is, however, agreed that in case their provisions be found
to conflict with those of the present general Act, the stipula-
tions of the latter will prevail . "
Such then became the general law of Europe regard-
ing Morocco for a period of five years from its ratifi-
cation by the Sultan, on June 18, 1906. The la st
article quoted above expressly states that while al l
previous conventions a nd agreements, such as those en-
tered into by England, France and Spain i n 1904, re-
mai n in force, should the provis ion s of such previous
agreements be found to confl ict with the provisions of
the Act of Algeciras "the stipulations of the latter
shall prevail ." Now let us see, briefly, how the pro-
vis ions of the Act of Algeciras were carried out . On
March 27, 1907, a Frenchman was murdered at Mala-kest in Southern Morocco. France at once invaded
Morocco to avenge this murder, and took possession
of Udja. The Sultan protested against the Frenchgovernment's retaining possession, and the French
promised to evacuate but continued in possession .
About this time a Franco-Spanish syndicate obtained
from the Moorish government a concession to build
a railroad from Casablanca, a trading town on the
Atla ntic coast . The survey for this rai lroad ran di-
rectly through a Moorish cemetery to the east of Cas a-
bla nca . While attempting to carry the line through
this cemetery, which the Moors regarded as sacred
ground, a fracas occurred in which several employes
of the railroad were killed. The French i n retal i ation
bombarded Casablanca and overran the territory backof the town known as the Shawiya District and occu-
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THE STORY OF MOROCCO 121
pied both Casablanca and Rabat, another important
coast town on the Atla ntic north of Casa blanca . Hav-
ing successfully invaded and occupied a portion of
the country, whose i ntegrity it had so s olemnl y guar-
anteed, France levied an indemnity upon Morocco for
$12,000,000 for the expenses which she had incurred
in taking possession of this portion of the country, far
from her own Algerian border. She also presented a
.bill for the losses suffered by European and Moorish
merchants because of the bombardment of Casablanca.
These indemnities, piled on top of loans which the
Sultan Abdulaziz had made from France, so increased
the taxa tion of the Moors that an uprising of the peo-
ple drove Abdulaziz from the throne, and on January
4, 1908, his brother Mula i-Hafid was proclaimed Sultan
at Fez . Civil war at once ensued and lasted until
August, 1908, when Abdulaziz was fin ally defeated by
his brother. About the same time Spain, in pursuance
of her secret arrangement with France of 1904,
started a little campaign of her own in the Melilla
district an d deman ded an i ndemni ty of $1,200,00 0 . In
order to meet these indemnities, the distracted andbankrupt government negotiated a new loan by merg-
in g all of her li abil ities to Spai n i nto one loan of
$2,020 ,000. This loan was secured by a mortgage upon
various Moorish revenues, including the remaining
40 per cent of the customs, so that Morocco's i ndebt-
edness to Europe in 1910 had increased to $31,600,000 .
With almost all of his revenues mortgaged to Europe,
and no money at hand to meet the current expenses of
the Government, the Sultan had no other resource
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122 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
except to wring tribute from the tribes, and the cruel-
ties to which he was driven resulted in the unhappy
country's being reduced to a s tate of chaos .. France
was his l argest creditor a nd to her he was forced to
appeal . This was the opportunity for which the
French government had been waiting. A French army
under General Moin ier entered Morocco in April , 1910,
meeting l ittle opposition . En route to the capital he
took possession of Mequinez and other places and
final ly settled down in Fez . At this Spain became
alarmed lest she should be deprived of that portion
of the country allotted to her by the secret agreement
of October, 1904, so she proceeded to take poss ess ion
of Larash on the North Atlantic coast of Morocco,
El Kas r in the interior, and Ifni on the South Atlantic
coast, and sent 20,000 troops to the Riff dis trict on
the Mediterranean coast. Thus we see the partition
of Morocco which had been secretly determined uponbetween France and Spain, with the concurrence of
Engla nd, in the two declarations of 1904, actually car-
ried out in spite of the stipula tions of the conference
at Algeciras . The French occupation of Fez was offi-
cia lly endorsed in the British Parli ament by Sir Ed-
ward Grey, who was attempting to carry out the poli-
cies inaugurated in 1904 by his predecessor, Lord Lans-
downe. A graphic description of the chaos reigning
in the Mooris h capital , the sufferin g and privations of
the foreign residents a nd the perils to which they were
exposed aroused public opin ion i n Great Britai n to an
enthusi astic support of the French action . The real
situation in Fez just before the French occupation has
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THE STORY OF MOROCCO 123
been so graphically described by M . Francis de Pres-
sense, one of the ablest and best informed of French
publicists that I copy his description in full :
"Nevertheless, matters were still not sufficiently to the liking
of the impress arii . To justify the fin an cia l operation which
was to crown the sordid tragic-comedy, something else was
stil l needed . At this point the Comite du Maroc and its
organs surpassed themselves . They organized a campaign ofsystematic untruth . Masters of almost the entire press, they
swamped the country with false news . Fez was represented
as threatened by siege or sa ck . A whole European Frenchcolony was suddenly dis covered there, living in an guis h . Theultimate fate of the women a nd children wa s described in the
most moving terms. Even in the absence of independent
in formation, one could n ot fail to be struck by the si ngula r
contradictions of these a la rmis t despatches . Now Fez waslost, because the Mehal la h, commanded by a French instructor,
was away. Anon the return of the sa id Mehall ah was calcu-la ted to lose Fez . One day the al armed publi c learned that
the town had undergone a formidable as sa ult . The next day
the public was gravely told that the rebels had not yetassembled, but would soon surround Fez with a circle of
iron and flame. The most lamentable details were given
of the state of the expedition ary Mehal lah, which only pos-
sessed an in si gni ficant quantity of cartridges an d shells, but
this did not prevent the subsequent announcement that, than ks
to the heroism of its l eader, it had achieved a great victory
an d scattered the enemy with a hai ls torm of shot and shell .
Fina lly it was affirmed that, in the case of siege, the city was
only provisioned for two or three weeks . Thus carefullycooked, public opinion s oon took fire . What was the gov-ernment thinking of? At al l cost the Europeans , the Sultan,
Fez itself, must be saved! As ever from the beginning ofthis enterprise, the government knew nothing, wil led nothing of
i t s e l f. With a s alutary dread of complications it would have
preferred not to move, perhaps, even, had it dared, to with-
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124 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
draw from the hornet's n est . But the greater fears it experi-
enced from another quarter prevailed ; those inculcated by
the so-called patriotic shoutings, the concerted clamours ofthe orchestra of which the Comite' du Maroc holds the baton,
and whose chief performers are to be found i n Le Temps andLe Matin . The order to advance was given .
"Already, whil e the expedition was on i ts way, li ght began
to pierce . Those redoubtable rebels, who were threatening
Fez, had disappeared li ke the dew in the morni ng . Barely did
a few ragged horsemen fire off a s hot or two before turni ng
around and riding away at a furious gallop . A too dis-ingenuous or too truthful correspondent gave the show away .
The expeditiona ry force compla ins, he gravely reports, of the
absence of the enemy ; the approaching harvest season is keep-
ing all the healthy males in the fields! Thus did the phantomso dextrously conjured by the Comite' du Maroc, for the
benefit of its aims, disappear in the night .
"Avowals an d dis closures then began in right earnest . Oneof the correspondents, who had contributed his share to the
concert of lying news, wrote with an admirable sa ng-froid
that, in truth, there had been some exaggeration ; that, in point
of fact, at no moment had the safety of Fez and its i nhabi-
tants been seriousl y mena ced ; that the idea of a regular siege
and sudden capture had been alike chimerical ; an d that,
moreover, so far as the provisioni ng of the place was con-
cerned, he could re-as sure the most timorous that there was
sufficient corn in the city to feed the whole population, plus
the expeditionary column, for more than a year! The farce
was pla yed . After Cas abl an ca F ez, Fran ce, without real izi ng
it, without wishin g it, al most without knowing it, had taken
a decisive step . An in definite occupation of the capital was a
natural prelude to a Protectorate . For clever men, who hadinvented an d executed the scena rio, there now only remai ned
the tas k of reapi ng the fruits of their efforts . The era ofconcess ions, profits, dividends was about to open. Prematurejoyfulness! It was the era of difficulties which was at han d . "
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THE STORY OF MOROCCO 125
This was the awful situation which the French gov-
ernment had sent an expedition to remedy and which
Sir Edward Grey so heartily approved of in Parlia-
ment,-but what was Germany, equally with England,
Fran ce an d Spai n a s igna tory to the Act of Algeciras ,
which so carefull y an d solemnl y guara nteed the i nteg-
rity and independence of Morocco, doing all this while?
To understan d the situation clearly it must be remem-
bered that ever since the Madrid Conference in 1880,
when Morocco became "an international question,"
Germany had steadily maintained, before the Reichs-
tag an d in al l diplomatic correspondence with the va-
rious chancellories, that her interests i n Morocco were
purely a nd solely commercial, and that to protect these
interests an d secure an equal opportuni ty of trade for
d l l na tions ali ke, in other words, "the open door," it
was necessary that the independence and integrity of
the Shereefian Empire be maintained. That her com-
mercial interests in Morocco were large and her in-
sistence upon their protection just, was recognized in
the French Chamber. This was shown when M . Des-
chanel, president of the French Parliamentary Com-
mittee on F oreign Affairs, in the course of his explan-
ation to the Chamber of Franco-German Convention
of November, 1911, said
"Could we affect to ignore the interest of Germany in
Morocco for half a century, the travels of her explorers, the
activity of her colonists, her agricultural and mineral enter-
prises, her steamship lines, her postoffices, and especially that
movement of ideas which gravitated towards the Shereefia n
Empire, not in Pan-German circles and coloni al committees
alone, but in intellectual circles among the elite, which, t o
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126 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
the honor an d power of that n ation, where all co-operate for
the same ends, prepares the work of the diplomatists andsoldiers. "
But let us return to the question as to what Germany
was doing before and during the French occupation
of Fez. That she was perfectly aware of the conse-
quences of such an occupation no one can doubt, nor
can one doubt her recognition of the fact, that, after
such an occupation, to expect France to retreat would
be an act of humiliation to which no proud nation
would voluntarily submit .
On July 1, 1911, a despatch was sent by the Ger-
man government to her ambassadors in the various
capitals of Europe which read, in part, as follows
"Some German firms, establ ished in the south of Morocco,
notably at Agadir an d in that vici ni ty, have been a la rmed by
a certain ferment among the local tribes, due, it seems, to the
recent occurrences in other parts of the country . These firms
have appli ed to the Imperia l Government for protection for
their lives and property . At their request the Imperia l Gov-
ernment has decided to send a warship to the port of Agadir
to lend help and as si stan ce in case of need to its subjects
an d proteges, a s well as to the cons iderable German i nterests
in the territory in question . As soon as the state of affairs
in Morocco has resumed its former quiet aspect, the ship,
charged with this protective mis si on, sha ll leave the port
of Agadir.
"Please convey this information, verbal ly, to the government
to which you are accredited, if possible on Saturday at noon,
leaving the text as an aide-memoire .
(Signed) "Kiderlen . "
On July 3rd the German gunboat "Panther," of
moderate tonnage, carrying only one hundred and
twenty-five men, anchored off Agadir .
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THE STORY OF MOROCCO 127
The news of its a rrival was received in Paris with
great calmness. The French Foreign Minister, M .
de Selves, regarded it as an incident of so li ttle im-
portan ce that he went to Holl and with President Fal-
lieres a nd remained there until July 7th . In England,
on the contrary, the excitement was great, although
the Britis h Empire was onl y in directly in terested . Sir
Edward Grey sent for the German Ambassador and
cal led a meeting of the Cabin et . This was on July 3rd,
the day the "Panther" arrived . On July 4th he again
sent for the German Ambassador and told him 'that
the British government could not recognize any ar-
rangement which might be made as a result of the new
si tuation which had a risen . Mr. Asquith, the PrimeMin ister, told the House of Commons on July 6th, that
"His Majesty's government considered that a new
si tuation had aris en in Morocco in which it is poss ible
that future developments may affect Britis h i nterests
more directly than has been the case. " The Times
took up the question, attacking the German govern-
ment and the German Emperor with great violence,
denying that Germany had any rights in question, and
a c c u s i n g t h e G e r m a n g o v e r n m e n t o f i n s o l e n t l y a t t e m p t - g
ing to interfere in matters with which she had no
concern.
In France, where the public were most directly in-
terested, the tone of the press was distinctly mild . The
government recogni zed that German y had a very strong
case indeed and that if France were to be al lowed to
occupy Morocco without any friction some compensa-
tion must be offered to Germany because of her very
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130 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
manner described in the preceding chapter, whichresulted in the partition of Morocco and the f i n a l
agreement with France as to Egypt . All this time
France had been in close alliance with Russia, and
Russia had been steadily encroaching upon the ter-
ritory of Persia, and thus getting nearer to India.
In order to reach a perfect understandin g with France
it became necess ary to arrive at some sort of under-
standing with Russ ia, and this led to the formation of
the Triple Entente which was planned by King Edward
VII and Delcasse, the French Minister of Foreign
Affairs, to check the Triple Alliance between Germany,
Austria-Hungary and Italy, and thus preserve that
sacred idol of secret diplomacy, the "Bal ance of Power
in Europe. "
When Sir Edward Grey succeeded Lord Lansdowne,
under the ministry of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman
in 1906, he, although member of a Liberal cabinet,proceeded to carry out the dis tin ctly Tory policy of
his predecess or .
This naturally led to the convention between Eng-
land and Russia as to Persia, which was signed onAugust 31, 1907. The preamble to this convention
and those parts of it which most vitally affect the inde-
pendence of Persia read as follows
"His Majesty, the King of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain a nd Ireland and the British Dominions beyond the
Seas, Emperor of India , an d His Majesty, the Emperor of
All the Russ ia s, a ni mated by the sincere desire to decide by
mutual agreement different questions concerning the interests
of their states on the Continent of Asia, have determined to
conclude agreements destined to prevent all cause of misun-
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132 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
section of the Russi an and Afghan frontiers, and not to
oppose d i r e c t l y , or indirectly, demands for similar conces-
s ions i n thi s region which are supported by the Russian
Government. It is understood that the above mentioned placesare included in the region i n which Great Britai n engages not
to seek the concessions referred to .
I I
"Russ ia, on her part, engages not to seek for herself, an d
not to support in fa vor of Russ ian s ubjects, or in favor of
subjects of third Powers, any concessions of a political or
commercial na ture-such as concessi ons for railways, banks,
telegraphs, roads, transports, in surances, etc.-beyond a line
going from the Afghan frontier by way of Gazik, Birjasid,Kerman, and ending at Bunder Abbas, and not to oppose,
directly or indirectly, demands for simila r concessions in this
region which are supported by the British Government . I t i s
understood that the above mentioned places are included i n
the region in which Russia engages not to seek the concess ions
referred to .
III
"Russ ia, on her part, engages n ot to oppose, without pre-
vious a rrangement with Great Britai n, the grant of an y con-
cessions whatever to British subjects i n the regions of Persi a
si tuated between the li nes mentioned in Articles I and II .
Great Britai n undertakes a si mil ar engagement as regards the
gran t of concessi ons to Russi an subjects in the same region s
of Persia .
"All concessions existing at present in the regions indicated
in Articles I and II are main tained .
IV"It is understood that the revenues of all the Persi an cus-
toms, with the exception of those of the Persi an Gulf andof Farsis tan, revenues guaranteeing the amortization an d the
interest of the loans concluded by the Government of the
Shah with the 'Ban que d'Escompte et des Prets de Perse' up
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THE AGREEMENT WITH RUSSIA 135
was not to allow one another to intervene on the pretext of
safeguarding their interest . The two Powers hope that in
future Persi a will be forever delivered from the fear of for-
eign intervention and will then be perfectly free to manage
her own affairs i n her own way, whereby advantage wil l
accrue to herself an d to the whole world . "
It is interestin g to note that until December, 1911,
no mention of this above "explanation" appeared in
the Britis h Blue Book .
Rumors of this communication from Sir Cecil
Spring-Rice to the Persian Government having gained
ground in Engla nd, the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs was questioned in the House of Commons
upon this subject, and acknowledged that this com-
munication or expla nation of the convention had been
made to the Persian Government by the British
Min i ster on the date above mentioned .
Now, let us briefly cons ider how the two "friendly"
powers lived up to their agreement to guarantee and
protect"the integrity and independence of Persi a ." Dur-
ing the five years previous to the signing of the Russo-
Britis h convention there had grown up in Persi a a n a-
tiona l is ts party led by young, able a nd patriotic men
who had traveled and studied in Europe and had be-
come inoculated with the modern spirit of democracy.
This party had attempted to establi sh a constitutional
government in Persia, but every effort towards real re-
form which they made was opposed by the reigning
Shah, Mohammed Ali, who was little more than atool of Russi a . In spite of this opposition a constitu-
tion had been established which the Shah solemnly
swore to accept .
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136 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
In December, 1907, the year of the convention,
the Shah determined to destroy the Medjlis, and for
this purpose gathered together an army composed of
from twelve to eighteen hundred Persians, com-
manded by Russian officers, who had been loaned bythe Russ ian Government for this purpose but were paid
out of the Persian Treasury, an d a l arge body of his
own servitors, i ncreased by al l of the discontents i n
the capital . On December 15th the Prime Minister
and his cabinet, who had just resigned, were sum-
moned by the Shah to his palace and there forcibly
detained . During their detention the Shah's forces
stirred up a riot in Teheran, which was successfully
put down by the Medjlis, and by December 20th orderwas restored and a new cabinet, proposed by the
Shah, was accepted by the Medjlis.
By the end of May, 1908, both the Royalist and
Nation al is t parties had formulated their policies a nd
had come to a mutual agreement. The Shah, on June1st, dismi ssed certai n of his courtiers i n a ccordan ce
with the demands of the Nationa lists, an d one of these,
Ami Bahadur Jang, the one most hated by the Persian
people, found an asylum in the Russian Ministry,
and Mr. Marling, the British Charge d'Affaires, called
upon the Persian Minister of Foreign Affairs andthreatened that unless the Persi an Government agreed
to the demands of the Shah, Russia would forciblyintervene. This was in less than five months after
Sir Cecil Spring-Rice had issued his formal com-
munication statin g that neither Great Britai n n or Rus-
sia would ever interfere in the local affairs of the
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THE AGREEMENT WITH RUSSIA 137
Persian Government. This threat of the two lega-
tions led to an attack on the Parli ament Building on
June 23rd, when one thousand Cossacks, under the
leadership of Colonel Liakhoff, a Russian officer,
opened fire upon the Medjlis and killed a number
of National is ts . The defenders of the Medjlis kept
up a resis tance for seven or eight hours, in spite of
the odds against them, and did not give up until
the buildings were badly damaged by shell and shrap-
nel and most of the inmates either killed or cap-
tured . For several days after the destruction of the
Medjlis, Colonel Liakhoff an d his Cossacks bombarded
a nd looted the houses of al l who were especia l ly dis-
liked by the Shah . Valuable records belonging to the
Medjlis were destroyed in this bombardment, and
Colonel Liakhoff became an actual dictator in
Teheran. The Russian zone in Persia, as defined by
the convention of 1907, contai ned Teheran, the capital,
Tabriz, the second la rgest city, an d most of the impor-
tant centers of population . During the bombardment
in Teheran a minor revolution a gainst the Shah broke
out at Tabriz, which was put down by a second inter-
vention of Russian troops on the ground that their
presence was neces sary to protect the li ves and prop-
erty of foreigners, although both in Teheran and at
Tabriz, a ll of the depredation aga in st foreigners had
been committed by Royali st s oldiers a nd foll owers, a s
the Nationalists were scrupulous to protect foreign
lives an d properties . Ample proof of this fact hasbeen given by Europeans who were residing in both
cities at the time. The hopes of the Persian people
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138 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
to establi sh a constitutiona l government of their own
seemed doomed to defeat, owing to the active inter-ference of Russia .
In October of this same year, 1908, the tide in favor
of the Nationalists began to turn, and by October
12th they succeeded in getting undisputed control of
T'abriz, but the inhabitants of the city were in almost
desperate straits . Many were dying from starvation,
and the city was surrounded by the forces of theShah .
Throughout the winter conditions went from bad
to worse, and on April 21st, 1909, an attempt was made
to break through the enemy's lines to secure food.
This sortie was led by an Englishman named W. A .
Moore, who had gone to Persia to represent several
English newspapers and who had joined the
Nationalist forces, and an American, Mr. H. C. Bas -
kerville, who was a teacher in the school of the Ameri-
can Presbyterian Mission at Tabriz. In this sallyMr. Baskervil le was killed, and on April 29th a Rus-
si an force, composed of three battal ion s of in fan try,
two of artil lery and a company of sappers, entered the
city . At this time the Russian Government gave
solemn a ss uran ces that just as soon a s order was re-
stored these four thousand troops would be with-
drawn, but down to June, 1912, the order for theirwithdrawal had not been issued. On April 22nd theBritish and Russian Legations sent a note to the
Shah demanding that he restore order and accept the
constitution, and as a result of this note he, the
Shah, on May 10th agai n solemnly swore that he would
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THE AGREEMENT WITH RUSSIA 139
abide by the constitution, but by this time the
Nationa li st leaders, as well as the Persian people, had
lost all faith in his promises .
A guerilla warfare between the forces of the two
parties was kept up, with varying results, until the
month of July, when Russia warned the Nationaliststhat any further attempts on their part to enter
Teheran would' be followed by active intervention.
On July 10th a battle was fought between Cossack
troops and Nationalist forces at Badamak, fifteen
mil es from Teheran , but without any decis ive results,
although skirmishing continued for two days. OnJuly 13th the Nationa lis t forces s ucceeded in s lipping
through the Cossack and Royalist lines and entered
Teheran .
They were received by the inhabitants of the city
with greatest joy, an d by the 15th received full pos-
sess ion of the capital . On the next day the Shah,
with a l arge party of his soldiers an d attendants, left
the city at 8 :30 o'clock in the morning an d took refuge
in the Russian Legation, seven miles outside of the
city . By this act he virtual ly abdicated his throne .
As soon as he reached the legation both the Russian
an d British fla gs were hoisted, showing the una ni mity
between the two powers i n upholding the Shah agai nst
the-Persian people .
On that same evening a mass meeting was held in
the grounds of the Medjli s pal ace, in which the Shah
was formally deposed and his son, Ahmad Mirza, a
boy twelve years old, was proclaimed his successor,
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THE AGREEMENT WITH RUSSIA 141
Rice an d is sued posi tive orders n ot to oppose Russ ia .
The Persian Government, in December, 1909, attempt-
ed to obtain from the governments of Great Britain
and Russia a loan of $2,500,000, but the conditions
upon which they could secure this amount of money
were so dangerous to the independence of Persia that
the Medjli s did not dare to accept them . In the fol-
lowing year the Persian Government entered into
negotiations with a private banking house in London,
and the terms of the loan had been mutually agreed
upon, to the satisfaction of both parties, when the
British Government, acting upon protestation from
Russia, prevented the Medjlis from pledging the
Persian crown jewels as security, so these negotia-tions were brought to an end . While the above men-
tioned negotiations were going on, Russia was de-
mandin g val uable concessi ons from Persi a as the price
of withdrawing her troops from Tabriz and vicinity,
although the country was absolutely at peace, and
there was no poss ible excuse for the presence of the
Cossacks. In all of these demands Russia had the
open sympathy of the British Government. Having
fail ed in a ll the attempts to float a l oan in England or
Russia, the Medjli s decided to try the experiment of
securing an administrator from the United States, as
they felt that an official who was free from any Euro-
pean i nfluence might be able to re-organize the fina ncial
condition of their distracted country . On December25, 1910, the Persian Mi nister of Foreign Affai rs sent
instructions to the Persian representative in Wash-
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142 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
ington to take the necessary steps to secure such an
admin i strator as might be needed .
Mr. Knox wa s then the America n Secretary of State,and, upon his recommendation, Mr. W. Morgan Shus-
ter was offered a contract to act for three years as
Treasurer-General of the Persian Empire in order to
organ ize and coll ect the revenues of Persi a and super-
intend their disbursements . Four American assistants
to the Treasurer-General were also engaged. Shortly
after his return to this country Mr. Shuster published
a graphic account of his experiences in this responsible
position, which he very aptly describes i n his title as
The Strangling o f Persia . He arrived in Teheran
on May 12, 1911, and at once entered upon his dif-
ficult duties . From the very first he was made to feel
the subtle opposi tion of Russi a and the apathy of Eng-
land to his efforts at reform, but equally, at the outset
of his work, he won the support and active sympathy
and co-operation of the Medjlis and Persian people.
Shortly before Mr. Shuster's arrival , the Persian Gov-
ernment had secured from the Imperial Bank of
Persia, a British corporation, the loa n of $6,250,00 0 .
On May 30th, a l ittle over a fortnight after his arrival,
Mr. Shuster submitted to the cabin et the project of alaw pla cin g i n the han ds of the Treas urer-General the
control of the refunding operations and expenditures
resulting from this loan, which project was at once
approved by the Cabinet, passed by the Medjlis and
enacted into law. The passing of this law was in
direct opposition to the Russian influence and was
regarded by the Medjli s as a victory for their govern-
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THE AGREEMENT WITH RUSSIA 143
ment . On June 13th the Medjlis passed another law
establi shing a central organ ization, which was to be
known as the office of the Treasurer-General of Persi a .
This office was to be held responsible for the coll ec-
tion and disbursement of all revenues and govern-
ment receipts, from whatever source they might be
derived, and was to make and authorize all payments,
for whatever purpose, in behalf of the Government
of Persia . Previous to the ena ctment of this law col-
lections had been made by officials of so many gov-
ernment departments that it was practically impossible
for the government to know the amount of the public
revenues, from what sources they came and where they
went. During the eight months, in which Mr. Shus-ter wa s a llowed to rema in i n Persi a, under the opera-
tion of this law, taxes were collected, all regular and
extraordinary expenses were met, all foreign obli ga-
tions an d the sa la ries of the different min is tries an d
of the foreign representatives of the government, were
pai d for the first time in years, an d an accurate ac-
count of every receipt and expenditure was kept. I t
was to have been supposed that the enactment of such
a la w, protectin g an d guaran teeing the rights a nd i n-
terests of foreign creditors, would have won the en-
thusiastic support of the foreign powers, but such, alas !
was not the case. On the very day on which the law
was passed, the Russian Minister announced that the
Belgian Customs employees, who had been installedbefore the advent of Mr. Shuster, should not be underthe control or supervis ion of the American Treas urer-
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146 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
Persian Government a verbal ultimatum demanding
among other things, a n apology for the "in sult" which
he alleged had been offered to Russian Consular Of-
f i c i a l s . An immediate answer of "Yes" or "No" was
demanded to this ultimatum. The Persian Cabinet
sent for Mr. Shuster, who advised that the demands
of Russia were without either law or justice and should
b° refused. This was on November 3rd, the same day
,as the in cident about Prince Alau'd Dawla above re-
ported . On November 6th the Persian Government
made a dignified but firm reply to the Russian ulti-
matum and offered to submit the matters therein to
arbitration . It is needless to say that the Russian
Government was greatly surprised by the firmness of
Persia 's reply . In the meantime some friction had
arisen because Mr. Shuster had employed a British
subject named Lecoffre, who had for several years
been a resident of Teheran, to go to Tabriz to in-vestigate the mis appropria tion of taxes in that city .
Russia had objected to this employment of Mr. Le-
coffre, and Sir Edward Grey had wired to Sir George
'Barclay that the sending of Mr. Lecoffre to Tabriz
would cause a protest from Russ ia which might result
in her seizin g the northern provin ces .
The Persian Government, on November 11th, hav-
'ing become alarmed at the Russian preparations forseizi ng Northern "Persi a, appeal ed to the Britis h Gov-
erntnent as to what course they should pursue. Sir
Edward Grey immediately wired his advice for Persia
to accept the Russ ian ultimatum an d apologize.
Acting upon Sir Edward Grey's advice and realizing
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THE AGREEMENT WITH RUSSIA 147
the hopelessness of the situation, the Persia n Minis ter
of Foreign Affairs, on November 24th, drove to the
Russian Legation and made the desired apology. This
was the last thing that Russia really wanted, as she
had been counting upon a pretext for invading North-
ern Persia .
Persia only yielded because Sir Edward Grey had
assured the Persian Government, through the British
Legation, that Russia would at once withdraw her
troops if an apology was made .
One can imagine the Persian Minister's surprise and
indignation when the Russian Minister informed him
that Persia's apology was accepted but . that in the
meantime another ultimatum was being prepared . The
text of the second ultimatum I copy in full from Mr .
Shuster's book, because it marks the end of Persia's
pathetic struggle for national independence. It readsas follows
"In the course of our interview of Friday (November 24th)
I had the honor of expla ining to Your Excellency the rea-
sons which impelled the Imperia l Government of Russ ia to
put several further proposals before the Persi an Govern-
ment, and I have been waitin g for my Government's i nstruc-
tions on the subject. Those i ns truction s have now reached
me and I have the honor to make, on the behalf of the Russi an
Government, the following proposals .
"1. The dismissal of Mr. Shuster and Mr. Lecoffre ; the
status of the other persons who have been invited intoservice by Mr. Shuster will be determi ned i n a ccorda nce
with the second proposal .
"2. An undertaking by the Persian Government not toengage in the service of Persia foreign subjects without
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148 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
first obtain in g the consent of the Russ ia n an d British Le-
gations .
"3. The payment by the Persian Government of an in-demnity to defray the expenses of the present despatch oftroops to Persia . The amount and manner of payment andcompens ation wil l be fixed after the receipt of the Persian
Government's reply"I cons ider it my duty to explain that the reasons for
these measures are :
"1 . The absolute necessity of obtaining compensation,
owing to the fact that the Imperial Government has beenforced to sen d troops to Persi a and owing to the recent in -
sulting acts of Mr. Shuster towards Russia .
"2 . The earnest desire of the Imperial Government isnow to remove the principal source of conflict which hasari sen, an d in the future to lay the foundation s upon which
the two Governments ca n fi rmly buil d up friendly an d stabl e
rela tions an d to give a prompt an d satisfactory solution to
al l the Russ ia n matters a nd questions still pendin g .
"3. In addition to the above facts I have to point outthat the Imperia l Government wil l not wai t longer than forty-
eight hours for the execution of the aforesaid proposa ls, an d
during this i nterval the Russ ian troops wil l remai n a t Resht .
If no reply, or an uns atis factory reply, is received at the
expiration of the sa id period the troops wil l advan ce and it
is evident that this wil l i ncrease the in demni ty to be pai d
by Persi a to Russ ia . "
The rest of the story is very short and can be told
in a few words. This second ultimatum was presented
on November 29th . Shortly after its presentation, the
British Parliament demanded of Sir Edward Greywhy the name of the British Government had been
used . Hi s reply was that he had agreed to Russia's
demands . He further stated that Mr. Shuster had
attempted to "set the clock back" in Persia, and, in
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THE AGREEMENT WITH RUSSIA 149
consequence, must go. The effect of the ultimatum
upon the Persian Government was stupefying. In
spite of the continued aggressions of Russia since
1907, the Persians had believed in the sacredness of
treaty obligations and could not imagine that their
whole nationa l i ndependence, and even existence, could
be overthrown on such a pretext as Russia hadoffered, and the government found it even more dif-
ficult to believe in England's a cquiescence to such de-
mands . The Medjlis however determined to stand by
their guns . An hour before the expirati on of the time
limit, a venerable Mohammedan priest arose in the
Medjlis and said, "It may be the will of Allah that
our liberty and our sovereignty shall be taken away
by force, but let us not sign them away with our own
hands." So saying he sat down in silence, but these
inspired words were enough. The die was cast, and
the ultimatum was rejected . Of course, the Medjlis
reali zed what their action meant, but such real ization
makes the action only the more noble. After the
rejection events followed fast. By December 24th theMedjlis was abolished, the Russian troops had ad-
vanced to Teheran, and military control was estab-
lished in the capital .
Mr. Shuster left Teheran on the 11th of January,1910, a nd four days l ater sa i led from Enzel i, a nd the
story of Persia's dyin g struggle for liberty was at an
end. Speaking of the part which England played inthis tragic struggle, Mr. Arthur Bullard, in an article
on "The British Foreign Policy and Sir Edward Grey,"
which appeared in the Century Magazine for Decem-
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150 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
ber, 1915, says : "From a human itaria n poin t of view
the British record in Persia is the blackest in recent
history. It is on a par with their Chin ese opium war
and their ultimatum to Portugal in 1890 . "
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CHAPTER XI .
ENGLAND AND GERMANY
T HE relations hip between England an d the states
which now comprise the German Empire was one
of sympathy, and at times close alliance, from the time
bf Elizabeth until the close of the Nineteenth Century .
From the acces sion of George I, in 1714, unti l the
death of Queen Victoria , the alliance with the Ger-
man States might almost be called a family affair, as
the sympathies of the House of Hanover were dis-
tinctly German . During his numerous wars we find
England aiding and abetting Frederick the Great
against the rest of Europe . For a short space of time,
during Victoria's reign, Engla nd, in a ll ia nce with
Napoleon III, carried on the Crimean War, but this
alli ance was wholly due to the fear of Russia, which
I have already dwelt upon . The Crimean War wasnever popular, and, when war broke out between
Fran ce and Prussia i n 1870, the Engli sh people sided
with Pruss ia . The question of the neutrality of Bel-
gium was brought to the front duri ng this war, a nd
in view of the present situation i n Europe, it is in-
teresting to consider the attitude of the British Gov-
ernment upon that subject in 1870 . On August 19thof that year Great Britain and Prussia signed a treaty
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ENGLAND AND GERMANY 153
which I have just quoted, and which was to be bind-
ing for onl y one year after the close of the war . Byhis speech in the House of Commons, he showed that
he did not wish to bind his country in any future
controversies which might aris e . At that time the feel-
in g in Englan d was strong again st France . Lord Sal is -
bury, who succeeded Mr. Gladstone, was even moreaverse to havin g his country mixed up in Continental
affairs . When, in 1887, there seemed to be a pos-
sibility of another war between Germany and France,a letter appeared in the S t a n d a r d , which was the recog-
nized organ of the Salisbury government (February
4th), in which the writer stated that "it would be mad-
ness for us to oppose the passage of German troops
through Belgium." This was the openly expressedview of the Foreign Office at that time. The facts
relatin g to the treaties of 1839 and 1870 must be borne
in min d when one consi ders the origins of the present
war, which wil l be cons idered in another chapter .
Throughout the Eighteenth Century we find Eng-
lan d closely al lied with the German States, particula rly
with Prussia, not merely because her king was Ger-
man, but because it was to her interest to preservesuch alliances . It was under the leadership of a Ger-
man, Prince George of Hesse-Darmstadt, that Ger-
man troops, aided by the Britis h navy, captured Gibral-
tar and secured for Great Britain actual control ofthe entrance to the Mediterranean Sea . In all of her
Continental struggles England employed Hanoverian
or other German troops, and in her war with herAmerican Colonies sent bands of Hessians to this
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154 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
country. When Maria Theresa allied herself to
France in 1756, and thus broke away from the tra-
ditional Hapsburg policy, England first appreciated
the necessity of a defin ite understanding with the Ger-
man prin cipal ities, a nd this led to her makin g a treaty
with Prussia (in 1756) by which subsidies amounting
to $3,350,000 a year were paid to Frederick the Great
for the purpose of carrying on his wars and raising
Prussia to an equality with Austria. It is true that
under George III and Lord Bute this treaty was for
a time set aside and Frederick left to his own re-
sources, but when Fran ce al lied herself to the Ameri-
can Coloni es in 1778, an d thus ena bled them to achieve
their complete independence, Frederick refused to
offer Engla nd an y as si stan ce, and so pai d off his old
scores, a nd friendly relations were restored . During
the Napoleonic wars the sympathy between England
and Prussia was closer than ever before, an d, had it
not been for England's steady refusal to make anyterms with Napoleon and the troops which she sent
to the Continent under Wellington and the subsidieswhich she granted to the allies, Germany today might
be only a French province. In 1813, after the battle
of Jena, Prussia was completely crushed and humili-
ated, an d the victorious Napoleon proceeded to divide
up her domin ions to suit himself .
Never has the spirit of the German people a nd their
leaders been fi ner than in this, their darkest hour ;
with a lofty ideal of national independence before
them, under the guidance of such patriotic statesmen
as Stein, Scharnhorst, Gneisenau and Hardenburg,
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156 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
ditional ally of Great Britain, except in the Seven
Years' War, so Castlereagh joined Metternich and
Tal lyran d to oppose the schemes of Russi a, a nd forced
the German Confederation upon Prussia. What could
poor Frederick William do against such a coalition-
Metternich, Tal lyran d an d Castlereagh, true dis ciples
of the poli cies of Machia velli! After the retirement
of Castlereagh, in 1822, English foreign policy be-
came distinctly more broad-minded. The Resolutions
of Carlsbad, in 1819, had given to the German Gov-
ernments complete control over the political activities
and intellectual life of their people, and German
thought was guided by Goethe and by the professors
in the various uni versities, al l of whom were enthusi -
as tic admirers of English ins titutions . About this
time Lord Palmerston wa s pl aced in control of Foreign
Affai rs of Great Britai n, and he held this position for
almost an entire generation, and may be said to have
establ i shed the Britis h Foreign Poli cy of today. Hearranged the neutrality and independence of Belgium ;
established British in fluence in Chin a ; by his benevo-
lent neutrality made the Kingdom of Italy possible,
and effectually put a check to French and Russian
designs in the Near East, but his whole attitude to
the German States was the narrow one of prejudice,
if not actual dislike. To him is ascribed the descrip-
tion of German y as "a l an d of damned profess ors," and
he is s aid to have quoted the statement of Voltaire, that
the Germans should be content to rule the clouds,
while France ruled the land and Great Britai n the seas .
The witty Frenchman, of course, did not foresee the
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ENGLAND AND GERMANY 157
days of Zeppeli n s . In 1848, when the Frankfort As-
sembly bought a fleet to protect Schleswig-Holstein
from being taken over by Denmark, Palmerston said
that the German flag was unknown to international
law, an d that the ships of that confederation could be
treated as pirates by British cruisers . His policy was
regarded on the Continent as treacherous and high-
handed, and in Germany it was felt that he intended
to keep the country divided in the interests of Britis h
monopoly. In the li ght of the knowl edge of today i t
seems incomprehensible that a statesman, who so
quickly real ized the val ue of a uni ted Italy, an d who
did all in his power to aid the Ital ia n cause, should
have failed to real ize the value to Europe of a uni ted
Germany. Had this unification taken place in thosedays it i s hardly possible that Europe today would be
facing destruction . Under Palmerston's dominationthe Engli sh people accepted his ideas and prejudices
about Germany the more easily, because they knew
nothin g about the German people . Thackeray sa ys that
at no time in English history has the English insula rity
and patronizing insolence to al l foreign people been
stronger than in the days of Palmerston, and never
were the English people less understood or more cor-
dia l ly disl iked by the people on the Contin ent. Thisdoubtless accounts, i n a measure, for a great deal of the
present hatred of England in Germany. The Germansare a proud and supersens itive people, "sl ow to wrath
an d slow to speak," an d in the min ds of such a people
slights and insults are not easily forgotten and, feeding
upon themselves, grow in to mighty forces for good or
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158 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
evil . The influence of the English Court, on the other
hand, was strongly German, and was made so by the
marriage of the Queen, as Prince Albert, by his per-
sonal charm, his quiet dignity and his steadfast
effacement of himself in all political questions, won
the admiration a nd affection of the Engli sh people . Sir
Harry Johnston says
"The marriage of Queen Victoria gave a fresh impetusto the German ization of Britai n . Notable Germans weremore or less directly brought to this country by those far-
seeing helpers of England, Leopold and Albert of Saxe-
Coburg. They explored unkn own l a nds for the Britis h Em-
pire, founded coll eges of music and chemis try, schools an d
museums of art, studios in phil ology, an cient a nd modern,
improved both theatre and drama, extended horticulture an d
assi sted to make Kew Gardens an d the Herbarium what they
are an d have been to an Empire in which economic bota ny
is a matter of necessity, not a pretty luxury as some of our
home-bred statesmen have imagined . Gla nce through the
eminent names which have become famous in the Britishcolonial and imperial history, in British exploration, biology,
metall urgy, prin ting, musi c, journal is m, ban king, la w mak-
in g and expounding, soldierin g and seaman shi p, an d note
how many of them are of recent or immediate extraction . "
When Bismarck began to carry out his plans for the
unification of the German States, Queen Victoria lent
all of her sympathy and her tremendous influence to
aid and assist him . This was the time of the Schles-
wig-Holstein controversy. The question of the right-
ful ownership of these provinces was so complicated
that Lord Palmerston said only three people really
understood it, and they were the Danish Prime Minis-
ter, who had lost his mind ; Prince Albert, who had
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ENGLAND AND GERMANY 159
recently died, and himself-and he had completely
f o r g o t t e n i t . The status of these duchies rested upon
an international agreement made in 1852, and Lord
Palmerston fully believed, when Denmark attempted
to annex them in 1863 and Prussia and the entire
German Confederation opposed Denmark, that the
whole matter could easily be settled by the European
Concert. In this belief he was mistaken, and Bis-
marck acquired for Prussia both Schleswig and Hol-
s t e i n . This action of Bismarck's was generally dis-
approved in Germany until after the war with Aus-
t r i a i n 1 8 6 6 . A prominent English writer upon naval
affairs said, "The war of 1864 was one of the great
crossroads of British History, and England took the
wrong turning." After Austria was defeated in 1866
and the North German Confederation established, the
English Government began to understand the prog-
ress of affairs in Central Europe, but this caused no
anxiety in England. The government rather looked
upon the new confederation as a valuable bulwark
against France and an aid in the preservation of the
balance of power. Napoleon III had excited the ani-
mosity of the English people because he had exacted
Savoy and Nice from Italy as a price for his aid in
the Italian War of Liberation, and in 1867 he had
i n v o l v e d E n g l a n d i n a v e r y d i f f i c u l t p l e d g e t o p r e s e r v e
the neutrality of Luxemburg . Bismarck's action in
transposing the wording of the famous Ems telegram
was then entirely unknown, so when war broke out
between France and Prussia the sympathies of the
English Court and the English people were all with
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162 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
realized how German assistance had enabled his pre-
decessor to attain that "peace with honor" at the
Congress of Berlin, and welcomed the news of the
first alliance between Germany and Austria-Hungary
as "tidings of great joy." Had the Conservatives not
been driven from power in 1880, it is probably true that
an Anglo-German Alliance would have been formed,
as Bismarck had made such a suggestion to Lord Bea-
consfield immediately after the Congress of Berlin,
and his suggestion had been cordially received . There
are many reasons why such an alliance would have
been distin ctly favorable to Great Britain . She and
Austria were equally anxious to prevent any Russian
aggression in the Balkans, and both she and Italy
opposed French pretensions in Africa and the Medi-
terranean, an d when France occupied Tunis in 1888, a
British squadron immediately appeared in Italian
waters, while Bismarck announced, "In Egypt I am
English. "
It is a recognized fact that Anglo-German friend-
ship prevented Russia from acquiring control of Bul-
garia, and General Boulanger from bringing abouta war of revenge. While, through the efforts of
Bismarck and Beaconsfield, England and Germany
seemed on the eve of a close mutual alliance, Russia
had come to an understanding with France, from
whom she had borrowed vast sums of money. This
understanding did not, in its beginning, cause any
great anxiety in Berli n, because the relations between
the German Empire, and both France and Russia, wereat that time reasonably cordial. In England, the
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164 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
answer is easily found. To refer once again to Sir
John Seeley, "All the great wars since the days of
Cromwell have been wars of trade." At the time
of the formation of the German Empire England con-
trolled the trade of the world . The only power who
was at al l l ikely to be her competitor was the Uni ted
States, and as this country had no merchant marine
and only a comparatively small navy, and is, more-over, closely al li ed to Great Britai n by ties of la n-
guage and blood, our development an d prosperity were
looked upon with leni ency, al most with a kin d of famil y
pride that the youngster should be doing so well.
Until the establishment of the Empire, Germany had
been a n almost exclusi vely agricultural country, her
people had been either in the army trying to protect
their land from foreign invas ion or else striving to
cultivate a naturally poor soil . Every year thousands
of German s had migrated to America, where they found
conditions of life much easier, and where they have
become a most val uable part of our citizenry .
After the war with France conditions rapidlychanged. The people seem to have acquired a spirit
of intense love a nd loyal ty to their uni fied country .
On the banks of the Rhine, in Westphal ia, Saxony and
Silesi a great industries sprang into existence, furnaces,
forges, steel mills, cotton mill s, woolen mills, chemical
industries, shipyards, etc .
A merchant marine was established, and soon ships
belonging to the North German Lloyd and Hamburg-American companies, were to be found bearing the
produce of this i ntense German i ndustry to al l parts
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ENGLAND AND GERMANY 165
of the world. At first England laughed at all this
activity, but soon the laughter ceased and the English
industrial magna tes began to realize that here was a
real competitor to be accounted for . They passed alaw requiring that everything of German manufacture
should be labeled "Made in Germany," thinking that
by this label they would soon put an end to the use
of the articl es which they were convinced must be of
inferior qual ity to their own . To their complete sur-
prise they found that a l arge percentage of the articles
which they had thought to be English products camedirectly from Germany. The label by which they had
thought to cripple, if not destroy German trade, proved
to be the best advertisement the Germans had ever had .
This was naturally dis concerting to Britis h trade, but
was i n no sense, as yet, a casus b e l l i . To stem the
German tide something, however, must be done, so
Joseph Chamberlain tried to persuade the Government
to give up the policy of Free Trade, the poli cy, which
more than any other, had made England both pros-
perous and great; but the common sense of the Eng-
lish people fortunately prevented that measure frombeing carried through .
Thus far there had been no actual friction between
the two governments, and in Germany William II hadactual ly been accused by man y of his people as being
entirely too pro-Engli sh in hi s s ympathies a nd tastes .
The Engli sh natural ly had not reli shed the growth of
German trade and especia lly the growth of their mer-
chant marine, but they were preparing to meet itlegitimately and to develop and improve their home
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ENGLAND AND GERMANY 169
change his policy and he publicly announced that rela-
tions between the two nations, England and Germany,
were at the point where a perfect understanding wa s
in sight. Mr HG. Wells, who from h i s most recent
writings, can not be accused of any sympathy for or
with Germany says in his Social Forces in England
and America :
"We, in Great Britain, are intensely jealous of GermanyWe are intensely jealous of Germany not only because theGermans outnumber us and have a much larger and more
diversified country than ours a nd li e in the very heart and
body of Europe ; but because in the last hundred years, whil e
we have fed upon platitudes and vanity, they have hadthe energy and humility to develop a splendid system of
na tional education, to toil at science and art an d literature,
to develop social organization, to master and better ourmethods of business and industry and to clamber above us
in the scale of civilization. This has humiliated and irri-tated rather than chastened us, a nd our humil ia tion has been
greatly exaggerated by the swaggering bad manners, the
talk of `Blood and Iron' a nd Mai led Fi sts, the Weltpoli tik
rubbish that inaugurated the new German phase. "
The English people have in the past been s o con-
siderate of the finer feelings of other people when
carrying out their own world policies that the last
words quoted from Mr. Wells have an amusing sound .
Mr. James Davenport Whelpley in his book, The
Trade of the World, says
"In the great total of Germany's trade, and in the rapidity
with which it has risen to its present volume and value, lies
the reason for the anti-German agitation in England. Onthe surface this an tagoni sm is political an d relates to arma-
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170 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
m e t i t s , b u t i t s r b o t s l i e in the trade of the world and it is
fed upon commercial rivalry. "
These wise words sum up the whole story of the
relations between England and Germany from 1880to
the summer of 1914. We have considered the foreign
poli cy of Great Britai n from the time of Eli zabeth to
our own day . The Britis h foreign poli cy, like that
of all the European powers, has never been the people's
policy, but has alwa ys been in the han ds of a few, an d
conducted behind closed doors. It is this poli cy of
secret diplomacy which has brought the world to the
present awful crisis . In the concludin g portion of this
book I hope to show how the continuation of such a
policy will affect not onl y the future of America, but
also the future of the whole world . Only by clearly
understanding these questions can we in America hope
to become truly prepared to meet the respon sibil ities
of the future .
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176 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
united an d schis matica l Greeks who are scattered over Hun-
gary, Turkey and the southern parts of Poland ; gain them
over by every possible means ; pose as their protector and
e s t a b l i s h - - a claim t o religious supremacy over them . Under
this pretext Turkey will be conquered and Poland, unableany longer to stand al one, either by its own s trength or by
means of political connections w i l l voluntaril y place itself
i n subjection to us .
1 1 . "From that time every moment will be precious to us .
All our batteries must be secretly prepared to strike the
great blow and t o strike with such ardor, precision and
rapidity, as to give Europe no time for preparation . Thefirst step will be to propose, very secretly and with thegreatest circumspection, first to the court of Versailles and
then to that of Vien na, to divide with one of them the Em-pire of the world ; and by mentioni ng that Russ ia is virtuall y
ruler of the Eastern world a nd has nothing to gain but the
title, this proposal will probably not arouse their suspicion .
It is undoubted that this project can not fai l to pleas e them
and war will be kindled between them, which will soon be-
come general, both on a ccount of the connections and wide-
spread rela tions hips between these two riva l courts and nat-ural enemies, a nd becaus e of the interests which wil l compel
the other Powers of Europe to take part i n the struggle .
14 . "In the midst of this general discord, Russ ia wil l be
asked for help, first by one and then by another of the
belligerent Powers ; and, having hesitated long enough to
give them time to exhaust themselves and to enable her to
as semble her own armies, she will at las t appear to decide
in favor of the House of Austria, and whil e she pushes her
irregular troops forward to the Rhine, she will at once
follow them up with the hordes of Asi a, an d as they advance
into Germany two large fleets filled with a portion of the
same hordes must set sail, one from the Sea of Azov and
the other from the port of Archangel . They will suddenlyappear i n the Mediterran ean an d Northern ocean s, an d inun-
date Ital y, Spai n a nd France with these fierce an d rapa cious
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THE ORIGINS OF THE WAR 177
nomads who will plunder a portion of the inhabitants, carry
off others into slavery to re-people the deserts of Siberia and
render the remainder incapable of escaping from our yoke .
All these distractions will afford such great opportunities
to the regular troops that they will be able to act with a
degree of energy and precis ion which will ensure the sub-
jugation of Europe . "
I have quoted the whole of this remarkable docu-
ment, because it is universally well known i n Europe
but not in this country and because, in a degree, it
accounts for that fear of Russ ia which is s uch a factor
in German l ife .
Every student of European history, for the past
hundred years, knows how closely the Russian gov-
ernment has tried to carry out the instructions of
Peter the Great . Since the war Russia has stated that,
on the close of the war, she would grant autonomy to
Pola nd, but since the war broke out she has not onl y
greatly in tensified her persecution of the Jews, prac-
tically prohibiting Jewish children from receiving even
the most elementary education, but she has also taken
awa y the la st vestige of political autonomy from Fin -
land. An official program for the future governmentof Finland has just now been announced which will
complete the scheme of the entire Russifying of the
country, and this program has been signed by the
Czar. The Finnish people no longer have a share in
any portion of their government nor is their la nguage
to be al lowed to be taught in the schools , an d publi c
lectures and meetings ha ve been prohibited . Finland,
in its humane and democratic civili zation, has been for
years a model to the world, but this model i s no longer
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THE ORIGINS OF THE WAR 1 8 1
vention in the Balkans , he would support Austria.
So great was the relief in Europe that war had been
averted that Mr. H. G. Well s s ai d
"If we can avert war with Germany for twenty years we
shal l never have to fight Germany. In twenty years' time
we shall .be talking no more of sending troops to fight side
by side on the frontier of France ; we shall be talking of
sending troopst o fight side by side with French and Ger-
mans on the frontiers of Poland . "
With the settlement of the Balkan wars there was
reasona ble hope, in all the great Chan cell ories of Eu-
rope, of a period of peace, but in the Bal kan s there is
no peace-and suddenly, on June 28, 1914, the entire
world was shocked by the news that the heir to the
Austrian throne and his consort had been murdered
on the streets of Sarajevo, the capital of Bosn ia . The
first investigations into this crime proved that the
plot had been elaborately prepared in Servia, that
Servian officers were implicated and that the bomb
which killed the Archduke had been made in the Ser-
vian arsena l . Several weeks went by and nothing was
done by the Servian government towards puni shin g the
crimi n al s, so, on July 23rd, al most a month after the
murder, Austria i ssued her ultima tum to Servia . That
this ultimatum seemed to the world unjustifiably se-
vere, both in its terms a nd in the time a llowed for a
reply there is no question . Withi n the time li mit Ser-
via , however, did make a reply i n which she conceded
to most of the points in Austria's demand but would
not give in on what the Austrian government consid-
ered the most important point, which was that Austrian
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THE ORIGINS OF THE WAR 185
become impatient at Germany's delay in answering his
proposa l, encouraged the Russ ian Ambassador by tell-
ing him of the orders to the fleet. He also told theAustrian Ambassador that Austria could not hope to
punish Servia without Russian i ntervention .
July 28th-Austria declared war on Servia; but in
spite of this fact Germany continued her efforts to
bring about some agreement between Austria and Rus-
sia. The Kaiser telegraphed to the Czar that he was
bringing al l possible pressure to bear upon Austria to
accept the Russian proposals, and Sir Edward Grey
openly approved the direct communication betweenVienna and Petrograd, but insisted that his proposa l
for a con ference be accepted .
July 29th-Open fighting began between Austria andServia . The German Chancellor made proposals to
the Britis h Ambas sador respecting Great Britain's neu-
trality which were refused ; at the same time Germany
contin ued her efforts with Austria and went so far as
to, herself, guarantee the integrity of Servia . In spite
of German y's efforts to reach a settlement Russ ia re-
fused to withhold her mobil ization . On this same day
Reuter's Petrograd correspondent sent the following
telegram to the press : "Confident of England's sup-
port, about which doubts have mostly disappeared, the
Russ ia n public is prepared to accept war . "
July 30th-Owing to the heavy pressure which had
been brought upon her by Germany, Austria signified
her will in gness to resume conversation with Russ ia but
Russia was opposed to this proposition. The Kaiser
appealed to the Czar to stop mobilization and asked
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186 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
King George of England to intervene, Russia agreed
to stop all mobil ization preparations if Austria would
promise not to viol ate Servian territory, but, without
waiting for a reply to this proposition, she issued or-
ders which amounted to an absolute and general mo-
bilization to take effect upon the evening of that same
day. Fra nce agreed to move with Russ ia and, through
her Ambassador, reminded Sir Edward Grey of the
mil itary negotiations between himself an d the French
Cabinet and the letter which had been given him in
1912, a nd stated that on no account could Fran ce re-
main neutral i f Russ ia should go to war .
July 31st-On this day it looked, for a moment, as
if some settlement between Austria and Russia might
be arranged, as conversations were resumed between
the two governments. Austria repeated her assurance
that she would respect the in tegrity an d in dependence
of Servia and would accept Russia's conditions of
peace . Germany continued her pressure on Austriabut the German Government was becoming greatly
alarmed at Russia's mobilization, which was being
pushed ahead. In view of the French statement thatFrance would not remain neutral if Russia went to
war, the German Chancellor made his statement that
Germany could not respect the neutrality of Belgium
in case of war, while France officially agreed to respect
Belgium neutral ity . Sir Edward Grey declined to use
his infl uence to persuade Russ ia to stop mobili zation .
He declared that if Germany would make it perfectly
clear that she and Austria were sincerely trying to pre-
vent a genera l wa r, he would advis e France an d Russ i a
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THE ORIGINS OF THE WAR 189
out, upon his country's position, and responsibilities .
His book, Justice in War Time,* is one which every
American should read. In a pamphlet entitled "War
the Offspring of Fear," he describes most graphically
the point of view of each of the nationalities now en-
gaged in the great war. He says of the German view
"It was felt that a great confli ct of Teuton and Slav was
in evitable sooner or later ; that if Servian agitation was not
stopped, Austria-Hungary would break up and the Teuton
would be weakened before the great conflict had begun . It
must not be supposed that this conflict is, on the part of the
Teuton, aggressive in s ubstan ce whatever it may be in form.
In substan ce it is defens ive, the attempt to preserve Central
Europe for a type of civili zation in dubitably higher and ofmore value to mankind than that of any Slav State . The
existence of the Russian menace on the Eastern border is,
quite legitimately, a nightmare to Germany and a causeof much milita ris t talk by which Germans attempt to conjure
away their fears . If we were exposed to the same menace,is it to be supposed that peace propaganda would have much
success among us?"The German s an d Austria ns accordin gly thought the chas-
tisement of Servia essential to their sa fety and to the preser-
vation of their civilization-so essential as to make it worth
whil e to r i s k war with Russ ia on this account . But the WhitePaper shows con clus ively that they did not expect war withRuss ia . `Mini stry for Foreign Affai rs here (in Vienn a) hasreal ized, though somewhat late in the day, that Russ ia wil l
not remain indifferent in the present c r i s i s . ' Sir M. deBunsen telegraphs on July 29th (White Paper 94) 'GermanAmbassador had a second interview with Minister for For-eign Affairs at 2 A . M. when former completely broke downon tell in g that war was in evitable . ' Sir G. Buchana n tele-graphs from St. Petersburg on July 30th . (White Paper 97) .
* The Open Court Publishing Company, Chicago, 1916.
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194 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
has been frequently used as an argument against herby those who believe that she wantonly started the
war. A thoughtful survey of the map of Europe
should give a s ufficient reason for her being prepared
to meet any emergency. Another factor in Germany's
preparedness, which at the outbreak of the war was
not fully appreciated, is the highly social ized condition
of the state. In this she is far ahead of any other
na tion a nd the val ue of such socia li zed preparation i s
now being full y recogni zed .
From a mi litary standpoin t Fran ce was the next best
prepared. Her army has al ways been dis tinguis hed for
its bravery and efficiency . In point of numbers shehas long had the largest standing army in the world
in proportion to her population, and by lengthening
her two year system of service in to a three year sys -
tem, she greatly i ncreased her mil itary efficiency, as
by this change all of her troops were brought up towar strength even in time of peace, and every corps
was able to furnish a nucleus for each unit of reserve .
Social conditions in France were not as sound as inGermany, although the Socialist party had been for
years s teadil y gai ni ng in power and in popula rity and,
in Juarez, it had a leader of the highest type. Hismurder, under very suspicious circumstances, shortly
before the war broke out, coupled with the disgrace-
ful proceedings conn ected with the Cailloux tria l, made
man y thinkers i n different parts of the world beli eve
that France was, in vulgar parlance, in a pretty bad
way, and this fact undoubtedly wa s responsible for the
idea, current i n German mil itary circles, that France
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196 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
Imperial Rome on the other, which has made so manysocia l thinkers, Engli sh a s well as foreign, prophesy
that Great Britain had entered her period of decline .
Such was the state of affairs in England, France
and Germany when the war broke out.
Russ ia is so vast in both territory and population and
has kept herself so unto herself that her exact status
up to August, 1914, is practical ly unknown . Her re-
covery after the Japanese war has been the marvel of
modern history and in that time a form of Parliamen-
tary government has been established, but at present,
democracy in Russia is in the travails that precede
birth .
In the United States, i n 1914, the social unrest was
almost as great as in Europe, but with the exception
of Mexico we were free from any foreign worries
and our problems were, as they have always been,
almost wholly domestic and commercial. The Payne-
Aldrich Tariff law, enacted under the Taft adminis-tration, had met with almost universa l disa pproval an d
the country was pas si ng through one of its periodical
times of fin an cia l depress ion, when the Wil son admin-
istration entered upon its duties . The platform of the
Democratic party had pledged the administration tothe carryin g out of certain definite policies, notably a
wholesale reduction of tariff, as well as a reform of
the currency laws. Both of these measures were car-
ried through by Congress with thoroughness and ex-
pediency, a nd one of them, the reform of the currency
and the establishment of the Federal Reserve Banks,
has proven of inestimable benefit to the country. Such
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PRESENT CONDITIONS 197
in outline were the condition s in the western world in
August, 1914. Now, after two years of struggle how
does the world fin d itself today? -
The awakening of France, through war, has aroused
the enthusiasm of the world. Once again has she
proven herself to be the most chiva lrous and en light-
ened of peoples . France, alone among the great bel-
ligerent powers, has made no effort to defend her
position by flooding neutral countries, especia ll y the
United States, with all types of propaganda . In this
struggle for her very life, the soul of the people has
instinctively turned agai n to the God of her fathers
in unswerving faith and trust; her sons have gone
bravely forth and have borne the brunt of the fighting
on the western front, while her daughters have joy-
ous ly ca st a si de the foibles of modern l ife, an d have
taken upon themselves the burden of carrying on the
work of the nation which their husbands, fathers, sons
and brothers are fighti ng to preserve. From France
the world hears no complaints, no vilifying of the
enemy ; the spi rit of the entire people is bent upon
doin g the duty which is facing it and thus savin g, for
the joy of the world, the country, which more than
any other si nce ancient Greece, has led the world in
the finest arts of civilization .
In England the changes brought about by two years
of actual warfare are far more revolutionary and start-
ling. Up to the fatal month of August, 1914, the
Britis h Empire regarded herself, an d was genera lly so
regarded by the world, as the bulwark of real democ-
racy. One of the blessin gs which the war, in spite of
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198 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
its horrors, has brought to the world is the shattering
of this illusion. Mr. F. S . Oliver, in his very noblebook, Ordeal by Battle, had done much towards this
shattering . He has pointed out, in his fin al chapters,
man y of the weakest spots i n that idol of the Anglo-
Saxon race, representative parliamentary government .
He goes so far as to say that no new nation as piring
towards democracy, and seeking for a model upon
which to build up a truly democratic government, wil l
ever adopt the form so dear and so familiar to the
people of Great Britai n and the United States, an d he
feels that the greatest problem facing these two na-
tion s is how to so remodel their governments, without
entirely destroyin g past traditions , as to make them
rea lly democratic . Up to the summer of 1914 the
English people were undergoing a steady but uncon-
sci ous s ocial revolution , which, if left undisturbed,
might have been trusted to bring about social conditions
as benefici al to the masses of the people as those of
Germany, and this, too, under a strictly democratic
form of government.
The outbreak of the war put a sudden stop to all
this social legislation . Gradually almost every branch
of industry an d distribution has been put under state
control a nd Mr . Lloyd George, when Mi nister of Muni-
tions, wielded powers politically, socially, economical ly
an d in a military way, far greater than an y Engli shman
would have dreamed possible two years ago. Mr. H .
M. Hyndman, chairman of the Engli sh Socialist party
says, in an article in the North American Review for
May, 1914
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202 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
compelled the Government to take over the regulation
and distribution of the food supply, a s ociali st was for
the first time made a member of the Government .
The war has brought to Germany the dawn of a new
democracy. It is very difficult for the American,brought up according to the individualistic British
tradition, to understand the German ideal of a demo-
cratic state, in which the well-being and security of the
state is the first consideration . Germany, more thanany other nation in the world today, has grasped the
spirit of the new century, the spirit of co-operation as
agai ns t both in dividual is m an d competition . The war
thus far has taught the German people the strength and
power that lies in the uni versal co-operation of an en-
tire people and havin g learned this lesson through suf-
fering and privation, in the better days which are to
come we may look for its higher development. Themost astounding result of the war thus far, is the
tendency towards autocracy in democratic England and
towards a deeper, more widespread democracy in auto-
cratic Germany.
In the United States the results of war have been
al most as marked as in the bell igerent countries . Atfirst the country was dis posed to carry out the poli cy
of strict neutrali ty, as outlin ed in President Wilson's
proclamation already referred to. The German in-vasion of Belgium, the destruction of Louvain and
the reports of German atrocities, mostly unproven,
soon brought about a distinctly an ti-German feeling,
which was greatly augmented by the very pro-Englishtone of the press. The business conditions in the
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PRESENT CONDITIONS 203
country were distin ctly bad, resulting in an unusual ly
large number of unemployed men and women. TheUnderwood Tariff Bil l, upon which the administration
had bas ed many hopes, did nothing to better conditions
and was soon almost universally condemned by public
opin ion . It is hard, at this time, to tell what might
have been the effect of this law under normal con-
ditions . The war naturally put a stop to an y la rge im-
portations from Europe except from the allied coun-
tries, a nd these countries were so occupied with the
production of needed equipment for their armies that
the usual manufactures for export trade had tempo-
rarily ceased. The British blockade of Germany and
Austria prevented our shippin g of foodstuffs a nd other
products to the Central Powers. At tl!e same time
representatives of the All ies ca me to this country to
secure munitions an d other supplies of war. American
manufacturers were quick to seize upon this oppor-
tunity. At first some qualms were felt against em-
barkin g upon s uch a trade but the legal a spects of the
question were carefully looked into by lega l experts .
It was shown that in previous wars neutral nations
had not hesitated to supply the sinews of war to
belligerents . Even Germany recognized the legality
of the trade. The fact that the British Navy con-
trolled the sea and that Great Britain monopolized the
carrying trade of the world, prevented the Central
Powers from purchasing from us, because we have no
ships in which to tran sport our products . Since the
Civil War our merchant marine had disappeared from
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PRESENT CONDITIONS 207
actual horrors of it, the sinking of the Lusitania wa s
an act of such colossal stupidity that it is difficult to
believe that it was according to direct orders from the
home government. We know, from a statementprinted in the New York Times, that when the full re-
ports of this disaster reached Germany, the German
people, official s a nd civil ia ns al ike, were as greatly
shocked as the rest of the world . All of the facts rel-
ative to our diplomatic correspondence with the various
belligerents to which I have referred, as well as the
actual documents themselves, are publis hed in a "White
Paper" issued by our State Department on May 27,1915. This paper can be secured, free of charge, by
s imply writin g to the State Department in Was hin gton .
The Lusitan ia disa ster so inflamed American publi c
opin ion that we pai d no attention to further British
violations of international law and even overlooked
the insolence of Sir Edward Grey's reply to our note
about cotton, i n which he sa id we were maki ng so much
money by our exportation of munitions to the Allies
that we could overlook Great Britai n's "necess ary" i n-
terference with normal neutral trade .
It is perfectly true that during the submarine cam-
paign busin ess conditions in this country, in certai n
lines, had tremendously improved. So many greatmanufacturing concerns have abandoned their regular
lines of output and have converted their plants i nto
mun ition factories that i ns tead of our havin g an army
of unemployed there was an actual dearth of labor.
That this has not benefited the country as a whole has
been recognized by many of our ablest men, notably
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212 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
the brotherhood of man and it offered from its very in-
ception an asylum to all who in their own lands were
prevented from living in accordance with their own
ideals .
Up to the close of our Civil War we were a simple
people, livi ng under simple, wholesome conditi ons, and
under those same conditions we were conquering a con-
t inent and e stablish ing what we ca l l a Christ ian c i v -
ilization .
The Civi l War settl ed forever the questi on whether
we were one nation or merely a group of small affil-
iated nationalities. After the war was over this con-
sciousness of national unity proved the greatest in-
centive to material advancement that the world has
ever seen . For fifty y ears we have been at peace, for
our little war with Spain was hardly of suffic ient im-
portance to be regarded as a break in our peaceful de-
velopment. The one thing the Spanish War did was
to show us that it was no longer possible for us to live
entirely unto ourselv es, but that we must face the re-
spon sibilit ie s when we a ccepted the pr ivilege s of be-
coming one among the World Powers . "Peace hath
her victor ie s, no le ss renowned than war ." With the
tremendous victories of peace we a l l are, happily ,
familiar, but it is als o true that if "peace hath her vic-
tories," she hath also her tragedies . We boast of our
civil ization and when we think of this great country
stretching across an entire co ntinent, when we think
of her great and beautiful citi es, her prosperous towns,
her schools and colleges and libraries , her thousands of
churches where milli ons gather to give thanks to God
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216 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
law should interfere? The scourge of typhoid, which
a plentiful suppl y of pure water and proper sanitation
will prev ent, is almost equally exacting in i ts annual
toll of victims. Throughout our land millions of hu-
man beings are compelled to live in buildi ngs palpably
unfit for human habitation, and in these unfit houses
millions yearly die . Industrial conditi ons are so s evere,
that annua lly m illion s of c h ildren are ta ken from the
schools before they have acquired even rudiments of
the education needed to fit them for useful ci tizenship .
Statistics show that the high school s of our country
graduate year ly le ss than f ive per cent of tho se who,
under the law, entered the elementary schools. Theremaining ninety -five per cent are forced to enter upon
the struggle for existence before they can know what
existence real ly means .
These are only a few examples of the murderous toll
of peace, but they are suffic ient to show the general
soci al conditions of the masses of the American people
and until they are remedied there can be no true pre-
paredness . Social conditions in Great Britain are, if
anything, worse than in this country . Next to our ownmaterial devel opment, since the unity of the nation was
established by the Civil War, comes the material de-
velopment of the unified German Empire . Let us , be-
fore we consider the question of the future, see how
Germany has solved similar problems .
The German social system is regulated by two fac-
tors, first the cons ervation and care of her human re-
sources and second the national co-operation of indus-
try, agriculture and every thing that affects the general
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220 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
This sli ght comparison of certain fundamental social
conditions in the United States and Germany shows
which country is attempting to solve the problem of
producing good citizens in the more rational manner
and which is more truly democratic , if by democratic
we mean what is most beneficial to the masses of the
people . When the war is over there will be a period
of rigid and radical readjustment to new conditions i n
all the belligerent nations . As we are the only great
power that has not overwhelmingly suffered from the
war, it is natural to suppose that all of them wil l turn
to u s for at lea st mater ia l a ssis tan ce. Mr. RolandUsher, in his book, Pan-Americanism, takes a very
different view from mi ne of the positi on of the United
States at the clos e of the war . He says
"The dnited States is faci ng a crisis without parallel in
its history , since the signat ure of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence. As a nation we are les s concern ed with the Euro-pean war itself, its cause, its course, than with its ending .
Whatever the result of this war may be, whoever wins it,whenever it ends, the victor will be able to threaten the
United States, and if he chooses , to challenge our supremac y
in the Western Hemisphere. The motive for challenging it
is already in existence ; the power with which to do so effec-
tively will beyond doubt be in the victor's hands ."
This is assuming that one side or the other will
achieve an overpowering vic tory, but as the war goes
on this result seems less and less likely . The more
reasonable assumption is that when the war ends allof the powers will be so nearly exhausted that each
nation will resolutely have to face internal problems of
such gravi ty as to demand its entire attention for many
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222 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
se cret agreement s . If Sir Edward Grey sincerely de-
sired to maintain peace, as he so steadfastly asserted,
would he not have been better able to accompli sh his
purpose had he either made no agreements wi th France
or if these agreements, before being made, had been
frankly discussed in the House of Commons and thus
been known to the whole world?
Since the public ation of his Pan-Americanism, MrUsher has written another book called A Chall enge
to the Future, in which he openly advocates an im-
mediate alliance with Great Britain . In this point of
view he is supported by many people, and by a large
number of the more prominent newspapers . Such an
alliance mi ght have many advantages to both countries
were it entered upon calmly and after careful con-
sideration, in times of peace . For us to form such an
alliance now would be an unwise policy unl ess we are
ready to play G reat Britain's game and acc ept her an-
tagonisms as well as her alliances . Among the latter
we would gladly consider an alli ance with France, if
we were willing to at once abandon our traditional
policies, but woul d we regard an alliance wi th Japan
in the same li ght?
It has been said that because of our tremendous sales
of munitions to the Allies we have convi nced Germany
that we are not neutral, and consequently we should
openly seek an all iance with Great Britain . This seems
to me to be a policy of cowardi ce not worthy of con-
sideration . It is true that we hav e suppli ed the Alli es
with munitions and have been most s evere in our treat-
ment of German infringements of international law and
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WHERE DO WE STAND? 223
that the German people have naturally resented this
treatment, but e ver y student of h is tor y know s that in
time of war peoples allow themselves to be worked up
to a state of hatred which soon disappears after peace
is once again established. It is well known that all
governments, when wars threatened, have adopted the
policy of infl aming their peoples, in order to produce
the enthu sia sm needed to carr y on a su cce ssfu l war .
The time has passed when we can hope to maintain
ourselves in that isolation from Europe which Wash-
ington recommended, and be of any real value to the
world, but the war has taught us that we are not as
yet prepared to enter upon any alliances, even those
"dis-entangling alliances" which Mr. Wilson ad-
vises . The question of our unpreparedness, to which
the entire country is so fortunately at last awakened,
is in grave danger of becoming merely a political catch-
word, un le ss our go vernment and our peop le go into it
both deeply and broadly, and cease looking upon it
from on ly the m ilitar y standpo int . That we need anarmy of sufficient s trength and efficiency to defend our
northern and southern borders, and a navy large andstrong enough to protect our coasts on both oceans as
well as to guard the Gulf of Mexico and the Panama
Canal, is a fact which no s ane and truly patriotic Amer-
ican can dispute . Personally I believe that the entire
country would be tremendously benefited in every way
from a form of universal conscripti on similar to the
Australian sys tem, which teaches obedience, efficiency
and respect for law combined with perfect liberty .
We have for 140 years boasted of our liberties, but
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WHERE DO WESTAND? 225
pected to remain always the same . The German ideal on the
contrary, not only admits evolution but insists upon it .
"Like music , it is es sentially a form of movement"
Is not this what we, as a peopl e, need? An Americ an
Kultur wh ich sha ll def ine our idea ls and a sp irat ion s,
compel us to realize them, and, under the power of its
influence, amalgamate all the races of our polyglot
population into one united Americanism? Then, after
it has accomplished this much, to s teadily push us for-
ward in those paths of real progression is what is most
needed so that we may become what Gladstone once
called us, "the hope of democracy . " In order to do
this the nation needs leaders, men like Washi ngton and
Hamilton and Lin co ln, men who are not po lit ician s but
statesmen, who think in terms of the nation as a whole
and not in terms of little localities, little political ad-
vantages and little business .
Among our politi cal leaders today, Mr . Roosev elt i s
the on ly one who ha s publicly def ined preparedne ss in
truly national terms . When we reach a state of even
national semi-preparedness we will be ready to then
consider the subject of our national alliances, but not
before, and when we are ready to ally ourselves with
any European power the question with which power
to make alliance is one which will affect our domestic
peace and happiness and our relations wi th the rest of
the wor ld for man y year s, and is one wh ich shou ld not
be entered upon lightly or inadvi sedly .
The one object of th is boo k is , to ca ll the atten-
tion of its readers towhat has been Great Britain's poli cy
towards foreign nationalities for the past three hundred
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226 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
years, to urge caution before deciding to irrevocably tie
ourselves up to her or to a ny one power. Mr. Hynd-man, in the quotation which I have made, shows the
present autocratic c haracter of the Britis h Government .
We have seen what was her attitude towards Holland,
then the one democratic government in Europe, when
she possessed a great army as well as navy. Today,
according to Mr. Asquith, her army consi sts of 5,000,-
000 trained men, a tremendous power in the hands of
an autocratic government. In Germany, on the other
hand, we see an autocratic government becoming more
and more democratic under social ization and, since the
war, a sociali st in the Imperial Government . These are
conditions of tremendous import which we, a nation
fundamentally democratic, must carefully ponder over
before we bind ourselves irretrievably. Mr. Usherurges an alli ance with the Mistress of the Seas, but can
we not hope that the day is dawning when the seas,which form the highway of all nations will no longer
be controlled by any one mistress?
The question of the control of the seas during
war s is the mo st important commer cia l quest ion fa cing
the nations of the world today and upon its proper
solution depends the commercial prosperity of the
world. Great Britain maintai ns that control over com-
merce during war, even if nec essary to the extent of
prohibition, is desirable i n the ultimate interest of
maritime freedom itself, while Germany insists on the
"right of all nati ons to trade during war almost to the
same extent that they do duri ng peace ." Was not this
the position which we took i n our war with England in
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WHERE DO WE STAND? 229
prepared to face the great problems of the future at
one with the civil ized nations of the world, and to
form such an alliance with one or more of these na-
tions as will guarantee that permanent peace for which
the whole world yearns .
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APPENDIX A
THE ORIGINS OF THE GREAT WARBY H. N. BRAILSFORD.
For Englishmen this war is primari ly a struggle be-
tween Germany and France . For the German s i t i s
emphatically a Russo-German War . It was our secret
naval commi tment to France, and our fatal entangle -
ment through ten years in the struggle for a European
balance of power, which sent our fleets to s ea . It is
our sympathy with France which makes the one human
link that binds us to the Triple Entente . We havedramatized the struggle (and this clearly was for Sir
Edward Grey the dominant consideration) as an at-
tempt to crush France . German thinking followed
other lines . Alike for the de puties in the Reichstag
and for the mob in the st reets of Berlin, the enemy is
Russi a . It is true, indeed, that i f the war should end
in the defeat of the Triple Entente, some part of the
consequences of defeat woul d be borne by France . I t
is clear that German statesmen hoped to acquire some
part at least of her extensive and valuable colonial
possessi ons, and on her no doubt would have fallen
the financial brunt of the war . She would have paidin money and in colonies for her imprudence in allying
*Reprinted from the Contemporary Review for Septem-
b e r , 1 9 1 4 .
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234 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
fend his soil against the mill ions which the Russian
Tsar had mobilized .
The broad fact about the general war of 1914 is
that it is the postponed sequel of the Balkan War of
1912. We all congratulated each other that Sir Ed-
ward Grey's diplomacy and the Conference of London
had enabled the Eastern people to settl e the Eastern
question without involving the Great Powers in war .
The armaments of the Great Powers betrayed their
belief that a war averted is only a war postponed . For
two years this chaotic s truggle, which came in the end
with such vertiginous speed, had cast its shadow before
i t . The first move in the last round of the war of
armaments was the direct c onsequence of the creation
of the Balkan League . In justifying the l ast increase
of the peace-effectives of its army the German Gov-
ernment pointed to the new fact of the entry on the
European scene of these young and victorious Balkan
armies, and spoke bluntly of a possible struggl e be-
tween the Slav and Teuton worlds. The BalkanLeague of 1912, formed under Russian guidance, was,
in fa ct, an a llian ce d ire cted a s mu ch aga in st Austr ia
as against Turkey . There followed the reply of France
and Russi a, the return in the one to Three Years' Serv-
ice and in the other the imprudently-adverti sed schemes
of military reorganization, with its v ast naval expen-
diture, its new strategic rail ways near the German fron-
tier, its rearmament of the artillery, and its gigantic
inc rease in the stan ding "peace" army . Russia (so an
official memorandum declared) would henceforth be
able to assume in case of need not merely a defensive,
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APPENDIX A 235
but an offensive strategy . The early months of this
year witnessed the outbreak of a military panic in the
German press. The fear inspired by the growth of the
Tsar' s arm ie s wa s beg inn ing to te ll on German ner ve s,
and a pamphlet to which the German Crown Prince
contributed an approving note, predi cted that the Slav
world would have completed its armaments by the year
1916, and would then attempt to deal the death-blowto the German peoples . If Germany has by her own
act made the general war of 1914, it is chie fly becaus e
her m ilitar y ca ste wa s c on vin ced that it wou ld sooner
or later have to meet a Russi an challenge .
The German White Paper explains the poli tical i ssue
which was the obverse of this military rivalry . For a
generation we in this c ountry have thought of the East-
ern question as an issue between Turk ey and the Chris-
tian races of the Balkans . With the destruction of the
Ottoman Empire in Europe the Eastern question be-came primarily an Austrian question . Russia and Aus-
tria, up to the eve of the Young Turkish revolution,
had been content to divide the hegemony of the NearEast . They worked in close association ; they presided
jointly over the Macedonian reforms ; they even recog-
nized a certain divisi on of spheres of influence . Aus-
tria was allowed by Russia to exert a predominantpressure upon Servia, while Russia was the leading
partner in all that concerned Bulgaria . It was never,at the best, an easy arrangement to maintain . Austriawa s a lwa ys dete sted in Belgrade, and the dom inant po-
l it ic al party i n Servia, the Radicals, were vehemently
Russophile. With the murder of King Alexander, and
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APPENDIX A 239
sure Servia owed such of her conquests in Albania as
she was al lowed to retain, and but for Russia, Austria
would have torn up the iniquitous Treaty of Bucharest .
There were more material bonds between the Great
Power and her sate ll ite . The Servian soldiers made
the winter campaign of 1912-1913 in Russian great-
coats, and the second Balkan war was financed by the
French banks which do nothing in the Balkans that
would run counter to Russian policy . When the full
tide of Servian aspirations set towards Bosnia, and
the National Union (Narodya Odbrana) began to turn
against Austria all the criminal "comitadji" methods
of agitation consec rated by long usage in Macedonia,
Russi a, had she chosen, mig ht have set her veto on a de-
velopment of Servian policy which threatened Euro-pean peace .
It is this abs olute dependenc e of Servi a upon Rus-
sian countenan ce and support, wh ich ma ke s it probable
that when Servia openly launched and assisted the
Great Servian propaganda, she did this with Russia's
approval . This propaganda involved much more than
a mental disturbance in the minds of the Servian popu-
lation of Bosnia an d Herzegovina, who were organized
in patriotic leagues and clubs wit h a view to an in-
surre ct ion in the future . It had begun to smugglearms, and it had been guilty of a series of assas sina-
tions of Austrian official s, to which the murder of the
Archduke Francis Ferdinand and his Consort came as
the climax. The Archduke was singled out for ven-
geance, not at all because he was the enemy, or op-pressor of the Slavs . He was feared by Servians be-
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240 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
cause his aim was to reconcile the Slavs to Austria .
The historical memorandum in the German White Pa-
p e r d e c l a r e d b l u n t l y t h a t t h i s r e c k l e s s a n d p r o v o c a t i v e
a t t i t u d e w a s p o s s i b l e f o r S e r v i a " o n l y b e c a u s e s h e b e -
l i e v e d t h a t s h e h a d R u s s i a n s u p p o r t i n h e r a c t i v i t i e s . "
A f t e r r e f e r r i n g t o t h e o r i g i n a l c r e a t i o n o f t h e B a l k a n
League under Russian auspices, it continues :
"Russian s tatesmen pla nned the ris e of a new Balkan League
under Russian protection, a league which was aimed not atTurkey-now vanished from the Balkans-but against theAustro-Hungarian monarchy . The idea was that Serviashould be compensated for the ces sion of its Macedonian ac-
quisit ions to Bulgaria by rec eivin g Bosnia an d Herzegovina
at Austr o-Hungary's expense ."
There is nothing improbable in this statement . The
original Serbo-Bulgarian alliance of 1912, afterwards
expanded into the Balkan League, was directed against
Austria as well as Turkey .
The treaty, as more than one Balkan diplomatist has
told me, required Bulgaria to put all her forces at
S e r v i a ' s d i s p o s a l i n t h e e v e n t o f a w a r a g a i n s t A u s t r i a .
These preparations for a united Slav assault upon
Austria explains the determination of the German
Powers to challenge Russia . Nor should it be for-
gotten that Pan-Slavism was busy in Galicia as well
as in the Serbian lands . An active propaganda, dis-
closed in some famous state trials, was endeavoring,
in Russian interests, to win the Ruthenians for the
Orthodox Church . At its head stood the Russian re-
actionary politician, Count Bobrinsky, who, as Gover-
n o r o f G a l i c i a , i s n o w o f f i c i a l l y p r o m o t i n g t h e c o n v e r -
sion of the Catholic Ruthenians to Orthodoxy .
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APPENDIX A 24 1
I t i s n o t e a s y i n t h e m i d s t o f t h e h o r r o r s a n d r e s e n t -
ments of war to view such a situation as this in cold
r e t r o s p e c t . The peril in front of Austria was grave,
but it was not immediate . R u s s i a h a d n o t a t t h e f i r s t
essay succeeded in restoring the Balkan League . Bul-
garia could not forget her resentment, and had become
a l o o s e l y a t t a c h e d a s s o c i a t e o f t h e T r i p l e A l l i a n c e . I f
the Slavs were to choose their own hour, they would
wait presumably until the Balkan armies had some-
what recovered from the exhaustion of two campaigns,
a n d u n t i l t h e R u s s i a n m i l i t a r y r e o r g a n i z a t i o n w a s c o m -
p l e t e d . B u t t h e r e w a s g o o d r e a s o n t o i n f e r t h a t , s o o n e r
o r l a t e r , t h e b l o w wo u l d b e s t ru c k . A r i s i n g i n B o s n i a ,
organized by Servian comitadjis, would bring Servia
h e r s e l f i n t o t h e f i e l d , a n d b e h i n d S e r v i a w o u l d b e t h e
Balkan League and the Russian Empire . Such con-
s p i r a c i e s a s t h i s a r e s o r e m o t e f r o m W e s t e r n h a b i t s o f
life and thought, so inconceivable in our own experi-
ence, that we are apt to dismiss them as fantastic .
T h e y a r e t h e s t u f f o f d a i l y l i f e i n t h e B a l k a n s , a n d w e
may do Austrian statesmen the justice of supposing
that their fears were sincere . "The country," wrote
S i r M a u r i c e d e B u n s e n i n h i s f i n a l d i s p a t c h , " c e r t a i n ly
b e l i e v e d t h a t i t h a d b e f o r e i t o n l y t h e a l t e r n a t i v e o f
subduing Servia, or of submitting sooner or later to
m u t i l a t i o n a t h e r h a n d s ."
An enlightened power in Austria's place would not
have acted as she did . The "Great Servian" idea is
d a n g e r o u s t o A u s t r i a , b e c a u s e s h e l a c k s t h e c o u r a g e t o
b e l i b e r a l w i t h o u t r e s e r v e s . Servia may compare her-
s e l f t o P i e d m o n t , b u t t h e p a r a l l e l i s i m p e r f e c t . Her
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242 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
culture is so backward, her politics so corrupt, her
e c o n o m i c l i f e s o p r i m i t i v e , t h a t s h e h a s l i t t l e t o c o m -
mend her to the Austrian Serbs save the community of
blood . Our fathers sympathized with Italian aspira-
tions, because the Italians were a race with a great
past and a living culture, subject to an empire which
w a s n o t t h e i r s u p e r i o r i n c i v i l i z a t i o n , a n d w h i c h d e n i e d
them any species of autonomy . Austria does not deny
Home Rule to her Serbs, though she gives it grudg-
i n g l y , a n d s h e r e p r e s e n t s a n o l d e r a n d m a t u r e r c i v i l i -
z a t i o n . The Italians, moreover, were a homogeneous
p e o p l e . Of the Austrian Serbs one-third are Catho-
lics, who have no reason to hope for equal treatment
from an Orthodox State, whose record in Macedonia
i s a d e f i a n c e o f t o l e r a t i o n , a n d a n o t h e r t h i r d a r e M o s -
l e m s , w h o w i l l e m i g r a t e en masse i f t h e S e r v i a n s s h o u l d
conquer Bosnia . Even the remaining third, who are
Orthodox Serbs, would not have been ready-made ma-
terial for a Servian propaganda, if Austria had known
h o w t o t r e a t t h e m w i t h g e n e r o s i t y . Faced by this Great
Servian danger, and forced to realize at last that it
was serious, a big man in Count Berchtold's place
would have resolved to make Austria a home so at-
t r a c t i v e e v e n t o S e r v i a n i d e a l i s t s , t h a t t h e h a l f - c i v i l i z e d
k i n g d o m o v e r t h e b o r d e r , w i t h i t s b a c k w a r d c u l t u r e a n d
oriental morals, would have lured and beckoned them
i n v a i n . He would have made them feel, as the Poles
h a v e l o n g f e l t , t h a t t h e y a r e A u s t r i a n s w i t h a s h a r e i n
the fortunes of the empire . He would ha ve made
their autonomy a handsome reality . He would have
banished the spies and the policemen, enemies of the
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APPENDIX A 243
Austrian idea more dangerous than all the Servian
bomb-throwers and comitadjis . He woul d have re-
leased the Croatians from the Magyar yoke, and bidden
D a l m a t i a n s , C r o a t i a n s , a n d B o s n i a n s r e a l i z e t h e i r G r e a t
S e r v i a t o t h e i r h e a r t ' s c o n t e n t w i t h i n t h e A u s t r i a n E m -
p i r e i t s e l f . That was the policy which the dead Arch-
duke was supposed to favor . Against such a policy,
conceived with some boldness of imagination and exe-
cuted with good faith and tact, the incitements and
conspiracies of Belgrade would have been powerless .
Count Berchtold is neither a liberal nor a man of
g e n i u s . He acted after the Serajevo murder as the
average Imperialist bureaucrat commonly does act in
s u c h c a s e s . H e t i g h t e n e d h i s p o l i c e s y s t e m . He ma de
A u s t r i a n r u l e a l i t t l e m o r e t h a n u s u a l l y h a t e f u l t o m e n
o f S e r v i a n r a c e . He determined to crush and humiliate
S e r v i a , a n d r e a l i z i n g t h a t b e h i n d S e r v i a s t o o d R u s s i a ,
h e t u r n e d t o h i s a l l y f o r a i d .
The policy on which Austria and Germany deter-
mined is a matter of history, and the German White
P a p e r d e s c r i b e s i t w i t h a n a p p r o a c h t o f r a n k n e s s . This
i n t e r e s t i n g d o c u m e n t h a s n o t b e e n f a i r l y r e p r o d u c e d b y
our daily newspapers, and the main passage may be
w o r t h t r a n s l a t i n g a t l e n g t h
"In these circumstances Austria was driven to the con-
clusio n that the dignity and self-preservati on of the Mon-
archy alik e forbade her to watch this movement from across
the frontier any longer in passivity. She communicated herview to us and asked our advice . We were able with allour hearts to inform our ally that we shared her opinionof the situation, and we assured her of our approval forany action which she -night take to put an end to the move-
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244 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
ment in Servia, directed agains t the integrity of the Mon-
archy. We were well aware that any mi litary acti on by Aus-
tria against Servia might bring Russia on the scene, and
involve us in war by reason of the obligations of our alliance .
Realizing as we di d, that the v ital in terests of Austria-Hun-
gary were at stake we could neither counsel our ally to a
pliability i nconsistent with her dignity, nor refuse her our
aid in this difficult moment . Nor could we forget that our
interests were nearly threatened by this continual Servian
agitation . Had the Servians been all owed, with the help of
Russi a and France, to endan ger the integri ty of the neigh-
boring Monarchy much longer, the consequence must havebeen the gradual disrupt ion of Austria, and the subjection
of the whole Slav world to the Russian sc eptre, with the
result that the position of the German race in central Europe
would have become untenable . "
There lies, in its naked simplicity, the German casefor this war . The provocations followed in an alter-
nat i ng s e r i e s . Russia encouraged the Great Servian
movement, which aimed at the break-up of Austria,
whereupon Austria struck at Servia, and thereby chal-
lenged Russia . The issue now was, in plain words,
whether Servia should become an Austrian vassal or
remain a Russian tool. While a diplomatic accommo-
dation was still possible, Russia took the menacing
step of proclaiming a general mobilization, and Ger-
many replied with an ultimatum, followed in a few
hours by war . This war is a co-operative crime. Toits making have gone Russian ambitions and German
fears . It would be as just to say that the real aggres-
sor was the power which stood behind Servia, as it
would be to say that it was the power which first lit
the conflagratio n by hurling its shells at Belgrade . On
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APPENDIX •A 245
their own showing, the Germans had planned a bold
challenging stroke, which might lead them into a pre-
ventive war . The last thing which they wanted was auniversal war . T h e y t r i e d t o b u y o u r n e u t r a l i t y . They
even appealed to us to keep France neutral . There is
evidence enough in our own White Paper that they
d i d n o t b e l i e v e R u s s i a w o u l d f i g h t . They thought that
they had defied her in a good time before her arma-
ments were ready . They had bullied her with success
i n t h e s i m i l a r c r i s i s o f 1 9 0 9 , a n d w i t h t h e c h a r a c t e r -
istic clumsiness of Bismarckian psychology, they did
n o t r e a l i z e t h a t a p u b l i c a c t o f b u l l y i n g c a n n e v e r b e
r e p e a t e d . I t w a s p r e c i s e l y b e c a u s e R u s s i a h a d y i e l d e d
i n 1 9 0 9 , t h a t s h e c o u l d n o t y i e l d a g a i n . It is nonsense
t o s a y , a s M . S a z o n o f f s a i d , t h a t t h e p r e s t i g e o f R u s s i a
as a great power would be gone if Servia became an
Austrian vassal . Servia had been an Austrian vassal
throughout the lifetime of King Milan, and for many
a y e a r a f t e r h i s a b d i c a t i o n . But it may be true to say
t h a t R u s s i a w o u l d h a v e l o s t i n p r e s t i g e , i f S e r v i a h a d
been torn from her orbit by Austrian arms and German
t h r e a t s . I t i s m o r e t o t h e p o i n t t h a t s u c h a h u m i l i a t i o n
would have ended the dream of a Great Servia forever .
T h a t w a s t h e r e a l i s s u e . What Russia dreaded was not
s o m u c h t h e h u m i l i a t i o n o f h e r l i t t l e S l a v b r o t h e r s , t h e
Serbs ; she had watched the humiliation of her other
little brothers in Bulgaria with equanimity, and even
w i t h s a t i s f a c t i o n . The Servians, however, were more
than brothers ; they were tools . They were an indis-
pensable piece in the game of chess for the Empire of
the East .
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246 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
The historian of the future will be in one sense more
biased in his judgment of this moving c hapter of his-
tory than we are ours elves . He will give his verdict,
as historians c ommonly do, to the side that wins . To
us the issue is unknown, and we must divide our won-
der and our cen sure s . The Pan-Slavists have brought
the whole of European civil ization to a test which may
come near submerg ing it, in order to a ccomp lish the ir
dream of ra cia l un it y . The Germans, by rashly pre-
cipitating an issue which might never, in fact, have
been forced upon them, may well have brought upon
themselves the very catastrophe which they dreaded .
A pre vent ive war, if it is not a cr ime a s inexcusable
as a war of naked aggression, is alway s a folly . Noth-
ing obliged Austria to fight now. From Servia she
m ight ha ve had amp le reparat ion, w ith p ledge s for her
future good beha vior . The crime of Serajevo was far
from raising Servia's prestige among the Austrian
Slavs ; it had, on the contrary, lowered and besmirched
i t. A policy of conciliation might have rendered any
insurrection impossible. Nor was Russia's star in the
ascendant in the counsels of Europe . Persian affai rs
had led to marked cooling i n Sir Edward Grey's hither-
to uncritical regard for Russia . The Anglo-German
friendship was deepening, and something li ke the "Uto-
pian" proposal of our White Paper (Sir Edward
Grey's conception of a collective guarantee by the
Triple Entente that it would allow no aggression
against the Tripl e Alli ance) might have isolated Russi a
in the future, if, i n fact, she medi tated a war of Slav
against Teuton . What is clear today is, that Germany,
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APPENDIX A 247
reasoning in col d blood amid profound peace that Aus-
tria's future status was threatened by this Pan-Servian
danger, has made a war in which the chief issue may
soon be whether Austria can continue to exist. The
event will probably show that Germany, when she
forced the quarrel to a trial of armed strength, acted
with folly . Her violation of Belgian neutrality was
certainl y as imprudent as it was iniquitous . It cann ot
be honestly argued that the Russi an mobilization justi-
fied her declaration of war . The answer to mobiliza-
tion is not war, but a counter mobilization . But when
this overwhelming case against German policy is
stated, the fact remains that Germany could fairly
plead that Russian polic y was provocative . Russia was
backing Servia in manoeuvres which threatened to
.break up Germany's al ly, Austria . Russia was, more-
over, the first of the Great Powers to order a general
mobili zation . This capital fact is i gnored in nearly all
the statements of the British case against Germany .
It is slurred over in Sir Maurice de Bunsen's finaldespatch . It is omitted altogether i n the historical
preface to the cheap editi on of the White Paper . Thatis not the way to write candid history . The dates aregiven in the White Paper. Russia, after a partial
mobili zation in her Southern provinces agains t Austria,
made her mobilization general (i . e ., called out the
reserves in the Northern provinces for use against Ger-
many) on July 31st (No. 113) . Austria and Germanyordered their general mobilizations on August 1st
(Nos. 127 and 142). Up to the first day of AugustAustria had only partially mobili zed ; Germany had not
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248 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
m o b i l i z e d a t a l l ; A u s t r i a i n t h i s l a s t p h a s e o f t h e n e g o -
tiations was showing moderation, and had conceded, as
Sir Maurice de Bunsen has recognized, the main point
o f i s s u e . The Kaiser was offering his personal ser-
vices as mediator, and there can be no doubt that at
the last moment, when she realized that the Austro-
Serbian War could not be localized, Germany did use
her influence with success to induce Austria to be
moderate . She now saw in t h e R u s s i a n m o b i l i z a t i o n a
t h r e a t t o h e r s e l f , a n d s h e r e p l i e d t o t h e t h r e a t w i t h a
d e f i a n c e . The Tsar's order to mobilize compromised
the hope of peace ; the Kaiser's ultimatum ruined it .
T h e m o r a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e u n i v e r s a l w a r m u s t b e
shared between Germany and Russia .
If the Triple Entente should be victorious, and if
Russian policy is allowed to dominate the settlement,
it is hard to draw a fortunate horoscope for Austria .
A Russian proclamation has already snatched from
Germany the Polish province of Posen, and from Aus-
t r i a t h e l o y a l a n d c o n t e n t e d P o l e s o f G a l i c i a . We maybe sure, if Servian arms should meet with any measure
o f s u c c e s s , t h a t R u s s i a w i l l a i m a t c r e a t i n g a G r e a t e r
Servia by amalgamating Croatia, Dalmatia, Bosnia, and
Herzegovina with Servia and Montenegro . The tertius
gaudens, a s t h e B a l k a n s t r u g g l e s h o w s , i s a p t t o e x a c t
a heavy price for his neutrality, the miserable Alba-
nians will require some strong hand to restore their
wretched country to order and peace . Roumani a is a
formidable military power, and at the moment when
the struggle becomes desperate, her weight might be
d e c i s i v e i n o n e o r o t h e r o f t h e E a s t e r n s c a l e s o f p o w e r .
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APPENDIX A 249
She has no love for either Empire, though her k ing is
a Hohenzollern . Russia took Bessarabia from her, and
Hungary is the mistress of a l arge Roumanian popula-
tion in Transylvania . She may elect to move herarmies into one or the other of these provinces, but
more probably she will hold to her neutrality for an
assurance that the victor will reward her .
Bulgaria is i n the same case . An armed neutral ity
will pay her best . If Russia wi ns, then Servia, rich i n
her new acquisitions, can well afford to give up a part
at least of Macedonia . The whole of the Near East
is in the melting pot, but the central question of a ll
is in what shape Austria will emerge from the tremen-
dous test . A decisive vi ctory would mean for her that
Russian hegemony would be ended in Europe . Shewould have become hersel f the rival Slavonic Power .
She anticipated Russia by promis ing the restorati on of
Polish unity. She woul d either a nnex Servi a outri ght,
or reduce her to vassal age, while Roumania, Bulgaria,
and Turkey, each aggrandized somewhat by the pur-
suit of a profitable neutrality , would be attached to her
as grateful satellities . She would dominate the Bal-
kans, and in the act she would have solved trium-phantly the problem of her own internal cohesion . Abeaten Russia woul d no longer attract the Southern
Slavs . The other alternative is, if possibl e, still more
cataclysmic . If Russia wi ns and has her way, li ttle
will be left of Austria save her German province s, and
these might be incorporated at length in a G erman Em-
pire which had lost Posen and Alsace-Lorraine . Rou-mania and Servia would emerge as big states , attached
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250 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
by interest to the Russian s ystem . Bulgaria would be
reconciled by the gift of Macedonia . The doubtful
points would be the future of the Czechs and Magyars .
But whatever their fate might be, the German Powers
would have been cut off forever from the East, and
Russia with some millions of Poles and Ruthenians
added to her territori es, and the Southern Slavs en-
listed as her all ies and vanguard, would dominate the
Eastern Mediterranean and overshadow Turkey, as to-
day she overshadows Persia.
We are taking a parochial view of Armageddon if
we allow ourselves to imagine that it is primari ly a
struggle for the independence of Belgium and the fu-
ture of France . The Germans are nearer the truth when
they regard it as a Russo-German War. It began ina struggle for the hegemony of the Near East, with
its pivotal point at Belgrade . It will end logically, if
either side achieves a decisive suc cess, in a melting of
all the frontiers of the East, and the settlement by force
of arms of the question whether its desti nies shal l be
governed by Germany or by Russia . It is, to my mi nd,
an issue so barbarous, so remote from any real interest
or concern of our daily l ife in these is lands, that I can
only marvel at the illusions, and curse the fatality
which have made us belligerents in this struggle . Weare neither Slavs nor Germans . How many of us, high
or low, dare form a decided opinion as to whether
Bosnia would in the end be happier under the native
but intolerant and semi-c ivi lized rule of the Serbs, or
the alien but relativ ely ci vil ized rule of Austria? How
many of us woul d dare to answer one by one the ques-
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APPENDIX A
tions whether Poles and Ruthenians and Slovacks
would be the happier for passing from Austrian to
Russian rule? We have not even debated these ques-
t ion s, yet our arm s are he lp ing to sett le them . Ourfleet in the North Sea, our army in France may be
winning for the Tsar millions of fresh subjects, and
for the familiar process of forcible Russification un-
numbered victims. They will pas s from a higher to a
lower civi lization, from a system usually tolerant and
fitfully Liberal, to one which has not ev en begun to
grasp the idea of toleration, and whose answer to
Liberalism is the c ensorship, the prison, and the "truly
Russian" pogrom. The Russian exiles who ask us to
believe in the Liberal Russia of tomorrow can only
repeat their pathetic, ins tinctive hopes . They admit,w ith a candor wh ich en list s our re spe ct, that nothing
is changed as yet . One may dream of a future federal
organization of its many nationalities . But are we so
secure in our antici pation of that brighter future that
we will back it by our arms? On the lower level of
self-interest an d Imperial expediency hav e we reason
to desire a world in whi ch the Balance of Power will
lurch violently to the side of this unscrupulous and in-
calculable empire? Within a year from the breaking
of Germany's power (if that is the result of thi s war),
as Russia forces her way through the Dardanelles,
dominates Turkey, overruns Persia, and bestrides the
road to India, our Imperiali sts wil l be calli ng out for
a strong Germany to balance a threateni ng Russia .
A mechanical fatality has forced France into thisstrugg le, and a comrade sh ip, tran slated by se cret com-
251
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2 5 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
m i t m e n t s i n t o a d e f e n s i v e a l l i a n c e , h a s b r o u g h t u s i n t o
the war in her wake . I t i s n o r e a l c o n c e r n o f h e r s o r
of ours . It is a war for the Empire of the East . I f
o u r s t a t e s m a n s h i p i s c l e a r s i g h t e d , i t w i l l s t o p t h e w a r
before it has passed from a struggle for the defense
of France and Belgium, into a colossal wrangle for
the dominion of the Balkans and the mastery of the
Slavs . When the campaign in the West has ended, as
w e a l l h o p e t h a t i t s o o n w i l l e n d , i n t h e l i b e r a t i o n o f
F r e n c h a n d B e l g i a n s o i l f r o m a d e p l o r a b l e i n v a s i o n , t h e
moment will have come to pause . To back our West-
e r n f r i e n d s i n a w a r o f d e f e n s e i s o n e t h i n g , t o f l i n g
ourselves into the further struggle for the Empire of
the East quite another . No call of the blood, no im-
perious calculatio n of self-interest, no hope for the
f u t u r e o f m a n k i n d r e q u i r e s u s t o s i d e w i t h S l a v a g a i n s t
Teuton . We cannot wish that either Austria or Russia
should dominate the Balkans, but if we had to make
the choice in cold blood, most of us would prefer the
more tolerant and more civilized German influence .
Our orators talk of the cause of nationality . Twomonths ago what man in his senses would have sug-
g e s t e d t h a t t h e b e s t w a y t o s e r v e t h e c a u s e o f n a t i o n a l -
i t y w a s t o b r i n g f r e s h s u b j e c t r a c e s u n d e r t h e R u s s i a n
yoke? The Poles and Ruthenians are Slavs indeed,
b u t t h e y a r e n o t R u s s i a n s . One might as well propose
t o f u r t h e r t h e c a u s e o f n a t i o n a l i t y b y a n n e x i n g H o l l a n d
to the German Empire . I f i n t h e h e a t o f b a t t l e , w e
a l l o w o u r s e l v e s t o r u s h o n w a r d w i t h o u t r e f l e c t i o n f r o m
a war of defense to a war of conquest, we shall find
that all the old problems confront us anew . Enthu-
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APPENDIX A 253
siasts for this hateful war may applaud it as an effort
to "destroy German militarism ." That is a meaning-
less phrase . The Allies may indeed destroy the Ger-
man arm ie s, but no one can de stro y German m ilitar ism,
save the German people itself . Mili tarism seizes a na-
tion only when the prophets of the gospel of force can
preach to ears prepared by fear. We are about to
make new fears for the German people . Crush that
people, load it with indemnities, lop it of its provinces,
encircle it with triumphant allies, and so far from
turn ing to depo se it s Prussian leader s, it w i ll ra lly
behind them in a national struggle to recover its stand-
ing, it s integr it y, it s power of free mo vement . NotFrance, but Germany will arm to recover lost prov-
inces, and weave new all iances to adjust the ever-shift-
ing balance of power. If once the world begins to
play at map-making, it will create unsatisfied appetites ;
there will be states enough to join with Germany in an
effort to upset the settlement . The future will stretch
before us, a new phase of the ruinous armed peace,
destined to end, after further years of_ anger and waste,
in another war of revenge . It lies with public opini on
to limit the duration of this quarrel, and to impose on
our diplomacy, when victory in the West is won, a
return to its natural role of moderator in a quarrel no
longer its own .
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APPENDIX B .
BRITAIN AND THE WAR: A STUDYIN DIPLOMACYBY C. H. NORMAN.
Austria, Servia, Russia, and Germany .
The first step in the tragedy, which was so rapidly
unfolded before the astounded peoples of Europe in
July las t (1914), was taken by Austria, in October, 1908,
when it was announced that the Austrian Protectorate
over Bosnia and Herzegovina h ad become a forma l oc-
cupation . The cause of this action was the Young Turk
Revolution in Turkey, as a result of whic h the powers,
who had divided among themselves certain portions of
the Turkish Empire , feared that Turkey might be in-
duced to challenge the proceedings under which partial
dismembermen t of her Empire had taken place .
The Servian Government, at that time just emerging
from the discredit into which the horrible circum-
stances c onnected wit h the murder of King Milan and
Queen Draga had enveloped it, protested against this
conduct of the Austro-Hungarian Gove rnment, on the
ground that the interes ts of Servia in Bosnia were
greater than those of Austria, and that Austria had
been permitted in Bosnia by Europe only as a trustee ;
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APPENDIX B 255
so that the annexation was a breach of trust . P u b l i c
opinion in Europe, generally speaking, pronounced it-
s e l f d e c i d e d l y a g a i n st t h e e x c u s e o f A u s t r i a , a s i t w a s
c l e a r t h a t t h e a b r u p t d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e status quo i n
the Balkans, at a time when Turkey was in an internal
ferment, might gravely imperil the future peace of
Europe .
On March 31, 1909, Servia made the following dec-
laration to the Austrian Government : " S e r v i a d e c l a r e d
t h a t s h e i s n o t a f f e c t e d i n h e r r i g h t s b y t h e s i t u a t i o n
e s t a b l i s h e d i n B o s n i a , a n d t h a t s h e w i l l t h e r e f o r e a d a p t
h e r s e l f t o t h e d e c i s i o n s w h i c h t h e p o w e r s a r e g o i n g t o
a r r i v e a t . . . By following the counsels of the
powers, Servia binds herself to cease the attitude of
protest and resistance which she has assumed since
l a s t O c t o b e r , r e l a t i v e t o t h e a n n e x a t i o n , a n d s h e b i n d s
h e r s e l f f u r t h e r t o c h a n g e t h e d i r e c t i o n o f h e r p r e s e n t
policy towards Austria-Hungary, and in the future to
l i v e w i t h t h e l a t t e r i n f r i e n d l y a n d n e i g h b o r l y r e l a t i o n s . "
The charge brought against the Servian Government
by Austria has been that that solemn undertaking was
not adhered to in any way . The German Chancellor,
in a confidential note to the German Governments
dated July 28th, put the Austro-German point of view
in this way : "The agitation conducted by the Pan-
Slavs"-that is the Servian Party-"in Austria-Hun-
g a r y h a s f o r i t s g o a l , w i t h t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e A u s -
tro-Hungarian monarchy, the scattering or weakening
o f t h e T r i p l e A l l i a n c e w i t h a c o m p l e t e i s o l a t i o n o f t h e
German Empire in c onsequence . Our own interest,
t h e r e f o r e , c a l l s u s t o t h e s i d e o f A u s t r i a ." On that
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256 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
date, Germany knew that the poli cy initi ated by King
Edward of isolating Germany was being completed ;
and that there was a combination of Russia, France,
and Britain, possi bly Japan, all actuated by a s uspici ous
spirit towards the policy of Germany .
In 1911 came the European crisis over the Mo-
rocco Question, when Germany, faced by a combination
of Russia, France, Britain and Spain, sustained a di s-
astrous diplomatic check .
That fact undoubtedly much exasperated opinion in
Germany, as i t was a further confi rmation of the fixed
idea that there was a tacit understanding to undermine
her inf luen ce at e ver y po int . That this was so was
apparently felt by Sir Edward Grey, whose anti-Ger-
man policy has been such a potent cause of the terrible
catastr ophe now being analyzed, for he telegraphed to
the British Ambassador i n Berlin on July 30, 1914, in
these remarkable terms : "If the peace of Europe can
be preserved, and the present crisi s safely pass ed, my
own endeavor will be to promote some arrangement to
which Germany could be a party, by which she couldbe a ssured that no aggressiv e or ho st ile po licy wou ld
be pursued against her or her alli es by France, Russi a,
and ourselves, jointly or separately." That repentance
was too late ; but those words cast a bright light upon
the errors of the past .
In 1912 the first Balkan War broke out, in which
Turkey was severely handled by a combination of Bul-
garia, Greece, Servia, and Montenegro. On May 26,
1913, peace was concluded between Turkey and the
allied combination . On June 30th, Bulgaria was at-
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APPENDIX B 257
tacked by Greece, Servia, and Roumania, and had to
surrender much of what she had won . T h i s i n t e r n e c i n e
conflict led to much bitterness between the Balkan
S t a t e s . The Austrian Government exhibited some
a n x i e t y a t t h e t e r r i t o r i a l a c c e s s i o n s s e c u r e d b y S e r v i a
i n t h e s e t w o w a r s , e s p e c i a l l y a s t h e P a n - S e r b a g i t a t i o n
in Bosnia had become very active . A threatening tone
was adopted by the Austrian Government and Press
towards the Servian Government, an attitude which
much irritated the Russian Government .
What ensued is well summarized in the Annual Reg-
i s t e r f o r 1 9 1 3 : " I n f o r ei g n po l i t ic s t h e g r e a te s t a ch i e v e-
ment of Germany this year was the prevention of a
European War, which would in all probability have
broken out if the Emperor William had not plainly
declared on the one hand to Austria-Hungary that he
would not support her should she be involved in a war
with Russia as the consequence of an attack by her
upon Servia, and on the other to Russia that if she
attacked Austria-Hungary notwithstanding her absti-
n e n c e f r o m a c t i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n i n t h e B a l k a n s , h e w o u l d
f i g h t b y t h e s i d e o f h i s A u s t r i a n a l l y ." That stand was
e f f e c t i v e , a n d t h e c r i s i s o f 1 9 1 3 w a s s a f e l y p a s s e d .
On June 28, 1914, the Archduke Francis Ferdinand,
heir to the Austrian Emperor, and his Consort, were
murdered at the City of Sarajevo, the capital of Bos-
n i a . The incidents connected with the crime were most
s t a r t l i n g . Three different attempts were made on the
p a r t o f t h e a s s a s s i n s , a t s e p a r a t e p l a c e s , w i t h i n a s h o r t
p e r i o d o f t i m e . The murder was seemingly anticipated
i n s e v e r a l c i t i e s - n o t a b l y L o n d o n , B e l g r a d e , S t . P e t e r s -
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258 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
burg, and Rome . In view of the extraordin ary line
now being tak en by certai n members of His Majesty's
Government with regard to Austria, it is worth whil e
to recall the references of the Foreign Secretary and
the Prime Minist er of Britain to that ass assin ation .
Sir Edward Grey s aid, on June 29th, in t he House of
Commons : "I was one of those who less tha n a year
ago saw the pleasure that was given here by the visit
to the King of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand and
his Consor t . I knew the goodw ill whi ch the Archduke
personall y expressed towards our country duri ng his
visit and the pleasure which he so obviously felt in
that visit . "
Mr. Asquith, in moving an address of condolence to
the Emperor of Austria, used this language, whi ch was
either unreal, or mocking, in view of the proceedings
of the Go v ernment s i n c e : "We are once more con-
fronted with one of those incredible crimes which al-
most make us despair of the progress of mankind .
. . . The Emperor and his people have always
been our friends, and in the name of the Commons, of
the nation, of this United Kingdom, we respectfull y
tender to him, and to the great family of nations of
which he is the venerable and venerated head, our
heartfelt and our most affectionate sympathy . " Yet,
within six weeks of the utterance of thes e sentiments ,
Britain had drifted i nto war wi th Austria-Hungary,
against which country no one has pretended that
Britain had any legit imate ground of complaint!
Faced with this terrible loss, the Austrian Emperor
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APPENDIX B 259
directed that a sec ret inquiry shoul d be begun into the
plot which had led to the murder. The conclusions
arrived at in that inquiry have thus been set forth by the
Austrian Government : "(1) The plan to murder the
Archduke during his stay in Sarajevo was conceived
in Belgrade by Gabrilo Princip, Nedeljko Gabrinowic ,
and a certai n Milan Ciganowic and Tri fko Grabez, with
the aid of Major Voja Tankosic . (2) The six bombs
are hand grenade s, manufa ctured at the ar sena l of the
Servian Army in Kragujevac. (4) To insure the suc-
ce ss of the a ssa ssinat ion, Milan Ciganow ic in stru cted
Princip Gabrinowic in the use of grenades and gave
instructi ons in shooting with Browningpistols toPrincip
Grabez in a forest near the target practi ce fiel d of Top-
shider (outside Belgrade) . (5) In orde r to en abl e the
crossi ng of the frontier of Bosnia by Princip Gabri no-
wic and Grabez, and the smuggling of their arms, a
secret sy stem of transportation was organized by Ciga-
nowic. The entry of the criminal s with their arms i nto
Bosnia and Herzegovina was effected by the frontier
captai ns of Shabatz and Loznica, wi th the aid of sev -
eral other persons. "
It has been complained agains t the Austrian Govern-
ment that the evidence on which these findings were
founded was not published. That comp la int is open to
four observations : (1) The Austrian Government
might not have desired to reveal the full ramifications
of the conspiracy, until i t was known who had inspired
it, because the above findings were only directedaga in st the agent s of the con sp ira cy a s d ist i ngu ished
from its authors . (2) It is not the practice in Austria-
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2 6 0 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
H u n g a r y , a n d i n t h a t r e s p e c t A u s t r i a i s l i k e m a n y o t h e r
C o n t i n e n t a l c o u n t r i e s , t o c o n d u c t p r e l i m i n a r y i n q u i r i e s
i n t o p o l i t i c a l c r i m e s i n p u b l i c . (3) Austria was much
aggrieved by the crime. The pride of the Hapsburgs
i s n o t o r i o u s ; and this was an occasion when any com-
ment on their actions would be regarded as an affront .
( 4 ) S e r v i a m a i n t a i n e d a l l t h e w h i l e a p o s i t i o n o f m a s -
t e r l y i n a c t i v i t y .
The murder took place on the 28th of June, but it
w a s n o t u n t i l J u l y 2 3 r d t h a t A u s t r i a p r e s e n t e d a s t i f f
ultimatum demanding certain reparation from Servia .
The Austrian Ambassador in London offered some ex-
planation of the strong terms of that ultimatum in
these remarks, as recorded by Sir Edward Grey
"Count Mensdorff said that if Servia, in the interval
that had elapsed since the murder of the Archduke,
had voluntarily instituted an inquiry on her own ter-
r i t o r y , a l l t h i s m i g h t h a v e b e e n a v o i d e d ." As a matter
of fact, Servia had done nothing, conduct which led
t h e K a i s e r t o t e l e g r a p h w i t h s o m e j u s t i f i a b l e a s p e r i t y
to the Czar : "The spirit which made the Servians
murder their own King and his Consort still dominates
t h a t c o u n t r y . " I t i s f a i r t o r e m e m b e r t o o , t h a t t h e r e a l
c r i m i n a l s i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e A r c h d u k e ' s a s s a s s i n a -
t i o n h a v e n o t b e e n b r o u g h t t o j u s t i c e y e t .
The Austrian ultimatum created some indignation in
Russia ; a n d i t i s a t t h i s p o i n t t h a t t h e s i n i s t e r d e s i g n s
o f R u s s i a b e g i n t o a p p e a r . S e r v i a a p p e a l e d t o t h e C z a r
for his protection, in the meantime presenting a con-
ciliatory reply to the Austrian Government . I t i s
probable that the reply would have been accepted by
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APPENDIX B 261
Austria, had not the Servian Government so often
broken its pl edges, given i n 1909, to liv e "in neighborly
and friendly rel ations" with Austria .
The vital point of the Austrian ultimatum, namely
that Austr ian off icer s s hou ld wat ch the i nquir y to be
held by Servia so as to see that it was a genuine one,
was rejected by Servia as an interference wi th her in-
tegr it y a s a so vere ign state . A deadlock was thus
reached, as Austria was unwilling to forego this de-
mand and submit her case to an international tri bunal,
where Servia, whom -she was accusing of carrying on
a murderous propaganda, would have presented herself
as an equal of Austria . The attitude of Austria was,
undoubtedly, a harsh and unbending one in the begin-
ning, but, before condemning Austria too severely,Britons should ask thems elves this question : Suppos-
ing the Prince of Wales had been murdered in Ger-
many, and the inquiry showed a connection of German
officials wi th the murderers, that knowing this the Ger-
man Government did nothing, would the statesmen of
Britain have submitted such a matter to the Hague
Tribunal? It may be that they ought to have done 'so
in a democratic community ; but does any reasonable
man think that the government would have taken such
a course? The British Ambassador at Vienna thus
diagnosed public feeli ng in Austria in his des patch on
the rupture of diplomatic rel ations : "The demeanorof the people of Vienna showed plai nly the populari ty
of the idea of war with Servia, and there can be no
doubt that the small body of Austrian and Hungarianstatesmen by whom this momentous step was adopted
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262 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
rightly gauged the sense of the people . . . . Thecountry certainly believed that it had before it only the
alternative of subdui ng Servia or of submitting s ooner
or later to mutilation at her hands ." On July 23rd, the
British Ambassador at Rome reported : "Secretary-
General took the view that the gravity of the situation
lay in the c onviction of the Austro-Hungarian Govern-
ment that it was absolutely necessary for their pres-
tige, after many disillusions in the Balkans, to score a
definite success ." The Austrian Government, under
pressure from the Russian and German Governments,
de clared it s intent ion of not see king an y terr itor ia l
compens ation at the expense of Servia . Then; on July
26th, the German Ambassador at St. Petersburg wir ed
to the German Chancellor
"The Austro-Hungarian Ambassador had an ex-
tended intervi ew with Sazonoff this afternoon . Both
parties had a satisfactory impressi on, as they told me
afterwards. The assurance of the Ambassador that
Austria-Hungary had no idea of conquest, but wished
to obtain peace at last at her frontiers, greatly pacified
the Secretary . "
On July 28th, Austria-Hungary declared war on
Servia and the ine vitable con sequen ce en sued . Russia
replied to a partial Austrian mobili zation and declara-
tion of war against Servia by a partial Russi an mobili-
zation agai nst Austria . Here must be inserted twotelegrams which tell most heavily against the good
faith of Russia .
On July 26th, the Russian Ministe r for Foreign Af-
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APPENDIX B 263
fairs s ent this extraordinary telegram to the Russsian
Ambassador at Rome : "Italy cou ld p la y an a ll- im-
portant role in the preservation of peace if she c ould
use her influence in Austria and bind herself to a
neutral attitude in the conflict since it c an not remain
localized. It would be desirable for you to say that
it is impossible for Russia not to give help to Servia . "
What could that mean but that Russia had decided to
kindle a general conflagation? Austria had pledged
her honor not to take Servian territory . If she broke
her word, then would have been the moment for Rus-
sia to call Austria to account . That Russia and
Servia were playing a dubious game is confirmed by
this fr ank admi ssi on of the Czar, on the 30th of July .
"The military measures now taking form were decidedupon five days ago, and for the reason of defense
against the preparations of Austria ." That is t o say,
Russi a . had decided on mobi lization on the 25th of July
-three days before Austria had declared war on
Servia! What rea son of defen se wa s there in th is a ct ?
As the Kaiser telegraphed on the 31st of July to the
Czar : "Nobody threatens the honor and power of
Russia, whi ch could well have waited for the result of
my mediation." The Russian mobilization was gross-
ly provocativ e, and was a primal cause of the catas-
trophe which has befallen Europe ; because that
mobilization terrified the German Government, which
cou ld not under stand the mot ive of Russia in shielding
Servia from the wrath of Austria, in the peculi ar cir-
cumstances surrounding the murder at Sarajevo . Thecounsel Germany could tender to Austria was weak-
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2 6 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
ened by the fact that the intervention of Germany
against Austria in 1913, which averted war, had not
improved the relations between Austria and Servia,
b u t h a d p r o d u c e d t h e a s s a s s i n a t i o n ; a s S e r v i a i m a g i n e d ,
w i t h s o m e j u s t i c e a s e v e n t s t u r n e d o u t , t h a t t h e p o l i t i c s
of assassination were not viewed unfavorably in Rus-
sia . It was not until August 1st, as the British Am-
b a s s a d o r a t V i e n n a s t a t e s , t h a t A u s t r i a r e p l i e d t o t h e
Russi an move . "General mobilization of army and
f l e e t , " i s t h e l a c o n i c m e s s a g e . On the same date it is
noted by Sir E . G r e y : "The Austro-Hungari an Am-
bassador declared the readiness of his Government to
discuss the substance of the Austrian ultimatum to
Servia . " But the Russian mobilization did not cease .
Germany asked that it s hould be stopped ; and no
answer was returned . The German representatives
were telegraphing that France and Russia were press-
i n g o n w i t h t h e i r m o b i l i z a t i o n ; and Sir E . G r e y h a d a l -
ready informed the . A u s t r i a n A m b a s s a d o r t h a t t h e B r i t -
i s h f l e e t w o u l d b e k e p t t o g e t h e r , a s t h e s i t u a t i o n w a s
d i f f i c u l t . It is known now that transports were being
collected together in the mouth of the Thames on the
3 1 s t o f J u l y . F a c e d w i t h t h i s c r i s i s , G e r m a n y l o s t h e r
nerve, and mobilized her forces late on the 31st of
J u l y . On the same date, the German Ambassador in
Paris was instructed : "Please ask French Govern-
ment whether it intends to remain neutral in a Russo-
German war . " He answered on the 1st of August :
"Upon my repeated definite inquiry whether France
would remain neutral in the event of a Russo-German
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APPENDIX B 265
war, the Prime Minister declared that France would
do that which her interests dictated ."
The second part of this drama may be said to open
at the peaceful town of Andover, in Hampshire, where
a certai n Captain Faber, M . P ., deliv ered a speech in
the month of November, 1911 . He informed his
audience that "he was not going to gloss over or pass
over anything, and he was going to dwell on the late
crisis in the European situation . That crisis was
brought about over the state of Morocco, and the c risis
between France and Germany was exceedingly grave,
and at that time there was a div ision in the cabinet as
to whether we should sti ck to France or not . He knew
the names of the men who wante d to stick to France
in the cabinet and the names of those who did not . Thename s of the men who de c i ded to honorab l y s t i c k to
France were Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Winston
Churchil l . Those two men were in favor of sticki ng
to and abiding by the treaty with France . The idea at
the time of the late stress was to send six divis ions of
regular troops to help our ally, France ."-(AndoverTimes, November 16, 1911 .)
That speech naturally caused a stir in political cir-
cles by reason of its positive and grave assertions . On
November 16, 1911, Mr . Primrose asked Sir E . Grey
whether "he will s tate what are our engagements with
foreign powers involving armed intervention or sup-
port ." The rep l y b y Si r E . Gre y wa s : "All treaties
concluded by H. M . Government s ince 1898 and en-
gagements with foreign powers that might involve
armed intervention have been laid before Parliament . "
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266 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
On the 27th of November, 1911, Sir C. Kinloch-Cookeinquired whether the declaration between France and
Great Britain as to Morocc o, sig ned on April 8, 1904,
was interpreted by either the French or British Gov-
ernments "to mean and to include military and naval
support under any and what circumstances?" Mr .
Acland answered : "An agreement to afford dip-
lomatic support does not impose on any power an ob-
ligation, either to give or to withhold military or naval
support. "
On the same date, Sir E. Grey deliv ered a speech in
which he remarked : "Let us try to put an end t o some
of the suspicions with regard to secrecy . We havelaid before the House of Commons the sec ret articles
of the agreement with France in 1904 . There are noother engagements . . . No British Government
could embark upon a war without public opinion be-
hind it, and such engagements as there are which really
commit Parliament to any thing of that ki nd are con-
ta ined in treat ie s or agreement s wh ich ha ve been l a id
before the house. For ourselves, we have not made a
single secret articl e of any kind since we came into of-
f i c e ." Such was the position in 1911 . In his fatal
speech of the 3rd of August, 1914, Sir E. Grey readthe fo llow ing do cument, te chn ica lly known a s an a i d e -
memoire, which he had written to the French Ambas-sador in London on November 22, 1912 : "My dearAmbassador-From time to time in recent years theFrench and British naval and military experts havecon su lted together . It has always been understood
that such consul tation does not restrict the freedom of
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APPENDIX B 267
e i t h e r Government t o d e c i d e a t any f u t u r e time
w h e t h e r o r n o t t o a s s i s t t h e o t h e r b y a r m e d f o r c e . Wehave agreed that consultation between experts is not
and ought not to be regarded as an engagement that
commits either Government to action in a contingency
t h a t h a s n o t y e t a r i s e n a n d m a y n e v e r a r i s e . The dis-
p o s i t i o n , f o r i n s t a n c e , o f t h e F r e n c h a n d B r i t i s h f l e e t s
respectively at the present moment is not based upon
an engagement to co-operate in war . You have, how-
e v e r , p o i n t e d o u t t h a t , i f e i t h e r G o v e r n m e n t h a d g r a v e
reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third
power, it might become essential to know whether it
c o u l d , i n t h a t e v e n t , d e p e n d u p o n t h e a r m e d a s s i s t a n c e
of the other ." Then comes the operative part, in
which was an undertaking of the highest importance .
"I agree that, if either Government had grave reason
to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, or
something that threatened the general peace" (just
observe how far-reaching those words might become
in certain eventualities) "it should immediately dis-
cuss with the other whether both Governments should
act together to prevent aggression and to preserve
peace, and,- if so, what measures they would be pre-
pared to take in common . " Between two private in-
dividuals art instrument so worded would be regarded
as a contract in terms as well as in honor . Yet Sir
Edward Grey admitted, in the same speech, that he did
not, know what the outcome of such a bargain might
b e , b e c a u s e h e c o n t i n u e d : "We are not parties to the
Franco-Russian Alliance . We do not even know the
t e r m s o f t h a t a l l i a n c e . " That is a confession of in-
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268 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
competence, because no such letter should have been
given to the French Ambassador until disclosure hadbeen permitted of the obligations of France towards
Russia.
Reports emanating from Paris soon began to cir-
culate alleging the existence of this document. In
February, 1913, Lord Hugh Cecil, in the debate on the
address, pointed out : "There is a very general belief
that this country i s under an obligation, not a treaty
obligation, but an obligation arising out of an assurance
g iven by the m in istr y in the cour se of d ip lomat ic ne-
gotiations, to send a very large armed force out of this
country to operate in Europe." Mr. Asquith i nter-
vened at on ce, sa ying : "I ought to say tha t it is not
true." How can that deni al be rec onciled with the c on-
tents of the letter addressed to the Ambassador? On
March 24, 1913, the Prime Minister was again ques-
tioned : "Whether the foreign policy of this country
is at the present time unhampered by any treaties,agreements, or obligations under which Britis h military
forces would, in certain eventuali ties, be called upon to
be landed on the continent?" Mr . Asquith repl ied
"As has been repeatedly s tated, this country i s not un-
der any obligation, not public and known to Parliament,
which compels it to take part in any war." That an-
swer was an untruth. On the 28th of April, 1914,
more rumors on the s ubject being current, Sir Edward
Grey was further interrogated : "Whether the policy
of this country s till remai ned one of freedom from all
obligations to engage in mili tary operations on the con-
tinent?" He answered : "The position now remains
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APPENDIX B 269
the same as was stated by the Prime Minister in an-
swer to a question on March 24, 1913 ." That was a
most disingenuous and tricky reply . In May, 1914,
there was a discussion in the Russian Duma on the
relations between Britain and Russia . That topic was
debated in secret, and Sir Edward Grey has declined
to publish the British Ambassador's report as to what
t r a n s p i r e d i n t h a t d e b a t e ; b u t o n t h e 1 1 t h o f J u n e , 1 9 1 4 ,
Sir Edward Grey was asked : "Whether any naval
agreement had been recently entere d into between Rus-
sia and Great Britain, and whether any negotiations
with a view to a naval agreement have recently taken
place or are now pending between Russia and Great
B r i t a i n ." The Foreign Secretary dealt with the ques-
tion in a most elaborate and formal manner : "The
P r i m e M i n i s t e r r e p l i e d l a s t y e a r t o t h e q u e s t i o n o f t h e
Hon. Member that if a war arose between Europeanpowers there were no unpublished agreements which
would hamper or restrict the freedom of the Govern-
ment or of Parliament to decide whether or not Great
Britain should participate in a war . That answer
covers both questions on the paper . It remains as
t r u e t o d a y a s i t w a s a y e a r a g o . No negotiations have
since been concluded with any power that would make
t h e s t a t e m e n t l e s s t r u e . No such negotiations are in
p r o g r e s s , a n d n o n e a r e l i k e l y t o b e e n t e r e d u p o n a s f a r
as I can judge ."
All this time Sir Edward Grey had in his possession
a c o p y o f t h e l e t t e r h e h a d w r i t t e n h i m s e l f t o M . Cam-
bon that committed Britain to every kind of continen-
tal adventure into which Russia might drag France .
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270 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
The concluding sentenc e of this statement of Sir Ed-
ward Grey, in the circumstances, is a masterpiece of
misrepresentation : "But if any agreement were to be
concluded that made it necessary to withdraw or mod-
if y the Prime Min ister' s s tatement of la st year wh ich
I have quoted, it ought, i n my opinion, to be, and I
suppose that it would be, l aid before Parliament ." That
is the mental state of the Prime Minister and the For-
eign Secretary, whose appeals to heaven and to national
honor read a little s trangely in view of the falsity of
their representations to Parliament, the custodian of
national honor . It is a curious comm entary upon these
repudiations that the American press , on June 20, 1914,
before the assassination of Serajevo, published a re-
port that a naval conventi on had been signed between
Russi a and Britain unde r which, i n the case of a Rus-
so-German war, Britain would render assistance to
Russia by naval operations . It is ri ght to add that Sir
Edward Grey has strenuously contradicted that re-port ; but the reader must judge what value he will at-
tach to contradictions emanating from Sir Edward
Grey .
The position of Belgium must next engage our at-
tention . It has been reiterated that Britain is fi ght-
ing in this war because there was some treaty under
which the neutrality of Belgium was guaranteed in aEuropean war .
Neither the Prime Minister nor Sir Edward Grey
has enli ghtened the world as to the text of that guar-
antee. The present writer has been through Hertslet's
"Map of Europe by Treaty ," and has fail ed to disc over
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APPENDIX B 271
an y s u c h i n s trument . The treat ies of 1831 and 1839
contain merely this : "Arti cl e VII : Belgium shall
form an independent neutrality towards all other
states . " That is a common form stipulation which is
always insert ed on the creation of small buffer states
like Belgium . There is als o the fact that on August
9, 1870, Great Britain and Prussia entered upon a
treaty "relative to the independence and neutrality of
Belgium ." Articl e I of that treaty pl edged Prussia
to respect the neutrality of Belgium during the Franco-
Prussian war. Artic le II provi ded for joint meas ures
against France should France violate the territories of
Belgium . Article III provided that the treaty should
only be binding on the high contracting parties during
the Franco-Prussian war . "On the expirat ion o f that
time the independence and neutrality of Belgium will,
so far as the high contracting parties are respectively
-concerned, continue to rest as heretofore on Article I,
of the Quintuple treaty o f April 19, 1839 . " Sir E
Hertslet has a n ote that that treaty i s No . 183 in h is
book. Article I of that document s imply s ays : "HM the King of the Netherlands engages to cause to be
immediately conv erted into a treaty with H . M . the
King of the Belgians, the articles annexed to the pres-
ent act, and agreed upon by common consent, under the
auspices of the courts of Great Britain, Austria,
France, Prussia and Russia ." That the neutrality of
Belgium doctri ne is more complic ated than the prob-
lem of the Danish Duchies, reputed a s the most ab-
struse 'question known in the history of diplomacy, is
the on l y determ i nat i on that one c an arr i v e at from
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272 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
the documents ; and it is crimi nal that Britain should
have been plunged i nto a European war on a pretext of
this character. Britain owed one duty to Belgium ;
and that is a duty which does not seem to have been
performed, namely to give Belgium sound advice .
Britain had never guaranteed to protect the neutral ity
of Belgium duri ng a continental war for the excell ent
reason that the guarantee was impossible of perform-
ance. The neutrality of Belgium could only be uphel d
by force of arms. Belgium should have been warned
by Britain that it was unl ikel y that the Britis h troops
could be brought to Belgium i n time to render the Bel-
gian forces any assistance ; and that it was improbable
that the French army, owing to its general state of dis-
organization, could promptly aid the Belgian troops .
If that counsel were given by Britain, and stil l Bel-
g ium wa s w illing to r isk a c onf lict aga in st German y' s
overwhelming strength, then Belgium has her own
Government to thank for the devastation which has
been wrought in her territories . If Britain an d France
led the Belgians to believe t hat the French and Eng-
lish troops woul d effect a junction with the Belgian
army outside Brussels, then Belgium has been the
catspaw of Britain and France ; be cau se no m ilitar y
officer of repute has ever contended that it was pos-
sible to defend Belgium from German invasion ever
since Germany c onstructed the net-work of strategical
ra ilwa ys wh ic h run s to the Belg ian front ier . It may
be that King Albert of Belgium was actuated by am-
bition , and that Belgium i s to be rewarded at the ex-
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APPENDIX B 273
pense of Luxemburg, in whic h case the trans action is
even more scandalous .
Had Belgium surrendered to force majeure, i n s i s t -
ing on substantial compensation for the trespass com-
mitted by the German troops, no one could have
doubted her wisdom, nor suspected her honor .
As already demons trated, Germany attem pted to get
some statement from France concerning the latter's
attitude in a Russo-German war, but without result .
The next move by Germany was to ascertain the in-
tentions of Britain . The Emperor had some ground
for hoping that Britain would rema in neutral, as he
had prevented a European coalition agai nst Britain in
1900-1901 to compe l Britain to give terms to the Boers .
The Kaiser, i n 1908, had allowed an inte rview to be
published in the Daily Telegraph, which was sum-
marized in the Annual Register. "He (the EmperorWilliam) had proved his friendship for England by
refusing to receive the Boer delegates at Berlin, while
the European peoples had received and feted them ; by
refusing the i nvitation of France and Russia to join
with them in calli ng upon England to put an end to the
Boer war ; and by sending to Windsor a plan of c am-
paign ag ainst the Boers in December, 1899, drawn up
by himself and submitted to his general staff for
criticism, which ran very much on the same lines as
that which was adopted by Lord Roberts . " Neither
the French nor Russian G overnments v entured to con-
tradict this account, which was amplifi ed in the debates
in the Reichs tag . Finding war with France was in-
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274 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
evitable, the German Chancel lor made overtures to
Britain, which, by some mi suse of language, have been
described as infamous . What the German Chancellor
offered, according to Sir E . Gosche n, was to gua rantee
the territorial integ rity of France if Germany were
successful in defeating Russia and France, which was
a remote contingency. There may be some hidden
wickedness in this s uggestion, but the present writer
can only see that it was a business proposal . Sir Ed -
ward Gre y rejec ted th i s propo s i t i on . Then Prince
Lichnowsky put forward a second basis, as Sir Edward
Grey wired on August 1 . "He asked me whether, if
Germany gave a promise not to violate Belgian neutral-
ity we would engage to remain neutral . I replied that
I could not say that ; our hands were still free, and we
were considering what our attitude should be . All I
could say was that our attitude would be determined
largely by public opinion here, and that the neutrality
of Belgium would appeal very s trongly to public opin-
ion here . I did not think that we could give a promise
of neutrality on that condition alone . The Ambas-sador pressed me as to whether I could formulate con-
ditions on which we would remain neutral . He evensuggested that the integrity of France and her c olonies
might be guaranteed . I said that I felt obliged to re-
fuse definitely any promise to remain neutral on sim-
ilar terms, and I could only say that we must keep
our hands free. " Sir Edward Grey has since con-
tended that Prince Lichnowsky was not authorized to
negotiate on this basis and was being deceived by his
superiors in Berlin . That argument is founded upon
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APPENDIX B 275
the unshakable conviction in Sir Edward Grey's mind
that Germany was intending to fight the world all at
once . T h a t i s r a t h e r r i d i c u l o u s , c o n s i d e r i n g t h a t t h e
hopeless nature of such a conflict would restrain any
power from embarking upon it . On the 2nd of
August, Sir Edward Grey h anded M . Cambon this
memorandum : "I am authorized to give an assurance
that, if the German fleet comes into the channel or
through the North Sea to undertake hostile operation s
a g a i n s t F r e n c h c o a s t o r s h i p p i n g t h e B r i t i s h f l e e t w i l l
g i v e a l l t h e p r o t e c t i o n i n i t s p o w e r . This assurance
must not be taken as binding H . M . Government to
take any action until the above contingency of action
b y t h e G e r m a n f l e e t t a k e s p l a c e . " That was an extra-
ordinary communication which, as Germany and
France were at war, amounted to a declaration of hos-
t i l i t y a g a i n s t G e r m a n y ; i t wa s a n ac t o f w a r b y Br i t a in
against Germany long before Belgian territory had
been entered by the German troops . Had the German
navy steamed into the North Sea on August 2nd, it
would have been liable to destruction by the British
f l e e t ( t h o u g h B r i t a i n a n d G e r m a n y w e r e s t i l l n e g o t i a t -
i n g ) , i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e a s s u r a n c e p r e s e n t e d t o t h e
French Ambass ador. It was an ingenious scheme, but
h a r d l y o f a n a t u r e t o w a r r a n t t h e h i g h m o r a l t o n e s i n c e
taken against Germany by the British Ministers! OnAugust 1st, Prince Lichnowsky telegraphed to Berlin :
"Sir E . Grey has just called me to the telephone and
asked whether I thought I could say that in the event
of France remaining neutral in a Russo-German warwe should not attack the French . I t o l d h i m I t h o u g h t
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276 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
I could accept the responsibility for this ." The Im-perial Chancellor replies : "Germany i s ready to take up
the English proposal if England guarantees with her
forces the absol ute neutrality of France in a Russo-
German conflict . . . . We promise that the
Fren ch front ier sha ll not be pa ss ed by our troop s be-
fore 7 p . m . on Monday, August 3rd, if Eng land's con-
sent is giv en in the meantime ." France, however, wasdetermined to support Russi a, so that the proposal fell
through. If France had remained neutral, Belgiumwould have been saved much misery, and France and
Britain much blood and treasure .
Sir Edward Grey should have warned France more
stern ly of the con sequence s of i n vo lving her fortune s
in a struggle between Slav and Teuton. Also heshould never have committed Britain in 1912 to a
blind support of France, without acquainting the cabi-
net with hi s ignorance of the terms of the Franco-Rus-
sian alliance . The document of 1912 should have beendisc losed to the Britis h Parliament at the time of dis-
pat ch ; because, then, the German statesmen would
have known how desperate the situation might become .
Sir Edward Grey laid a snare for the House of Com-
mons, out of which, in the excited condi tion of public
opinion and the electrical atmosphere in Europe the
hou se cou ld not be extricated w ith honor and d i gn it y .
Without reading or disc losi ng the last quoted telegrams
to Parliament, Sir Edward Grey had the effrontery to
tell the House 'of Commons on the 3rd of August
"We have disclosed our mind to the House of Com-mons." He had these documents in his poss ession, but
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APPENDIX B 277
concealed them ; nor have they been published in the
White Paper . The Kaiser hi mself wi red to King
George : "If France offers me her neutrality, which
must be guaranteed by the English army and navy, I
w i l l , o f c o u r s e , c e a s e t o c o n s i d e r a n a t t a c k o n F r a n c e ,
and use my troops in another direction . I hope that
F r a n c e w i l l n o t b e n e r v o u s . The troops on my frontier
are being held back by telegram and telephone from
passing the French frontier ." King George replied
that there had been a misunderstanding, and the ne-
gotiations could not proceed on those lines ; and war
ensued . Germany had lost some valuable hours and had
endeavored to keep France and Britain out of war,
k n o w i n g t h a t h e r b e s t c h a n c e o f s u c c e s s w a s i n F r a n c e ,
as Russia was almost invulnerable to invasion . Yet
the jingo party in Britain would impute the whole
blame for this cruel war to the artful manoeuvres of
t h e K a i s e r .
That is a supposition which rests upon the absurd
assumption that Germany would risk a war with Rus-
sia, France, Britain and' Belgium at the same moment!
There is some element of truth in the comments ofHerr von Jagow, as recorded by the British Ambas-
sador at Berlin : "Herr v on Jagow expres sed his
p o i g n a n t r e g r e t a t t h e c r u m b l i n g o f h i s e n t i r e p o l i c y ,
and that of the Chancellor, which had been to make
friends with Great Britain, and then, through Great
B r i t a i n , t o g e t c l o s e r t o F r a n c e . " The Chancellor ex-
pressed himself more strongly : "What we had done
was unthinkable ; it was like striking a man from be-
h i n d w h i l e h e w a s f i g h t i n g f o r l i f e a g a i n s t t w o a s s a i l -
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278 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
ants . He held Great Britain responsible for all the
terrible events that might happen ." After a ll , Brit ons
should reflect that it would have been very unpleasant
had Germany joined a European coalition on behalf of
the Boers . Germany, no doubt, refused to do so in her
own interests, as the Kaiser did not believ e that it was
to the advantage of Germany that Britain should be
crippled by a European coalition . It is, unfor tunately ,
the present writer's view that the same observation is
applic able to the situati on of today ; and that Britain
never entered upon a more insane campaign than this
campaign in which she is helping to destroy Germany
in the interes ts of Russi a and France .
On the 3rd of August the Britis h Minister at Brus-
sels wired the following information : "French Gov-
ernment have offered through their mili tary attache the
support of five French army corps to the Belgian Gov-
ernment . Following reply has been received today
`We are sincerely grateful to the French Governmentfor offering eventual support . In the actual circum-
stances, however, we do not propos e to appeal to the
guarantee of the powers . Belgian Government will
decide later on the action which they may think it neces-
sary to take ."' Up til l that l ate hour, the Belgian G ov-
ernment wa s seem ing ly w ill ing to adopt an att itude of
enforced neutrality, as Belgium could not hope perma-
nently to contest the march of the German army . OnAugust 4th, the King of the Belgi ans addres sed an ap-
peal to King George which is thus worded : "I make
a supreme appeal to the diplomatic interventi on of your
Majesty's Government to safeguard the integrity of
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APPENDIX B 279
Belgium." The mystery of Belgium is almost insoluble
on these documents as that is a telegram inviting only
diplomatic intervention, and not armed intervention, to
preserve the neutrali ty of Belgium . The German Gov-
ernment, according to Sir Edward Grey, had delivered
a note to Belgium, "proposing friendly neutrality , en-
tailing free passage through Belgian territory, and
promising to maintain the independence and integrity
of the kingdom and its possessions at the conclusion of
peace, threatening,, in c ase of refusal, to treat Belgium
as an enemy ."' On August 4th, Sir Edward Grey
wired to the British Minis ter at Brussels : "You should
inform Belgian Government that if pres sure is applied
to them by Germany to induce them to depart from
neutrality, His Majesty's Government expect that they
will resist by any means in their power . " It was a
terribly selfish act to press that advice upon Belgium,
when no substantial assistance, in the military sense,
could be rendered to s ave Belgian territories from dev-
astation .
It ma y b e a s k ed : "Well, but granted all thi s crit-
icism is sound, what can be done now?" That i s a
questio n often put by those pers ons who explai n that
Britain "must go through wi th it ."
Surely one is entitled to know, "To what end is
this policy directed?" The Prime Minister, MrChurchi ll, a nd Mr . Lloyd George, i n their recruiti ng
orations, have introduced a lot of irrelevant and prej-
udicial matters ; but on that principal point on which
more information is needed their silence has been unan-
imous and complete . The Prime Minister has ex-
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280 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
plained that Britai n is fighting for Belgian neutral ity .
One cannot fi ght for a myth . Belgian neutra lity v an-
ished the moment the first German patrol crossed the
frontier. His next argument was that German mil-
itar ism mu st be cru shed . Well, can it be done? The
militarism of Germany has this excuse, that it has
proved itself a fairly effi cient weapon against a pow-
erful combination . In these days, it is questionabl e
whether a well-organized composite European state
can be thoroughly beaten . Britain ha d enough trouble
to subjugate the sma ll Boer Republi cs i n South Africa .
The partition of Germany and Austria-Hungary may
be the mot ive of the Czar ; but what benefit can accrue
to Britain or France from such madness? Before Ger-
many and Austria surrender to Russia, mil lions of men
will have died, as many of the races in Austria and
Germany must literally strive to their last man against
Russian control . That is the common sense of the
situation . Moreover, there is a certain amount of
humbug in this outcry against German militarism . In
the centuries before German unity was accomplished,Berlin was more often in the hands of a foreign in-
vader than any other capital in Europe. Bismarck
calculated that the French had occupied Berlin over
twenty times, while the German troops had been in
Paris twice . Prussia and Brandenburg were two ofthe most invaded countries in Europe before the ring
of bayonets was welded together . That is historic al
fact . On the other hand, Russi a has a militari st prop-
aganda of the most evil kind ; and the Dreyfus case
demonstrated what form French militarism could as-
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APPENDIX B 2 8 1
sume . N o r i s B r i t i s h n a v a l i s m i n n o c u o u s i n i t s s p i r i t !
T h r o u g h t h a t n a v a l i s m , B r i t a i n h a s a s s a i l e d n a t i o n a f t e r
n a t i o n i n E u r o p e t h a t h a s t h r e a t e n e d h e r t r a d e s u p r e m -
acy ; a n d G e r m a n y , t h e l a t e s t c o m e r , i s b e i n g s i m i l a r l y
handled . "On the knee, you dog!" was a phrase that
rang unpleasantly through England not long ago . The
militarism of Lord Kitchener in Egypt and in India
w a s a s b a d a s a n y t h i n g o n e c o u l d w a n t i n t h a t l i n e . Mr .
Asquith, in his orations about Britain struggling for
the liberties of Europe, might re-assure us about the
r e s t o r a t i o n o f t h e s t a t u t o r y B r i t i s h l i b e r t i e s w h i c h h a v e
been whittled away in the past two months by a series
o f r o y a l p r o c l a m a t i o n s .
In 1899, Britain was righteously engaged in the de-
struction of "Krugerism ;" today it is "Kaiserism"
which is the target of Britain's virtuous indignation .
By an ironic stroke of fate, this year (1914) was the
scene of the greatest procession ever organized by
British trade unionism, when hundreds of thousands
of men protested against the deportation of English-
men without trial or without charge by the successors
of "Krugerism," "Krugerism" never deported British
s u b j e c t s w i t h o u t t r i a l a n d w i t h o u t c h a r g e ; but "Krug-
e r i s m " d i d r e s i s t t h e i m p o r t a t i o n o f C h i n e s e " b l a c k le g "
l a b o r . The disappearance of "Krugerism" was rather
a barren victory ; it certainly was an expensive one .
Many wonderful things were forecasted as likely to
occur under the British regime in South Africa ; b u t
the world still awaits something newer than the old
t y r a n n y o f c a p i t a l i s m .
Another argument for the war is that the principle
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282 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
of the freedom of nationalities is involved . On which
side? Germany and Austria have been promised
partiti on by the genial Czar and the witty Frenchman !
In the past twelve years, there have been fiv e states
whose independence has been taken from them without
any protest from Britain. They were all examples
where the nationalities were distinct . The Transvaal
and the Orange Free State had their independenc e de-
stroyed by Britain . Persia n integrity was broke n into
by the thieves' covenant of 1907 between Russia and
Britai n ; and Mr. Morgan Shuster, the American who
was re-organizing Persian financial administration,
was expell ed through Russ o-Briti sh intri gue . Morocco
was partit ioned between France and Spain with British
connivance. The case of Corea was almost parallelto that of Belgi um . The independence and neutrality
of Corea were guaranteed by Japan, Russia, Britain
and France, under a number of treaties . The Corean
Queen was foully murdered by Japanese agents. TheJapanese, some time afterwards, invaded Corea and
compelled the Coreans to fight against Russia in the
Russo-Japanese War. Russia and Corea protested to
Britain and France ; but, on that occasion, which was
a far more shameless breach in international law,
Britain and France thought it convenient to forgettheir "obligations of honor," "their written bond,"
"their sacred covenant," or whatever high sounding
phrase may occur to the recruiting orators of the
Cabinet. Corea was annexed by the Japanese, andha s regretted her unhapp y fate e ver si n ce . The Ger-
mans were not parties to any of these touching inci-
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APPENDIX B 283
dents in the War of Liberation on behalf of small
nationalities ; probably, because they were elbowed out
by the Tr ip le Entente . Mr. Asquith and Sir EdwardGrey, by the way, were the two prominent Liberal
leaders who deserted Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman
when the latter wa s endea vor ing to obta in some under-
taking that the inde pendence of th e Orange Free State
would be preserved. The sudden affection for prin-
cipl e exhibit ed by Mr . Asquith nowadays is somewhat
unconvincing when compared with past events in his
l i f e .
Ah but it will be proclaimed, "What about the
German atrocities and the road-hog of Europe?"
That is the on ly top ic that the go vernment ha s rea lly
left ; and it is a strange defense for a war which ought
never to have been undertaken. Undoubtedly some
terrible crimes have been perpetrated by the German
soldiery ; but as the worst crime under most penal
code s is "Thou sha lt not kil l," can one be a ston ished
that the authorization to large bodies of men to com-
mit the capital offense should bring in its train all the
lesser crimes of rape, arson, mutilation, etc . ? Once thepassions are unloosened-and war does unloose the
worst and most deeply ingrained passion of all, to-wit,
the desire to slay-it is si lly to complain about the
excesses that wil l follow . The burning of Louvain,
Malines , Rheims, are artisti c calami ties ; but they are
spe cks compared w ith the spe cta cle of ten m illion s of
men slaughtering each other seven days a week ; be-
cause these Christian generals pursue their voc ation
with speci al ardor on Sunday . The Christian denomi-
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284 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
nat ion s lament the bombardment of cathedra ls ; but the
dominion of Satan has no need for those buildings .
The Prince of Darkness is ruling this world , and the
fact that he is being supported by all the self-styled
"Vicar s of Chris t" sim ply prov es that the lat ter have
been masquerading under false colors .
Those editors who have been denouncing the Ger-
man atrocities hav e not protested against the action of
the censor in refusing permiss ion to publish the coun-
ter charges . This is most unfair procedure . Bothsides' allegations s hould be allowed a hearing or should
be suppressed-not one to the exclusion of the other .
Russia and Japan have been the s ubject of some stric -
tures by the Ex-Press Censor, Mr. F. E . Smith, in
his work on International Law, which were to thiseffect : "On November 21, 1894, the Japanese Army
stormed Port Arthur, and for five days indulged in
the promiscuous slaughter of non-combatants : men,
women and children, with every circumstance of bar-barity." The Times correspondent reported : "Thurs-
day, Friday, Saturday, and Sunday were spent by thesoldiery in murder and pillage from dawn to dark, in
mutilation, in every conceivable kind of nameless atroc-
ity, until the town became a ghastly inferno, to beremembered with a fearsome shudder until one's dying
day. " Mr. F. E. Smith adds : "The details of this
awful scene completel y warrant this eloquent and em-
phatic condemnation." So much for the gentle Japan-ese . Next Mr . F. E . Smith detail s the rec ord of the
pastoral and simple Russian, as he is being now pic-
tured by H. G. Wells and other litterateurs : "The
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APPENDIX B 285
recurrent tradition of Suvaroff's savagery at Ismail
and Warsaw found a re-echo in the events of the
Crimean War and of Akkel Teke, and culminated in
1900 in the col d-blooded slaughter by the Russians of
the whole Chinese population of Blagovestchenk and
district . . . . The massacre of Blagovestchenk was
described by a Russian officer in the foll owing words
"The Cossacks took all the Chinese and forced them
into the river on boats that could not carry them, and
when the women threw their children on shore and
begged that they at least might be saved, the Cossack s
caught the babies on their bayonets and cut them i n
pieces . " . . . Nothing worse than this massacre of
Blagovestchenk has ever been related of the unspeak-
able Turk." That was Mr. Smith's judgment, writi ngin 1907, the very year in which Britain and Russia
entered into a treaty to undermine Persian indepen-
dence ! The "red rubber" denunciations of Belgium
cannot have been forgotten ; and the report of Sir
Roger Casement on Belgian rule in the Congo Free
State is still av ailable to those who want to be sic kened
with the horror of man's "inhumanity to man." TheInternational Commission on the atroci ties in the Bal-
kan War condemned the Servians as the worst offend-
ers . Even now Belgium has not been laid waste as
the Boer Republics were by Lord Kitchener and Lord
Roberts. The sack of Pekin by the troops of the
Allied Powers in 1900, in which Germany was equallyinvolved, should lead the European statesmen to re-
frain from this sort of denunciati on, until the Chris-
tian communities of Europe have offered some sort of
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286 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
reparation to the "Heathen Chinee" for the abomina-
tions which dis graced that punitive expedition .
This war is being supported by sham arguments and
hypocritical appeals to sentiment. Its pretended c ause,
"The neutrality of Belgium," is non-existent . Its real
cause, the wish to beat the German Navy, remains tobe examined. On the face of it, it would seem a con-
venient opportunity to annihilate the German Navy ;
but surface considerations are not always the soundest .
Just let us examine the amazing procedure adopted by
the statesmen of Britain to preserve Britain's pre-
dominance in sea power. The French fleet, with some
Britis h ships, i s at present guarding the Mediterranean
trade routes in the interes ts of the trade of France .
The Russi an Fleet is stati oned in the Baltic, the Black
Sea, and the Far East ; its inactivity is distinctly mas-
terly. Britain has mars halled the whole acti ve strength
of the na vy i n or about the North Sea so a s to str ike
at the G erman High Seas Fleet shoul d it v enture upon
a general battle . As the German Fleet is hopelessly
inferior in ships and guns to the British Fleet, its big
ships are not lik ely to risk a general engagement ; but
its submarine and torpedo boats will make desperate
sorties . Nothwithstanding Mr . Churchil l's referenc e
to "rats in a hol e," the Germans are sensi ble to adopt
on sea the tactics followed by the Boers on land . As-
suming, however, that public opinion in Germany puts
pressure on the German Admiral to endeavor to fight
his way out of the Kiel Canal, there may be a titani c
sea fight in whic h the German Fleet would be destroyed
and the British Fleet somewhat damaged . Then, at
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APPENDIX B 287
the end of the war, what wou ld be the po sit ion i n the
realm of sea power? Germany's Fleet would have been
annihilated ; Britain's Fleet would have been damaged ;
the French Fleet would be peacefully patrolling the
Mediterranean ; and the Russi an, Italian, Japanese, and
the American Fleets would be intact. The Austrian
Fleet will, in all probabil ity, remain in Pola Harbor,
which is practic ally impregnable, as Austria, having
no quarrel wi th either France or Britain, c an have no
particul ar wish to jeopardize her small fleet in combat
with the Mediterranean squadrons of Britain and
France . The whole burden of contending with the
German Fleet has been cast upon Britain . What is
the economy or the sanity of this policy, which may
leave Britain's Fleet inferior in s trength to the com-
bined na va l for ce s of an y two of the power s named ?
No statesman in Europe has explained definitelywhat the objective of any country partic ipating in the
war really is . The British ruli ng class is united upon
some undisclosed policy because the arguments that
are be ing expounded in the re cru it ing s pee che s simp ly
disappear on the first touch of criticism . The road is
a road to ruin ; that is clear . By reason of the stupid
tactics of European policy, the Germans and Austrians,
actuated by their terror of Russian barbarism s weep-
ing across their country, wil l be reinforced by the nerv-
ing spirit of desperation . The cruel measures enforced
in Belgium are good evi dence of the serious terror pre-
va iling i n the German m ind . Cruelty is always a symp-
tom of fear ; and it need s a bra ve man to be mer cifu l
to his enemies ; and that is true of nations . Germany
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288 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
and Austria are in grav er peril than any other country
except Belgium ; because their trade has gone, and
the ir arm ie s ha ve had no tremendou s su cc e ss except in
Ea st Pru ssia over the Russians . The con clu sion s wh ich
look probable are : (1) sta le- mat e ; (2) victory and
aggrandizement of France and Russia over Germany
and Austria-Hungary. Such a policy is not worth a
single British life . It is a mad world ; but there is
not even method in the madness which is afflicting
Britain and her statesmen at this time of crisi s in the
history of civil ization . On these grounds, the gov-
ernment should be compelled to answer on the re-
assembling of Parliament the plain question : Whatare we doing and where are we going in this bittercontest? The militarism prevalent in Prussia is a
form of militarism whi ch is formidable, i nexcusable,
and immoral in its denial of the rights of the indi-
vidual ; but it is impossible to measure the ebb andflow of enmity between nations . The bitterness ofm ilitar ist ic German y aga in st the loo se combination of
the Triple Entente inevitably produced an unrest offear wh ich, on ce it wa s inf lamed by the Russian att i-
tude towards Austria, caused universal terror to de-
velop into universal murder .
The e vent s of the pa st few wee ks, wh ich ha ve stag-
gered Europe with the rapidity of their occurrence,ha ve produ ced, one mu st re cogn ize, a comp lete para ly-
sis of democratic gov ernment in Britain, sinc e Parlia-
ment was prorogued leaving many matters of vast pub-
lic importance wholly uudebated. (1) The interven-
tion of Japan in a conflict between European States .
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APPENDIX B 289
It is true that the intervention was engineered during
a temporary adjournment and was an accomplished
fact when Parliament reassembled, yet it was a ques-
tion of the utmost moment . No protest was raised in
Parliament against its withdrawal by Sir Edward Grey
from the cognizance of Parliament ; nor was any cen-
sure moved upon him . (2) The use of fe roci ous Asiat-
ic troops, such as the Gurkhas, against a European
State in Euro pe . (3) The sending of the Expedition-
ary Force on to the Continent was never discussed .
Sir Edward Grey told the House of Commons on
August 3rd, "that no decision had been yet come to
with regard to sending an expeditionary forc e ." Then
came the declaration of war against Germany, and the
government was allowed to send thousands of men to
perish on the Continent without a word of debate onthe wisdom of such a proceeding. (4) The treaty be-
tween Russia, France, and Britain, whereby those
powers have agreed not to make terms of peace sep-
arately, was withheld from discussion in the House
of Commons. No hint was given by Sir Edward Grey
of his intention to bind Britain's future by such an
instrument ; Sir Edward Grey is the autocrat of
Britain. Even when the document was published, thepr in cip le of p ledg ing Brita in to an agreement of that
nature with Russia, whos e ambitions hav e been a potent
influence in bringi ng on the catastrophe, was not even
debated or discussed . It is doubtful whether any Brit-
ish statesman has ever concluded a more momentousbargain which may have most unforeseen consequences
on the future of Britain . Parliament has neglected to
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290 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
extract any informati on as to the l engths the govern-
mental policy, whatever it may be, w i l l be pushed, nor
is it comprehensible why the Belgian Government, now
a belligerent, was not a signatory to this covenant of
loyalty and good faith . If these points are all con-
sidered as improper for public debate, one must won-
der what utility democratic c ontrol through Parliament
is as a check upon a war-infected executive, which i s
working the governmental machinery at full speed .
All that can happen at the present rate of progre ss is
that Britain will be turned into a mourning hous e,
Europe into a cemetery, and the world into a bank-
ruptcy court . Let us reflect upon some pass ages in
Mr. John Bright's s peech es . On March 31, 1854, in
denouncing the Crimean War, he said : "It is not m y
duty to make this country the kni ght errant of the
human race, and to take upon herself the protecti on
of the thousand millions of human beings who have
been permitted by the Creator of all k ings to people
this planet . " Ah! those of us who ask for a little
knight errantry on behalf of the downtrodden milli ons
of British work ers know the answer that is giv en by
those who are willing to expend billions o n preserving
"the neutrali ty of Belgium ." The wealthy capitalists,
whose wives are generously crowding to succor the
Belgian refugees, will be unremitting in their grinding
of the faces of the Britis h working clas s, and that class
will go on applauding their patriotic zeal and self-sac-
rific e! Ah ! is not it tragically ironical? For instance,
the soldier's wi dow is to receive 5s . a week and ls . 6d
for each child . Indeed! this is a noble country , with
a generous heart in the way of promises ! The first
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APPENDIX B 291
duty of Britons is to remedy the wrongs of Britons
and to end the scandalous poverty which is the out-
s t a n d i n g f e a t u r e i n t h e s e i s l a n d s . When the call goes
that "England expects every man to do his duty," in
what respect will there be a hearty response from the
ruling class of Britain? Mr. Bright resumed : "I am
told, indeed, that the war is popular, and that it is
f o o l i s h a n d e c c e n t r i c t o o p p o s e i t . I may ask, What
was more popular than the American War? W here
i s n o w t h e p o p u l a r i t y o f t h a t d i s a s t r o u s a n d d i s g r a c e -
ful war, and who is the man to defend it? The past
events of our history have taught me that the inter-
vention of this country in European wars is not only
unnecessary but calamitous ." How true that is of the
p r e s e n t w a r l The ruin of Austria and Germany for
the advantage of Russia and France can be nothing
b u t i m m e d i a t e l y d i s a s t r o u s t o B r i t a i n . Mr. B r i g h t c o n -
cluded : "I believe if this country seventy years ago
h a d a d o p t e d t h e p r i n c i p l e o f n o n - i n t e r v e n t i o n i n e v e r y
c a s e w h e r e h e r i n t e r e s t s w e r e n o t d i r e c t l y a n d o b v i o u s l y
assailed, that she would have been saved from much
of the pauperism and brutal crimes by which our gov-
ernment and people have alike been disgraced . This
country might have been a garden, every dwelling
might have been of marble, and every person who
treads its soil might have been sufficiently educated .
We should indeed have had less of military glory .
We might have had neither Trafalgar nor Waterloo,
b u t w e s h o u l d h a v e s e t t h e h i g h e x a m p l e o f a C h r i s t i a n
n a t i o n , f r e e i n i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s , c o u r t e o u s a n d j u s t i n i t s
c o n d u c t t o w a r d s a l l f o r e i g n s t a t e s , a n d r e s t i n g i t s p o 1 -
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292 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
icy on the unchangeable foundation of Christian
morality . "
That also is the creed of the author of this pam-
phlet . One last word of warning. Remember that notime is too soon to confer upon society the blessings
of peace. The government has pursued a course which
has brought Britain into war with Austria against
whom nobody has discovered a casus b e l l i . The in-
terventi on of the United States, of Turkey, an d China
may light another conflagration, whic h will burn out
the remnants of soci al organization at present left un-
touched by the appalling struggle in Europe . It is pos-
sible that the practical blockade of Holland will drive
that country into war with Britain . It is probable tha t
the victorious march of Russia will compel Sweden,
which i s organizing an army o f 800,000 men, to enter
the field against the Allies . Then, Britain will be
arrayed against the most civilized and enlightened
people in Europe. Once the path of crime is begun
no one can foresee where the tragedy will end . There
is a gallows which overhangs national crimes as well
as individual crimes, and that these proceedings ofH. M. Government, if persisted in, wil l bring a most
frightful retribution, is a less on written on the blood-
stained pages of nearly every war that the British
democracy has been deluded into, most of which have
been embarked upon in the hope of riveting the chains
of privilege still more tightly round the wrists of the
hard working, underpaid mass of British citizens .
God Save the People !
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APPENDIX C.
WHY WE ARE AT WARA REPLY TO SIR EDWARD GREY
BY J. RAMSAY MACDONALD, M . P .
On that fa tal Sunday, the sec ond of August, I met
in Whiteh all a member of the Cabinet and he told me
of the messages and conversations between foreign
secretaries and ambassadors which were to be pub-
lished for the purpose of showing how we strove for
peace and how Germany immovably went to war. "It
will have a great effect on publi c opinion," he said,
and he was right . It is called "Corresp ondenc e re-
specti ng the European Crisis, " but is generall y re-
ferred to as "The White Paper ." I wish to comment
upon it for the purpose of explaini ng its signi ficanc e .
It begins with a conversati on between Sir Edward
Grey and the German Ambassador on July 20th re-garding the Austrian threat to punish Servia, and fin -
ished with the delivery of our ultimatum to Germany
on August 4th . From it certain conclusions appear to
be justified, the following in particular :
1 . Sir Edward Grey strov e to the last to prevent
a European War .
2 . Germany di d next to nothing for peace, but i t
is not clear whether she actuall y encouraged Austria
to pur s ue her Serv i an po l i c y . The mob i l izati on of
Russia drove Germany to war .
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294 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
3 . Russia and France strove, both by open press ure
and by wiles, to get us to commit ourselves to support
them in the event of war .
4 . Though Sir Edward Grey would not give thema pledge he made the German Ambassador understand
that we might not keep out of the conflict .
5 . During the negotiations Germany tried to meet
our wishes on certain points so as to secure our neu-
trality . Sometimes her proposals were brusque, but no
attempt was made by us to negotiate diplomatically to
improve them. They were all summarily rejected by
Sir Edward Grey. Finally, so anxious was Germany
to confine the limits of the war, the German Ambas-
sador asked Sir Edward Grey to propose his own con-
ditions of neutrali ty, and Sir Edward Grey decli ned to
disc uss the matter . This fact was suppressed by Sir
Edward Grey and Mr. Asquith in their s peeches i n
Parliament.
6 . When Sir Edward Grey failed to secure peace
between Germany and Russia, he worked deliberately
to involve us in the war, using Belgium as his chief
excuse.
That is the g is t of the Wh ite Paper .
That Sir Edward Grey should have striven for
European peace and then, when he failed, that he
should have striven with equal determination to em-
broil Great Britain, seems contradic tory . But it is
not, and the explanation of why it is not is the justi -
fication of those of us who for the last eight years
have regarded Sir Edward Grey as a menace to the
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APPENDIX C 295
peace of Europe and his policy as a misfortune to
our country .
What is the explanation?
Great Britain i n Europe can pursue one of two
p o l i c i e s . It can keep on terms of general friendship
with the European nations, treating with each sep-
arately when necessary and co-operating with all on
matters of common interest . To do this effectively
it has to keep its hands clean . It has to make its
p o s i t i o n c l e a r , a n d i t s s y m p a t h y h a s t o b e b o l d l y g i v e n
to every movement for liberty . This is a policy which
r e q u i r e s g r e a t f a i t h , g r e a t p a t i e n c e , a n d g r e a t c o u r a g e .
Its foundations are being built by our own inter-
national and if our Liberal Government had only fol-
l o w e d i t s i n c e 1 9 0 5 i t w o u l d b y t h i s t i m e h a v e s m a s h e d
the military autocracies which have brought us into
war .
B u t t h e r e i s a m o r e a l l u r i n g p o l i c y - a p p a r e n t l y e a s i e r ,
a p p a r e n t l y s a f e r , a p p a r e n t l y m o r e d i r e c t , b u t i n r e a l i t y
more difficult, more dangerous, and less calculable .
That is the policy of the balance of power through
a l l i a n c e . Weak and short-sighted ministers have al-
ways resorted to this because it is the policy of the
i n s t i n c t s , r a t h e r t h a n o f t h e r e a s o n . It forms groups
of powers in continents . It divided Europe into two
great hostile camps-Germany, Austria and Italy on
the one hand, Russia, France and ourselves on the
o t h e r . The progeny of this policy is suspicion and
armaments, its end is war and the smashing up of the
very balance which it is designed to maintain . Whenwar comes it is' then bound to be universal . Every
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2 96 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
nation is on one rope, or another, and when one slips
i t d r a g s i t s a l l i a n c e w i t h i t .
As a matter of practical experience the very worst
f o r m o f a l li a n c e i s t h e e n t e n t e . A n a l li a n c e i s d ef i n i t e .
E v e r y o n e k n o w s h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s u n d e r i t . The en-
t e n t e d e c e i v e s t h e p e o p l e . When Mr . A s q u i t h a n d S i r
Edward Grey k ept assuri ng the House of Commons
that we had contracted no obligation by our entente
w i t h F r a n c e t h e y s a i d w h a t w a s l i t e r a l l y t r u e b u t s u b -
s t a n t i a l l y u n t r u e . That is why stupid or dishonest
statesmen prefer the entente to the alliance ; i t p e r -
mits them to see hard facts through a veil of senti-
mental vagueness . H a d w e h a d a d e f i n i t e a l l i a n c e w i t h
France and Russia the only difference would have been
that we and everybody else should have known what
we had let ourselves in for, and that might have
averted the war .
It is interesting to gather from Sir Edward Grey's
speech of August 3rd and the White Paper how com-
pletely the entente entangled him . There were first
of all the "conversations" between French and British
naval and army experts from 1906 onwards . These
produced plans of naval and military operations which
France and we were able to take jointly together . It
w a s i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e s e s c h e m e s t h a t t h e n o r t h e r n
coasts of France were left unprotected by the French
Navy .
Those schemes, moreover, assumed that the neutral-
i t y o f B e l g i u m w o u l d b e v i o l a t e d i f a g e n e r a l w a r b r o k e
out . The "conversations" were carried on for about
six years without the knowledge or the consent of the
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APPENDIX C 297
Cabinet . The military plans were sent to St . P e t e r s -
burg and a Grandduke (so well-informed authorities
say) connected with the German party in Russia sent
them to Berlin . Germany has known for years that
there were military arrangements between France and
o u r s e l v e s , a n d t h a t R u s s i a w o u l d f i t h e r o p e r a t i o n s i n t o
t h e s e p l a n s . We had so mixed ourselves up in the
Franco-Russian Alliance that Sir Edward Grey had
to tell us on August 3rd that though our hands were
free our honor was pledged!
The country had been so helplessly committed to
fight for France and Russia that Sir Edward Grey had
to refuse point blank every overture made by Germany
t o k e e p u s o u t o f t h e c o n f l i c t . That is why, when re-
porting the negotiations to the House of Commons, he
f o u n d i t i m p o s s i b l e t o t e l l t h e w h o l e t r u t h a n d t o p u t
i m p a r t i a l l y, w h a t h e c h o s e t o t e l l u s . He scoffed at the
German guarantee to Belgium on the ground that it
o n l y s e c u r e d t h e " i n t e g r i t y " o f t h e c o u n t r y b u t n o t i t s
independence ; when the actual documents appeared it
was found that its independence was secured as well .
A n d t h a t i s n o t t h e w o r s t . The White Paper contains
several offers which were made to us by Germany
aimed at securing our neutrality . None were quite
satisfactory, in their form and Sir Edward Grey left
t h e i m p r e s s i o n t h a t t h e s e u n s a t i s f a c t o r y p r o p o s a ls w e r e
all that Germany made . Later on the Prime Minister
did the same . Both withheld the full truth from us .
The German Ambassador s aw Sir Edward Grey , ac-
cording to the White Paper, on August lst-and this
i s o u r F o r e i g n M i n i s t e r ' s n o t e o f t h e c o n v e r s a t i o n
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298 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
"The Ambassador pressed me as to whether I could
not formulate conditions upon which we could remainneutral . He even suggested that the integrity ofFrance and her coloni es might be guaranteed . "
Sir Edward Gre y de cli ned to con sider neutra lit y on
any conditions and refrained from reporting this con-
versation to the House. Why? It was the most im-
portant proposal that Germany made. Had this been
told to us by Sir Edward Grey his speech could not
have worked up a war sentiment. The hard, immov-
able fact was that Sir Edward Grey had so pledged
the country's honor without the country's knowledge
to fight for France or Russia, that he was not in a
position even to disc uss neutrality .
Now, the apparent contradiction that the man who
had worked for European peace was at the same time
the leader of the war party in the Cabinet can be
explai ned . Sir Edward Grey strove to undo the result
of his polic y, and keep Europe at peace, but, when he
failed he found himself committed to dragging his
country into war .
Without this wide survey of policy, it i s impossible
to estimate either Sir Edward Grey's culpability or
Germany's share of blame .
Germany's share is a heavy one . Taking a narrow
view, she with Russia, is mainly respons ible for the
war ; taking a longer view, we are equally res ponsibl e .
The conflict between the entente and the alliance had
to come and only two things determined the time
of its c oming . The first was the relative capacity of
the countries to bear the burdens of an armed peace.
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second was the question of how the changes which
time was bringing were affecting adversely the mili-
tar y power of the re spe ct iv e opponent s . The alliance
was to receive a great blow on the dea th of the Aus-
trian Emperor ; Russia wa s bu ild ing a sy stem of stra-
tegic rail ways up to the German frontier, and this was
to be finished in 1916, by which time her army was
great ly to be in crea sed . The entente therefore wasforcing Germany to fight within two years . We canunderstand the military mind of Germany faced with
these threatening changes if we remember how scared
we were when we were told of German threats against
ourselves . The stubbornness of Germany, shown on
every page of the White Paper, was not merely mili-
tary offensiveness , but the stand of a country being
put into difficulties by time tipping the balance of power
against it . The breaking poi nt had been reached . For-
eign ministers and ambassadors had to give place to
the war lords .
So I come back to the statement whic h I think I have
clear ly pro ven ; that the European War is the resultof the existenc e of the entente and the alliance , and
that we are in it i n consequence of Sir Edward Grey's
foreign policy .
The justifications offered are nothing but the ex-
cuses which Ministers can always produce for mis-
takes . Let me take the case of Belgium. It has beenknown for years, that, in the ev ent of a war between
Russia and France on the pne hand and Germany on
the other, the only possible mili tary tactics for Ger-
APPENDIX C 299
That was reaching its limit in most countries . The
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300 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
many to pursue were to attack France hot foot through
Belgium, and then return to meet the Russians .
The plans were in our war office. They were dis-
cussed quite openly during the Agadir trouble, and
were the subject of some magazine articl es, particularly
one by Mr . Bell oc . Mr. Gladstone made it clear in
1870 that in a general conflict formal neutrality might
be violated . He said in the House of Commons Au-
gust 1870 :
"I am not able to subscri be to the doctrine of those who
have held in this House what plainly amounts to an asser-
tion that the si mple fact of the existence of a guarantee, is
binding on every party to it, irrespectiv e altogether of the
particular position in which it may find itself at the time
when the occasion for acting on the guarantee arises . "
Germany's guarantee to Belgium would have been
accepted by Mr . Gladstone. If France had decided to
attack Germany through Belgium Sir Edward Grey
would not have objected, but would have justified him-
self by Mr. Gladstone's opinions .
We knew Germany's military plans . We obtainedthem through the usual channels of spies and secret
service. We knew that the road through Belgium was
an essential part of them . That was our opportunity
to find a "disinterested" motive apart from the obliga-
tions of the entente . It is well known that a nation
will not fight except for a cause in which ideali sm is
mingled . The Daily Mail supp lied the idea lism for
the South African War by telling l ies about the flog-
ging of British women and children . Our governmentsupplied the idealism for this war by telli ng us that
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APPENDIX C 301
the independence of Belgium had to be vindicated by
us. Before it addressed its inquiries to France and
Germany upon this point, k nowing the military exigen-
cies of both countries , it knew that France could reply
suitably, whilst Germany could not do so .
It was a pretty little game of hypocrisy whi ch the
magnificent val or of the Belgians wil l enable the gov-
ernment to hide for the time being .
Such are the facts of the case . It is a diplomatists'
war, made by about a half a dozen men . Up to the
moment that ambassadors were withdrawn the peoples
were at peace. They had no quarrel with each other ;
they bore each other no ill wi ll . A dozen men brought
Europe to the brink of a precipic e and Europe fell over
i t . Today our happy industrial prospects of a fort-
night ago are darkened. Suffering has come to be
w ith u s . Ruin stares many of us in the face. Litt le
comfortable bu sine sse s are wre cked, t in y in come s ha ve
vanished . Want is in our mid st, and Death walks w ith
Want. And when we sit down and ask ourselves with
fu llne ss of know ledge : "Why ha s th is e vil happened?"
the only answer we can give is, because Sir Edward
Grey has guided our foreign policy during the past
eight years . His short-sightedness and his blunders
have brought all this upon us .
I have been reminded of one of those sombre judg-
ments which the prophet who lived in ev il times uttered
against Israel . "A wonderful and horrible thing is
committed in the land : the prophets prophesy falsel y,
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302 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
and the priests bear rule by their means, and my
people love to have it so ; and what will ye do in the
end thereof ?"
Aye, what will ye do in the end thereof ?
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APPENDIX D
SECRET DIPLOMACY THE CAUSE OF WARAN APPEAL TO THE BRITISH PEOPLE
BY E. D. MOREL.
We are involved in a terrible war, and until peace
which offers soli d prospects of being a stable one can
be secured, we must continue to plow the bloody
furrow .
But a really stable and lasting peac e neither our-
selves nor the other belligerent peoples will secure, un-
less public opinion in all lands, and in this land of ours
especially-makes up its mind to grapple with the
fundamental causes, apart from the visible appear-
ances, which have produced this catastrophe and which
will repeat it, if they are not removed . The time to
think about them is not at the end of the war, when
all the belligerents will be too utterl y exhausted to
think at all, but now, when the horror of the whole
thing is part of our daily lives .
I do not know whether you have ever navigated in
tropical seas . If so, you wi ll have had some su ch ex-
perience as this. All around you a calm expanse ; a
cloudles s sky, but for a little, dark smear, hardly per-
ceptible upon the horizon . Then, with a rapi dity al -
most inconceivable, the smear grows to an ugly,menacing smudge, fouling the heavens ; a blast of icy
breath ; a rushing upheaval of the waters ; a fierce blow
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304 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
like the crack of a whip, to be immediately followed by
a pandemonium of shrieking gusts, lashing rain,
thunderou s d isc harge s, blind ing f la she s and tumu ltou s
terror, as the tornado bursts upon you in all its furious
force .
The analogy to what we are now witnessing is not
perfect . But it will serve. The European horizonwas not free from threatening clouds . But four
months ago it could have been said with truth that
civil ized man kind on the who le wa s stead ily progre ss-
ing towards higher and saner ideals , towards a deeper,
broader, more charitable conception of human needs .
The last forty years had witnessed an astounding up-
ward gravitation of the peoples of Europe . Theyhad registered great victories for human liberty over
the forces of reaction. Everywhere, under the im-
pulse of popular determination, advances were being
made in social reforms, in educati on, in the preserva-
tion and reclamation of human life . Intellectually the
great mass of mankind was moving further and
further away from the conception of war as a solvent
in i nternational disputes ; nearer and nearer to theprincipl e of arbitration . And now with the swift and
rending violenc e of the tropical tornado, has come the
staggering horror, this universal c ataclysm .
War has been described as the failure of humanwisdom. It might more fitti ngly be termed the fai lure
of the mechanism of Government . Whence comesthis failure? Does it spring from the peoples them-
selves? Indirectly, yes . Directl y, no .
It is not the peoples who make war . It is not even
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APPENDIX D 305
the Go v ernment s a s s u c h . It is the elements in Gov-
ernments which escape popular control that makes
the wars of our day, that have made this war . Theyconstitute the positive factor producing war . Thenegative factor resides primaril y in the non-realization
by the people of the power inherent in them to curb
those elements . Today, the governing statesmen of
every belligerent country are engaged, inevitably so,
in efforts to conceal the failure of their system from
the victims of it . They appeal now to the noble traits
of courage, endurance, and self-sacrifice ; now to the
ignoble sentiments of hatred and revenge . The y c o v er
us with the flowers of rhetorical c ompliment, the while
they flog us into fury . A press from whos e pages all
sense of perspective and proportion has been driven
abets them in their task . Divines i n every belligerent
land in their anxiety to cl aim a monoply of the Deity,
forget the Christ . The people are plunged in a great
darkness of mind . With that darkness, however, they
must grapple, from it they must escape . Otherwis e,
a few more years into the pit of destructi on .
"If you would enjoy peace pr epare for war . " Howoften have those to whom we looked for guidancedinned this philosophy into our ears in the course of
the last ten years? "Pile up your armaments," they
told us ; "accumulate y our explosives , perfect y our
killing machines . Prepare to kill not on land and on
the sea only, but under the sea, and even from the
skies . Then and only then, will you be safe . Thusand only thus can you secure peace ." As the resul t
we have war.
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ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
And what a war! Had these millions of men who
face one another in the trenches any quarrel? None .
The y are mere ly pa ying i n the ir per son s for the great
failure . Again wherein lies the explanation of that
failure ?
We shall not help to build up a public opinion whic h
shall save humanity from similar situations in the
future if we allow ourselv es to be hypnotized with the
idea that the explanation is alone to be sought in the
real or alleged characteristi cs of one man, or a group
of men in one particular country . Prussian mil itarism
i s a vile and hateful thing . But you cannot perma-
nently smash Prussian militarism unless you can un-
derstand and remove the causes which have produced
i t . And do not delude yourselves with the idea thatPrussian m ili tar ism is the on ly m ilitar is m in Europe .
Take care that those who today are the loudest i n their
denunciation of it do not impose its prototype upon
us here at the end of this war. If you turn up theliterature of the period you will find that all the vices
attributed today to Germany and the Germans were
attributed in the fi fties to Russia and the Russians ;
in the sixties, the eighties and the nineties to France
and the French. They were in turn arrogant and
treacherous, machiavellian and wholly abominable .
They possessed either unpleas ant writers, or degrad-
ing literature, or boastful generals . In fact, they were
endowed, ea ch in turn, w ith a double do se of or ig i na l
sin lik e the legendary Irishman. And, of course, each
in turn, were to ld to be lie ve the same sort of th ing s
about us. All this fustian is the common stock-in-
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APPENDIX D 307
trade of statesmen and stil l more of a number of of-
ficial s behind closed doors, who have failed to adjust
the ir d ifferen ce s, and who se co lle ct ive in competen ce,
intractabili ty of temper and absurd notions of dignity
and prestige have dragged, or are on the point of
dragging the peoples into war . It is part of the effort
to hide the breakdown of the impossible system under
which they work, and under which the peoples have
been content to be governed .
Yesterday, we were asked to see in the French, a
restless , vain-glorious people, eaten up with ambition
and honeycombed with immorality and corruption ;
and the French were told to see in us a brutal, piratic al
crowd of hypocritical knaves. What did, that really
mean? It only meant that the foreign offices of thetwo countries were squabbling over Newfoundland
cod, West African jungles, or Nilotic swamp. In the
fifties of last century the British artisan and the French
vine-grower were told that it was their duty to maim
and kill as many Russian peasants a s they could, be-
cause the Russians were a thoroughl y bad lot . Whatdid that really mean? It only meant that the Rus-sian, British and French diplomatis ts and rulers had
quarrelled amongst themselves about the future of
Turkey. Today, Englishmen are slaughtering Ger-
mans and Germans Englishmen . Why? Ostensibly,
on the surface, because of a cruel wrong perpetrated
upon Belgium. Fundamentally, because Austrian andRussian dipl omatists could not agre e upon the future
of the Balkan states , which not one Englishmen in fi ve
hundred thousand has ever visited and which many
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308 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
thousands of Englishmen could not point out on the
map .
A convicti on that their cause i s just and that they
are fighting for self-preservation against wicked
aggression is common to all the peoples in this dreadful
war. And if you and I could today, by some mys-
terious gift of inward vision, absorb the multifold ele-
ments of history, heredity, and environments whichgo to make up the modern German, and if a body of
Germans could by a similar proces s become acquainted
with the outlook of the modern Englishmen, we should
understand, and with that understanding of our com-
mon human needs, the scales would fall from our eyes
and our anger would be turned upon those who had
led u s to th is pa ss . A Briti sh offi cer just returned
wounded from the front, said to a friend of mi ne the
other day, "We talk with our G erman prisoners around
the camp fires at night and we say to eac h other . What
in heaven's name are we fighting for?"
The profound deep- seated cau se s of th is war are to
be sought in the fact that the mutual relationships of
the peoples are still conducted in s uch a way that al-
though the ir intere st s ha ve be come more bound up w ith
one another than ever before, although they can get
nearer to one another than they have ever been able
to do before, although their respective acti vities i n the
economic, the intellectual, and the scientific fi eld are
more indispensable to one another than at any
pre viou s per iod in their history, although they were
beginning to realize as they had never realized till now
that the real needs of ci vili zed humanity, the things
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APPENDIX D 309
that rea lly matter in the l ife of peop le s, are common
to them all, despite all this, the moment a difference of
opinion arises between their respective governments
there is interposed a barrier between them and thei r
ne ighbor s wh ich pre vent s an y effe ctua l d iscu ssi on and
examination of the point at i ssue . No machinery ex-
ists by which the various Parliaments can confer to-
gether through the medium of authorized representa-
tives and compel the Government to listen to their
views. The public never hear anything but a carica-
ture of the other side of the cas e .
They are committed to courses of action without
their knowledge. They are utterly helpless in the
hand s of a part icu lar department wh ich is suppo sed to
exist for the purpose of regulating the national rela-
tions with other states ; but which conducts its work
in silen ce and in secre cy . Th is situat ion pre va ils i n
every country, and when the officials i n these particu-
lar departments cannot agree, the peoples pay for that
disagreement with their lives . That is the brutal
truth .
The last half century has been a steady decrease in
the capacity of dynasti c friction to promote war . But
an autocratic power greater today than the power of
kings and parliaments rules the destinies of mankind
in the mass . The power is secret diplomacy, and un-
til the peoples of Europe take it in their hands and
break it, they themselves will be c onstantly broken and
periodically destroyed by it .
Secret diplomacy i s the barrier which separates the
peop le s ; which prevents reasoned and reasonable dis-
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310 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
cussi on of international disputes and precipitates the
peop le s into war . It is the octopus whose all embrac-
ing tenta cle s drag down the peop le s into the abyss of
desolation . Secret diplomacy is the dominating fac-
tor in the statecraft of Europe, the basic cause of
militarism, armaments, incendiary press campaigns,
and the rest of the paraphernalia of international fears
and hatreds leading to war . Substit ute for it public
in stru ct ion and d iscu ssi on, a tr ibuna l where the rea l
or the supposed conflicting interests of the nations can
be thrashed out in advance by impartial assess ors, and
militarism, with its gigantic and insensate waste of the
commonly-earned wealth of the peoples, its piteous
m isd ire ct ion of ta lent and de vot ion, and it s cr im ina l
and imbecile consummation, the slaughter of tens of
thousands and the misery of millions would cease to
exist because it woul d cease to posses s relevancy to
human issues . War a s the so l ut ion for internat iona l
disputes would disappear as it di sappeared in religious
disputes . Had the needs and requirements, the rea-sonable fears, the general problems and difficulties of
the now belligerent peoples been known and realizedby public opinion ; had their adjustment not been at the
mercy of the intrigues, narrow prejudices and ignor-
ance of a handful of bureaucrats tunnell ing in the dark
and escaping all effective public control, the rulers of
so-cal led Christi an Europe would not today be assi sting
at the mutual destruction of their peoples .
Dark as is the hour, it is my belief that a sentiment
vague, as yet, unformed and uninstructed, is begi nning
to permeate the sou l of the peop le s ; a sent iment that
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APPENDIX D 311
is half question, half passionate revolt ; a sentiment of
mingled helplessness, bewilderment and anger at be-
ing caught in the meshes of a net or being swept bl ind-
folded into the vast maelstrom of furious, intangible
elements inspired by unknown forces whirling towards
unknown issues for uncomprehended ends .
In the growth of that sentiment, in its disci pline,
in it s w ise d ire ct ion toward s con sciou s a i m s and con-
crete achievements li es the only hope of the civilized
peoples . The statesmen have failed them. They
themselves, the mass of the people, the awakened in-
telligence and determination of democracy can alone
provide salv ation for the generations to come .
Arbitration versus the sword . The court agai nst the
battlefield. That is the goal which the peoples of
Europe must attain, and we, the people of England,
by the peculiarity of our geographical position, by our
immense power and inexhaustible resources derived
from every part of the globe, by the liberties which
we have wrested and kept and conferred in turn upon
others, by the real greatness whi ch I believe to be in us,
we, the people of England, can, if we wi sh, lead the
way in its attainment .
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APPENDIX E
LETTER BY BARON DE L'ESCAILLE, BEL-GIAN MINISTER AT ST. PETERSBURG,TO M. DAVIGNON, BELGIAN MIN-ISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS .
Belgium Legation, St . P e t e r s b u r g , J u l y 3 0 , 1 9 1 4 .
To His Excellency M . Davignon, Secretary of Foreign
A f f a i r s .
Mr. S e c r e t a r y :
Yesterday and the day before yesterday have passed
in t h e e x p e c t a t i o n o f e v e n t s t h a t m u s t i n e v i t a b l y f o l -
low Austria-Hungary's declaration of war against
Servia . The most contradictory reports have been
c i r c u l a t i n g , w i t h o u t i t s b e i n g p o s s i b l e t o d i s t i n g u i s h
between the true and the false, concerning the inten-
tions of the Imperial Russian Government . Only one
thing is uncontradicted, which i s that Germany has
made earnest efforts here and i n Vienna to find s ome
way of avoiding a general conflict . * O n t h e o n e s i d e ,
however, it has met with the firm decision of the
Vienna cabinet not to yield a step, and on the other
side with the mistrust of the St . Petersburg cabinet
a g a i n s t t h e a s s u r a n c e o f A u s t r i a - H u n g a r y , t h a t i t o n l y
i n t e n d s t o p u n i s h S e r v i a , a n d n o t t o t a k e a p a r t o f h e r
t e r r i t o r y .
* Italics are the author's .
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* I t a l i c s a r e t h e a u t h o r ' s .
APPENDIX E 313
M. S a s o n o f f h a s s a i d that it is impossible for Russia
to avoid holding herself in readiness and not to
m o b i l i z e , t h a t t h e s e p r e p a r a t i o n s , h o w e v e r , a r e n o t d i -
rected against Germany . This morning an official
communication in the newspapers announced that the
reserves in a certain number of governments have been
c a l l e d t o t h e c o l o r s . Anyone who knows the customof the o f f i c i a l Russian communications to keep some-
thing in reserve, can safely maintain that a general
mobilization is taking place .*
The German Ambassador has this morning declared
t h a t h e h a s r e a c h e d t h e e n d o f t h e e f f o r t s w h i c h s i n c e
Saturday he has been making without interruption for
a satisfactory arrangement, and that he has almost
given up hope .
I have been told that the English Ambassador also
has expressed himself in the same way . England has
recently proposed arbitration . Sasonoff answered
"We have ourselves proposed it to Austria-Hungary,
b u t i t h a s r e j e c t e d t h e p r o p o s a l ." To the proposal of
a conference, Germany answered with the counter
proposal of an understanding between the cabinets .
One might truly ask oneself whether the whole world
does not wish war and only seeks to postpone for
a w h i l e t h e d e c l a r a t i o n , i n - o r d e r t o g a i n t i m e .
England at first let it be understood that it would
n o t a l l o w i t s e l f t o b e d r a w n i n t o a c o n f l i c t . Sir George
Buchanan said that quite openly . Today i n St . P e -
tersburg one is firmly persuaded that England willstand by the side o f France, and even that the assurance
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314 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
o f this has been given . This ass istance i s o f quite ex-
traordinary weight, and has not a little c ontributed to
give the war party the upper hand . * The Russian Gov-
ernment has i n these last days given free rein to all
demonstrations friendly to Servia and hostil e to Aus-
tria, and has in no wise attempted to suppress them .
In the council of ministers, which took place yesterday
morning, differences of opinion still showed them-
selves ; the declaring of a mobilization was postponed,
but since then a change has appeared, the war party
ha s atta ined the upper hand, and th is morn ing at four
o'cloc k the mobilization was ordered . *
The army which feels itself strong,' is full of en-
thusiasm, and base s great hopes on the extraordinary
progress which it has made since the Japanese war .
The navy is sti ll so far from the completion of its plans
of reorganization that it is s carcely to be taken into
account . Fo r th i s re as o n, t he a ss u ra nc e of English
a ssistan ce is con sidered of su ch great importan ce .
As I had the honor of telegraphi ng you today (T . 10)
all hopes of a peaceable solution seem to have van-
ished ; that is the view of the diplomatic c orps .
I have made use of the route via Stockholm with the
Nordisk cabl e for sending my telegram, as it is safer
than the other .
I am entrusting this report to a private courier, who
will post it in Germany .
Please receive, Mr . Secretary , the assur ance of my
greatest respect .
(Signed) B. de L'ESCAILLE* Italics are the author's .
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Abdulaziz, 121 .
Abraham, the Heights of, 24 .
Acland, Mr . , 2 6 6 .
Administrati on of John de Witt,
1 7 .
Afghanistan, 64 .
Agadir trouble, the, 300 .
Agreement between Napoleon and
the Czar, the secret, 60 .
Ahmad Mirza, 139 .
Aide-memoire, 266 .
Alau'd Dawla, Prince, 145 .
Albania, 163, 248 .
Albert, Prince, 158 .
Alexander, King, 237 .
Algeciras, 108, 120, 128 .
Ali, Mohammed , 135 .
Alli ance with Russi a, unnatural,
190, 227 .
Alsace-Lorraine, 161, 249 .
America during the Civil War, 78 .
American colonists, ungrateful,
27 ; kultur, 225 ; manufacturers,
203 ; seamen, 48 .
American Treasurer-General i n
Persia, 144 .
Amiens in 1802, treaty of, 28 .
Angel of Death, the, 71 .
Anglo-Japanese alliance, 190 .
Angeo-Russian conventi on of 1907,
179 .
Annual Register for 1913, the, 257 .
Appeals to sentiment, hypocritical,
286 .
Appendices, 230 .
Arbitration, 311 .
INDEX
Archduke Francis Ferdinan d and
his Consort, the murder of the,
239 .
Arguments, sham, 286 .
Armada, defeat of th e, 9, 22 .
Armageddon, a parochial view of,
250 .
Armed peace, ruinous, 253 .
Asiatic troops, the use of fero-
cious, 289 .
Asquith, Mr., 127, 226, 258, 281,
283 .
Assimilation, benevolent, 86 .
Assistance, English, 313 .
Atlantic Monthly, 208 .
Atrocities, 40, 283 ; German, 202 .
Auckland, Lord, 65 .
Austrian Archduke, the murder of
the, 193 .
Austrian Emperor, the, 258 .
Authority in England, d e s p o t i c ,
199.
Autocracy in democratic England,
202 .
Autocrat of Britain, Sir Edward
Grey is the, 289 .
"Balance of Power," the, 71, 130 .
Balkan League, the, 234 ; war,
second, 239 .
Baskerville, H . C . , 1 3 8 .
Battle of Bunker Hill in the Revo-
l u t i o n , 5 2 .
Beacons field , Lord, 161, 173 .
Bed of justice, a, 199 .
Bedouins, the, 82 .
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316 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
Beginnings of struggles, 16 .
Belgium, 270 ; customs employees
i n P e r s i a , 1 4 3 ; mystery of, 279 ;
n e u t r a l it y o f , 1 5 2 , 2 4 7 , 2 8 0 , 2 8 6 ;
"red rubber" denunciations of,
285.
Belloc, Hilaire, 187, 300 .
Benevolent, assimilation, 128 .
Berchtold, Count, 242 .
"Between two thieves," 71 .
Bismarck , 79, 158, 160, 162, 280,
Bismarckian psychology, 245 .
Black Hole of Calcutta, the, 36 .
Blagoves tchenk, the massacre of,
285.
Block ade of German ports, no
r e a l , 2 0 6 .
Blunt, Wilfrid Seamen, 76, 85 .
Boer Republics i n South Africa,
the small, 280, 285 .
Boer War, the great, 81, 163 .
Book of the Council of State, 17 .
Bosnia, the annexation of, 236 .
Boulanger, General, 162.
Bourbon and Hapsburg, the great
houses of, 18.
Brailsford, H. N . , 2 3 0 .
Brand, Sir John, 95 .
"Breadc ards," 205 .
"Breakdown of Civilizatio n," 178 .
Bright, John, 71, 79 ; speeches of,
295.
B r i t a i n , g r e a t e r , 3 1 ; independence
destroyed by, 282 ; p r o t e s t f r o m ,
282 .
B r i t a i n ' s v u l n e r a b l e p o i n t , 5 0 ; vir-
tuous indignation, 281 .
British Blue Book, 135 ; b l o c k a d e ,
203 ; case against Germany, the,
246 ; citizens, hard working, un-
derpaid mass of, 291 ; Foreign
Policy, the present tendencies
of, 105, 156 ; governme nt, the
bad faith of the, 40 ; liberties,
s t a t u t o r y , 2 8 1 ; navy, the sacred
s p e l l o f t h e i n v i n c i b i l i t y o f t h e ,
52, 281 ; Orders in Counci l, the
48 ; record in Persia, the, 150 ;
superb qualities of the, 195 ;
trade unionism, 281 ; working
class, grinding of the faces of
the, 289 .
Buchanan, Sir George, 313 .
B u f f e r s t a t e s , 2 7 1 .
Bulgaria, 249.
Bullard, Mr . Arthur, 149 .
Bunsen, Sir Maurice de, 241, 247 .
Burke, Edmund, 36 .
Business interests, 171 .
Cairns, Lord, 99 .
Calhoun, John C. , 4 7 .
California, state laws of, 172 .
Cambon, M . , 1 1 2 , 2 7 5 .
Campaign, an insane, 278 .
Campbell, John, 95 .
Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry,
283 .
Campbell, Thomas, 61 .
Canada, the c onquest of, 24 .
Cape Colony, 89, 100 .
C a p i t o l , s e t f i r e t o t h e , 5 3 .
"Captains of Industry ," 219 .
Casablanca, 121 .
Casement, Sir Roger, 285 .
Catch words of opportunit y, the,
219 .
Catspaw of Britain and France,
Belgium has been the, 272 .
Cave, Mr . , 7 5 .
Cecil, Lord Hugh, 268.
Cemetery, Europe turned into a,
290 .
Censorship, the present, 86, 221 .
Century Magazine, the, 149, 178 .
C e n t u r y , t h e s p i r i t o f t h e n e w , 2 0 2 .
Chamberlain, Joseph, 102, 165 .
Champion of Protestantism, 22 .
Chess, the game of, 245 .
C h i l d , t h e c a r e o f t h e , 2 1 7 .
Chinese Emperor, the, 69 ; opium
war, 150 .
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Christian generals, 283 .
Churchill, Winston, 265, 279 .
Ciganowi c, Milan, 259 .
Citizenry, a most valuable part of
o u r , 1 6 4 , 2 0 9 .
Civil War, the, 203, 211 .
Civilian population, food to the,
206 .
C i v i l i z a t i o n , t h e d e a t h - r o l l o f , 2 1 5 .
Clay, Henry, 47 .
Cliv e, Lord, 35 .
Colbert, 25 .
Colquhon, A . R. , 1 7 4 .
Colley, Sir George, 98 .
Colvi n, Sir Auckl and, 80 .
"Comit adji" methods, 239 .
Commonwealth, the English, 18 .
Competition, wasteful, 219 .
Conference, the Madrid, 115 .
Confession of incompetence, a 267 .
Conflagration, a general, 263 .
C o n g r e s s o f B e r l i n , 1 6 2 ; of Vienna,
t h e , 1 5 5 ; the European, 227 .
Conscription, universal, 223 .
Conve ntio n, August 31, 1907, 130 .
"Conve rsat ions ," 296 .
Conspiracy to break up the union
of the states, a widespread, 48 .
Copenhag en, bombardm ent of, 59 .
Corea, the case of, 282 .
Cornwallis, 43 .
Cortez, 31 .
Cossacks, the, 233, 285 .
Cotton, and Sir E. Grey, 207 .
Cowardice, a poli cy of, 222 .
"Cradle of Liberty," 228 .
Crimean War, 129, 285, 289 .
Crisis, the United States is facing
a, 220 .
Cromwell, Oliver, 11, 195 .
Cromer, Lord, 75 .
Cruelty, al ways a symptom o f
fear, 287 .
Cyprus, Island of, 77 .
Czar, telegram to the Kaiser of
J u l y 3 0 t h , 1 8 3 ; t h e " g e n i al , " 2 8 1 .
INDEX
Dalhous ie, Lord, 40 .
Danish fleet, 59 ; Duchies, 271 .
Davignon, M ., 1 1 .
Dawson, W. H. , 1 6 7 .
Dearborn, General, 50 .
Deccan, disturbances in the, 33 .
Declara tion o f 1585, 6 ; of West-
minster, 58 .
Dehan, Richard, 71 .
Delagoa Bay, 90 .
Delcasse, M ., 108, 130, 163, 191 .
Democracy i n Russi a, 196 ; bul-
wark of, 197 ; i n a u t o c r a t i c G e r -
many, 202 ; and Diplom acy, 221 .
Denmark, an allianc e with, 16 .
Dependencies, the network of, 28 .
Dervis h Pasha, 84 .
Derby, Lord, 99.
Deschanel, M. , 1 2 5 .
Despatch s ent by the German gov-
ernment, 126 .
De Wet, General Christi an, 89 .
Diggio, 46 .
Diplomacy, European, 1 4 4 , 1 7 0 ,
221, 309 .
Diplomatists' war, a, 301 .
"Disi ngenuous and tric ky," 269 .
Disraeli, 74 .
Document of 1912, the, 276 .
Doors, closed, 221 .
"Don't give up the ship," motto
of our navy, 52 .
Doyle, Sir A. Conan, 89 .
Drake and Hawkins, the st ories
o f , 4 .
Drake, Sir Francis, English navy
had its real beginning under, 13 .
Dreyfus c ase, the, 280 .
"Dual Control," the, 85 .
du Maroc, Comite, 123 .
Dutch-Danish Treaty , the, 17 .
Ears prepared by fear, 253 .
East India Company, the, 32 .
Edwa rd VII, King, 130, 256 .
Effrontery, 276 .
317
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318 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
Egypt, British interests in, 74 .
Elizabeth, 1 ; r e a l r e l i g i o u s v i e w s ,
3 , 4 , 5 , 1 0 ; cheese paring econ-
omy of, 7 .
Ellenborough, Lord, 65 .
Embargo Act of December 22nd,
1807, 44 .
Ems telegram, the famous, 159.
Emotions, 209 .
England must rule the oceans, 10 ;
f i x e d p o l i c y o f , 1 4 ; and France,
the struggle between, 21, 28 ;
private agreement, 113 ; in war
with the United States, 43 ; t h e
expansion of, 23 ; in Egypt, 84 .
Englis h Commercia l Empire, the
foundation of the, 15 ; liberties,
199; naval supremacy, a blow
t o , 5 1 .
Franklin, Benjamin, 43 .
Frederick, the victories of, 24 .
French and Indian War, 25 ; Rev-
o l u t i o n , 2 7 ; m i l i t a r i s m , 280 ;
f l e e t , t h e , 2 8 6 .
Frenchman, the witty, 282 .
Frere, Sir Bartle, 97 .
Fundamental principles , 209 .
Gabrinowic, Nedeljko, 259 .
George, King, 277.
Genet, 45 .
"Gentleman's agreement," the, 221 .
German, case for this war, the,
244 ; the empero r, 195 ; empire,
216 ; c h i l d , 2 1 7 ; m i l i t a r i s m, 2 5 3 ;
race in central Europe, the, 244 ;
social s ystem, the, 216 ; navy,
t h e , 1 6 6 , 2 8 6 ; White Paper, the,
"Entente cordiale,"
Erskine, Mr . ,
Euan-Smith,
163 .
45, 61 .
Sir C. , 1 0 5 .
243 .
Germanization of Britain, the,
158 .
Germany and Morocco, 125, 127 ;
"a land of damned professors,"
European Concert, 158 ; crisis,h e ,
299 .56 ; war,
Evolution of Modern Germany, 156 ; the isolation of, 163, 256 ;
no slums in, 219 .he, 167 .
Faber, Captain, 265 .Germanys , three, 200 .
Gibraltar and the direct route toFashoda, 108 .
the one motive which makesIndia, 106, 153 .
G i v i n g , o u r n a t i o n a l , 228 .e a r ,
i s ,78, 98, 152,
t h e populations acquiesceGaldstone, Mr . , 70 ,
190 ; p s y c h o l o g i c a l , 1 9 2 .225, 300 .
Federal Reserve Banks, 196 .Goethe, 156, 201 .
F e d e r a l i s t s , t h e , 4 8 .Gordon, General, 79 .
Goshen, Sir E . , 1 8 9 , 274 .ichte, 201 .
Finland, 177 .
neutral, 205 .Gospel of force, the, 253 .
Flags, flyingGuarantee, a collective, 246 .
"Guerriere" and the "President,""Forget and Forgive ," Kruger's
motto would be, 101 .a f f a i r o f t h e , 4 6 .
Guil d Hall, speec h at, 167 .Fox, Charles, 27 .
France, the arrogant pretensionsGrabez, Trifko, 259 .
Great Britain, her period of de-of, 26, 27 ; the awakening of,
197 ; alliance with, 222 ; r e v o l u -
tionary, 24 ; sticking to, 265 .
Franco-Prussian war, the, 271 .
c l i n e , 1 9 6 ; her game, 222 ; s o c i a l
conditions in, 216 ; four reasons
for war with, 48 .ranco-Russian agreement, the,163 .
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Greater Servia, the dream of a,
238, 245 .
Greece, the Allied blockade in,
228 .
Grey, Sir Edward, 73, 86, 122, 125,
1 2 7 , 1 2 8 , 1 3 4 , 1 4 0 , 1 4 6 , 1 6 3 , 1 6 8 ,
1 7 9 , 1 8 3 , 1 8 4 , 2 2 1 , 2 4 6 , 2 5 8 , 2 6 5 ,
274, 279, 256, 264, 299, 293 ; re-
ply to our note about cotton,
207 .
"Growth of British Policy,' 6, 23 .
Haas e, Dr . , 2 3 2 .
Hague Tribun al, The, 261 .
Hamburg-American, 264 .
Hamilton, 225 .
Hapsburg, the hous e of, 1 ; the
pride of, 260 .
Hardie, Keir, 187 .
Harper's Magazine, 160 .
Hartwi g, M . d e , 2 3 6 .
Hastings, Warren, 35 .
Henry, John, 48 .
Henry of Navarre, 22 .
Hertslet, Sir E . , 2 7 1 .
High schools, 216 .
Hill, James J. , 2 0 8 .
History of the Indian Mutiny, 40 ;
read, 191 .
Historian of the future, the, 246 .
Hohenzollerns, 200 .
Holland powerful up on the seas,
12, 226 .
Home Rule, Ireland objecte d to,200 ; to the Serbs, 242
Hong Kong, 70 .
Hull, Wi lli am, 50 .
Humbug in this outc ry against
German militarism, 280 .
"Huns" of th ose days, the, 54 .
Hyndman, Mr. H M, 198, 226 .
Hypocrisy, a pretty little game of,
301 .
Idealism, 201, 300 .
Ideal of a democratic state, the
German, 202 .
INDEX 319
Illegal precedents, 204 .
I l l i t e r a c y , 2 1 7 .
"Imperialism marching with an
idea on its banner," 14 .
India, British conquest of, 31, 40 ;
history of the British, 34 ; turn
your eyes to, 41 .
Insult to Russian Consular Offi-
c i a l s , 1 4 6 .
Insurance, compulsory, 218 ; work-
ingmen's, 218 .
International law, 205 .
I n t e r v e n t i o n , f o r c i b l e , 1 3 6 .
Ireland, union of Great Britain
and, 11, 195 .
Ismael, the Khedive, 74, 78 .
Italian aspirations, 242 .
Jacks on, Francis James, 45 .
Jameson Raid, the, 103 .
Japan, an allia nce with, 222 ; t h e
intervention of, 288 .
Japanese Army, the, 284 .
Jefferson, President, 44 .
J e n a , t h e b a t t l e o f , 1 5 4 .
Jingo party in Britain, the, 277 .
Juarez, 194 .
Jugdulluk Pass, 65 .
June 28, 1914, 181 .
Justice in War Time, 189.
Kaiser, the, 103, 248, 260, 263,
273, 277 .
Kant, 201 .
Keate, Lieutenant-Governor, 95 .
Key, Francis Scott, 54 .
Khan, Akbar, 65 .
Khartoum, Gordon at, 87 .
Kiel Canal, the, 2$6 .
Kinloch-Cooke, Sir C ., 266 .
Kitchener, Lord, 285 ; in Egypt
and India, 281 .
Kruger, Paul, 92, 100 ; telegram,
1 0 1 .
"Krugerism," 281 .
"Kult ur," 224 .
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320 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
Lansdowne, Lord, 108, 112.
L e c o f f r e , 1 4 6 .
L'Escaille, Baron de, 312, 314 .
Lesseps, Ferdinand de, 73 .
Liakhoff, Colonel, 137 .
Liberation, the war of, 283 .
Liberty in America, the current
idea of, 224 .
Lichnowsky's question, Prince, 187.
274 .
L i e s , t e l l i n g , 3 0 0 .
Lincoln, Abraham, 225 .
L i t t e r a t e u r s , 284 .
" L i t t l e B e l t , " t h e , 4 7 .
Louisiana Purchase, the, 45 .
Louis XIV, 19, 160 .
Louvain, 283 .
Lusitania disaster, the, 206 .
Luxemburg, 273 ; t h e n e u t r a l i t y o f ,
159.
Macedonia, 249 .
M a c h i a v e l l i , t h e p o l i c i e s o f , 1 5 6 .
"Made in G ermany," 165 .
Madison, James, 45 .
Madrid Confere nce in 1880, the,
1 2 5 .
Majuba Hill, 98 .
Malines, 283 .
Malta the key of Egypt, 29 .
Manthey, Councilor, 59 .
Map-making, 253 .
Maritime l aw of the world, 14 .
Mazarin, France under, 23 .
McCarthy, Justin, 67 .
Medjlis, the destruc tion of the,
136 .
M e l i l l a d i s t r i c t , t h e , 1 2 1 .
Melting pot, the, 249 .
Menace to the peace of Europe ,
Sir Edward Grey as a, 294 .
Metternich, Prince, 62 .
Milan Decree, 44, 245 .
Militarism, German, 102 .
Military negotiations between Sir
Edward Grey himself and the
French Cabinet, 185 .
Military rivalry, 235.
Milne r, Sir Alfred, 102, 103 .
Mind, the Oriental, 75 .
Mistress of the Seas, an alliance
with the, 226 .
Modern Egypt, 75 .
Modernis m, 201 .
Mohammed, Dost, 64 .
Moller, Erik, 59 .
Moltke, v on, 160 .
Moore, W. A . , 1 3 8 .
Moorish Government, the, 108 .
Moral tone of Engla nd, the high,
275 .
Morel, E. D . , 2 2 1 .
Morley, Lord, 63 .
Morocco, 221, 265, 266, 282 ; a f -
f a i r o f , 1 0 5 , 1 8 0 ; signatory pow-
ers and, 119 .
Motives back of this gigantic
struggle, 24 .
Mulai-Hafid, 121 .
Mulk, Azudu'l, 140.
Munitions Act, 199 .
Munitions and other suppli es of
war, 203 ; our tremendous sales
o f , 2 2 2 .
Napoleon, 21, 28, 173, 191 .
Napoleon III, 159, 238 .
Napoleonic conflict, England alone
unscathed in the, 29 .
Nationalists, the Egyptian, 80 .
Nationalities, the freedom of, 282 .
"Nations have long memori es," 78 .
Naval conve ntion between Russia
and Britain, 270 .
Navalism, British, 102 .
Navi gation Act, the, 15 .
Navy, English commercial, 15 .
Near East, the hegemony of the,
250 .
Netherlands, political union with
Elizabeth of the, 5 .
Neutrality might be violated, 300 .
Neutral rights of trade and travel,
204 .
New Orleans, the battle of, 51 .
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Newspaper idea, th e, 191 .
Nineteenth century, the, 73, 77 .
North American Continent, the, 26 .
North American Review, the, 198 .
North German Lloyd, 164 .
Note, the dual, 81 .
Oliver, F . S ., 198 .
"On the knee, you dog," 281.
Open door, the, 125 .
"Opium War," 68 .
Orange Free State, th e, 92, 283 .
Ordeal by Battle , 198 .
Orders i n Counc il, 43, 199 .
O'Reilly , A . A., 9S.
Orleans, Jackson's vi ctory at New,
54 .
Oudh, the kingdom of, 40 .
Overture made by Germany, re-
fused, 297 .
Pachitch, M., 235 .
Pall Mall Gazette, 79.
Palmerston, Lord, 66, 72, 73, 156 .
Panama Canal, the, 223.
Pan-Americanism, 220 .
Pan-German press, the, 116 .
Pan-Serb agita tion, th e, 257 .
Pan-Slavism, 240, 246 .
"Panther," the German gunboat,126
Pasha, Arabi, 76, 79 .
Peace of Paris,, 24 .
Peace, the murderous toll of, 216 ;
the blessings of, 292 .
Pekin, the s acx of, 285 .
Perceval, Spencer, 48 .
Perry, Oliver H., 53 .
Persia, the convention betweenEngland and Russia as to, 130,
250; the partition of, 70 ; the in-
tegrity and independence of, 131 .
Persian customs and loans, 132 ;
Parliament, 134 .
Peter the Great, 173 ; the will of,
174 .
Philadelphia, 214 .
INDEX 321
Philip of Spain, 1 .
Philippines, 172 .
Piedmont, 241 .
Pinckney, Willi am, 46 .
Pitt, William, 27 .
Pizzaro, 31 .
Pogrom, "truly Russi an," 251 .
Polish unity, 249.
Ponsonby, Arthur, 221 .
Portugal, ultimatum to, 150 .
Posen, 249 ; the Polish province of,
248 .
Potgieter, Andries Hendrik, 90 .
Poverty, scandal ous, 291 .
Precedent that no man should bepresident more than eight years,
45 .
"Prepar edne ss, " 211 .
Press, pro-English, 202 .
Pretoria, the British fla g at, 98 .
Pretorius, Andries W. J ., 90 .
Prince of Darkness, the, 284 .
Princip, Gabrilo, 259 .
Principle of non-intervention, the,
291 .
Procedure, unfai r, 284 .
Propaganda, 171 . '
Protege of Russia, the, 236 .
Prussia and Brandenburg , 280 .
Quarrels, international, 227 .
Question, the one paramount, 210 .
Quintuple t reaty o f April 19, 1839,
the, 271 .
Racial Unity , 246 .
Rapprochement, in 1904, a, 109 .
"Rats i n a ho le," 286 .
Religious freedom and religiousindifference, S .
Repenta nce, 256 .
Resolu tions of Carlsbad, th e, 156 .
Reuter's te legram to the pres s, 185 .
Revoluti on, great, the, 27 .
Rheim s, 283 .
Richelie u and Mazarin, Cardinals,
22 .
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Seeley, John R., 6, 23, 164 .
Sepoy rebellion, the, 40 .
Serajevo, 181, 243, 246, 257 .
Servia upon Russian countenanceand support, absolute depend-ence of, 239 .
Servians an attractive race, t h e ,
237 .
"Setting the cl ock back " in Per-
sia, 148 .
Seven Years' War, 24 .
Shah deposed, the, 139 .
Shepstone, Sir Theophilus , 96 .
Shuster, W. Morgan, 142, 282 .
Slaughter of non-combatants, 284 .
Slav assault, a united, 240 ; against
Teuton, 246
Tattenbach, Count, 116 .
Taylor, Henry Osborn, 208Teuton and Slav, conflict of, 189 .
Tewfik, 78 .
Thackeray , 157 .
Theresa, Maria, 154 .
Thieves' covenant, the, 282 .
Three Years' War, the, 89.
Tilsit, the peace of, 57 .
"Times change, but principles
never," 227 .
Tirpitz, Admiral, 166 .
Tolstoi's War and Peace, 71 .
Trade, questi ons of, 16 , 169, 191 .
Transv aal, th e, 89, 249, 282 .
Treaty between the Netherlandsand Kingdom of Denmark, 18 ;
322 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE
"Righ t of se arc h," 15, 48 .
Roberts , Lord, 285 .
Robinson, Sir Hercules, 101 .
Roosevel t, Theodore, 225 .
Rothschild, the great banking
house of, 74 .
Roumania, 248 .
Rudolf o f Hapsburg, 3 .
Russel l, Honorable Bertrand, 188 .
Russia, 136, 149, 173, 174, 185,
Slums, 214 .
Smith, F. E., 284 .
Social Forces in England andAmerica, 169 ; Democracy i n
Germany, 201 ; unrest in theUnited States , 196 .
Socialism, 215 .
"Solidarity wi th France and Rus-
sia," 182 .
South African Republic, the, 8 9 ,
252, 280, 282, 286 . 91, 103, 163 .
Russif icati on, forcible, 251 .
Russo-Japanese War, 172 .
Spain, the sea power of, 4 .
Spanish Successi on, the great war
of the, 24 ; Spanish-American
War, the, 212
Spring-Rice, Sir Cecil , 134, 136 .
Sacredness of treaty obligations ,
149.
St. John, Oliv er, 13 .
Salisbury , Lord, 105, 114, 153 .
Springfield Republican, the, 214 .
Starvation li ne, the, 195 .
Stefano, the treaty of San, 77 .
Stokes, Major C. B ., 144 .
Strangling of Persia, the, 142 .
Strickland, Walter, 13 .
Stuart, Mary, 21 .
Submarines, 205, 206 .
Suez, Isthmus of, 73 .
Supremacy upon the seas, 27 .
Tangier, 117 .
Tariff Bill, Underwood, the, 02 .
Sand River Conven tion, t he, 90 .
Santayana, George, 224 .
Sayce, Professor, 86 .
Sazanoff , M ., 245, 313 .
Schiller, 201 .
Schleswig-Holstein, 156, 158 .
Sea, Britain mus t rule the , 14 .
Secret commitments, 251 ; diplo-
macy, sacred idol of, 130 ; His-
tory of the English Occupation
of Egypt, 75 .
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Unemployed in Germany, the num-ber of, 217 .
United States, the, 210 .
"Unity of authority c oupled with
direct responsibility," 39; na-tional, 212 .
Unpreparedness, the question ofour, 223 .
Urquhart , Davi d, 66 .
Usher, Roland, 220 .
Vibeck, landin g at, 59 .
"Vic ars o f Chri st, " 284 .
Victo ria, Queen, 151 .
Voja Tankosic, Major, 259.
Volks raad, 92 .
Voltaire, 156 .
INDEX 323
213 .
Wellesley, Lord, 37 .
Wells, H. G., 169, 181, 284 .
Whelpl ey, James Davenport, 169 .
Where do we stand? 209White, Sir George, 117 .
Whitman, Sidney, 160 .
William II, 167 .
Wilson, President, 193, 202 .
Wodehou se, Sir Phili p, 94 .
Wolseley , Lord, 86, 89 .
Wood, Sir Evelyn, 99 .
World-Empir e, 10, 28 .
Zulus, war with the, 96 .
Zone syst em, the, 219 .
of August, 1870, 152 ; of 1839, Von Jagow, Herr, 277 .
the, 152, 271 ; witu Prussia (in
1756), 153 ; of Bucharest, the
Von
War,
Rensburg,
1 6 , 23 ;
Jan, 90 .
a . preventive of wan-iniquitous, 239 ; of Partition,
236; of 1831 and 1839, 271 .ton, 49, 172 ; declared, 188 ;
Tricha rd, Louis, 90 .
Triple Entente, the, 130 .
"Trusts," 219 .
Tuberculosis, 215 .
Typhoid, 216 .
Tyranny of capitalism,
281
the o l d ,
Zone
the
Proclamation, 205 ; after
war, 228 ; a co-operative
crime, 244 ; for the Empire of
the East, a, 252 ; War-infected
executive, a , 290 .
Washington,Washington,
city of , 53 .
George, 225 .
Uitlanders, the, 100 .
Underwood Tariff Bill, t h e , 203 .
Waterboer,
Waterloo,
Wealth
Nichol as, 94 .
the battle of, 155 .
of the nation, the entire,