Emplaced Myths of Fédon’s Rebellion in Tourism Representations Velvet Nelson

Southeastern Geographer, Volume 55, Number 3, Fall 2015, pp. 276-292 (Article)

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southeastern geographer, 55(3) 2015: pp. 276–292

las que la rebelión se caracteriza en las fuentes

de información turística a través del análisis de

contenido, y a través de un análisis narrativo

considera tanto los mitos dominantes/más pop-

ulares/generales sobre Julien Fédon como los

mitos subyacentes sobre la esclavitud que están

asociados con lugares específicos en la isla. Las

narrativas de la rebelión tiene el potencial de

crear conciencia acerca de la lucha por la liber-

tad en Granada, pero sigue siendo una historia

generalizada que se centra en el fuera de la ley/

forajido/bandido, héroe o villano, en vez de en

las miles de personas esclavizadas por las que su-

puestamente luchaba.

key words: Grenada, slave revolt, outlaw

myth, tourism information sources, content

analysis, narrative analysis

palabras clave: Granada, levantamiento/

sublevación/revuelta de esclavos, mito

fuera de la ley/bandido/ forajido, fuentes de

información turística, análisis de contenido,

análisis narrativo

introduction

Open discussions of slavery in tourism information sources for the Caribbean is-land nation of Grenada—from the official website of the Grenada Tourism Author-ity to the major international guidebook publishers—remain scarce. The authors of the Adventure Guide to Grenada, St. Vincent

Fédon’s Rebellion, widely characterized as a slave

revolt, took place from March 1795 to June 1796

on the Caribbean island of Grenada. Julien Fédon,

a mixed-race French Catholic plantation owner,

was the principal leader of this event. Today the

rebellion is part of Grenada’s cultural heritage

and is associated with several places on the island

potentially visited by tourists. This paper broadly

examines the ways the rebellion is characterized

in tourism information sources through content

analysis and specifically considers the overarch-

ing myths about Julien Fédon and the underlying

myths about slavery that are associated with dis-

crete places on the island through narrative anal-

ysis. Narratives of the rebellion has the potential

to raise awareness about the struggle for freedom

in Grenada, but it remains a generalized story

that focuses on the outlaw hero/villain instead of

the thousands of enslaved people he was suppos-

edly fighting for.

La rebelión de Fédon, ampliamente caracter-

izada como una sublevación/revuelta/levan-

tamiento de esclavos, tuvo lugar desde marzo

de 1795 a junio de 1796 en la isla caribeña de

Granada. Julien Fédon, un católico francés de

raza mixta y propietario de una plantación, fue

el líder principal del levantamiento. Hoy la rebe-

lión es parte del patrimonio cultural de Granada

y se asocia con varios lugares de la isla potencial-

mente visitados por los turistas. Este documento

examina en términos generales las formas en

emplaced Myths of Fédon’s rebellion in tourism representations

veLvet NeLSoNSam Houston State University

Emplaced Myths of Fédon’s Rebellion 277

and the Grenadines, one of the few sources to broach the subject, explain:

Slavery: We don’t delve too deeply into this side of Caribbean history. First, you are on vacation, and the subject is far too depressing to be read on the beach or before retiring from a lovely day in the rainforest. Secondly, this period is one that West Indians on the whole are just beginning to feel comfortable thinking and talking about. Until recently, this grueling past was avoided with a begrudging silence. But Grenada would not be the island we know today without this hideous history (Kilgore and Moore 2003, p 215–16).

Fédon’s Rebellion is one event in which the subject of slavery on Grenada is addressed. This eighteenth century insurrection is recognized as a key period in Grenada’s history. It is often simplified as a slave revolt led by Julien Fédon and presented to potential tourists as part of the nation-building process.

Yet Fédon’s Rebellion is shrouded in a mythology that invites many potentially competing representations. There are several places on the island that have be-come associated with the myths of Fédon’s Rebellion, and each has a different story to tell about the nature of the rebellion, its enigmatic leader, and the enslaved participants. The first objective of the re-search discussed in this article is to make a broad examination of the different ways in which Fédon’s Rebellion is character-ized in tourism information sources. The second objective is to examine in depth the overarching myths about Julien Fédon and the underlying ideas about slavery that are associated with discrete places on

the island as they are described in tourism guidebooks.

In the first section, I provide a brief overview of the literature on Fédon’s Re-bellion, especially the circumstances on the island leading up to the event. Then I discuss recent research on representations of slavery in tourism literature and travel experiences. In particular, I highlight the call to examine the myths embedded in these representations and I introduce the outlaw or bandit myth as the overarching story that provides the structure for narra-tives of Fédon’s Rebellion. Next, I review the tourism informational websites and tourism guidebooks that provide the data for this study, and I introduce the content and narrative analyses as the methodol-ogies used to examine this data. Finally, I present the findings of these analyses and discuss the implications of the research.

fédon’s rebellion

The historiography of Fédon’s Rebel-lion is relatively thin. Candlin (2012) cites a lack of primary sources from the event for which few firsthand accounts exist and all that do exist were written from a British perspective. The event is often charac-terized as a slave revolt or insurrection (Dubois 2006; Kenneth 2007; Anderson 2010; Candlin 2012; Jacobs 2012), Grenada’s version of the Haitian Revolu-tion (Figueredo and Argote-Freyre 2008), and an antislavery movement (Jacobs 2008, 2012), however, such descriptions obscure the complexity of the event. Steele (2003, p 115) states, “[t]his unforgettable and fascinating period of Grenadian his-tory is very difficult to label, as several dis-tinct elements operated together to pro-duce an enormous social conflagration.”

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In the colonial period, the French and British alternately possessed Grenada. The free population was comprised of white Anglophone Protestants; white, black, and colored1 Francophone Catho-lics; and as many as 25,000 enslaved peoples ( Candlin 2012). With the Treaty of Versailles in 1783, the island was permanently ceded to the British. The French-speaking population felt repressed under British policies that increasingly denied them access to political power and cultural rights. Their language was restricted and their churches were appro-priated for Anglican services (Cox 1982; Craton 1982; Figueredo and Argote-Freyre 2008; Jacobs 2008; Candlin 2012). British policies placed further restrictions on free people of color. They were subject to cur-fews, banned from carrying weapons, and in some cases forced to prove their free sta-tus in court (Candlin 2012). By this time, they were the largest population of free people on the island (Brizan 1984; Jacobs 2012) and they owned up to one-third of the land (Candlin 2012). They particularly felt the injustice of being denied the rights afforded to whites with lower economic standing (Cox 1982; Brizan 1984).

Julien Fédon was of this class of free people of color. Fédon was born to a white French father and a free black mother. He eventually came to purchase Belvidere (Belvedere) Estate, a relatively remote mountain coffee and cocoa plantation, and ninety-six enslaved peoples (Cox 1982; Brizan 1984; Candlin 2012). Despite his status, Fédon’s wife, a free woman of color, was imprisoned for several weeks under British policy until her free status could be proven (Candlin 2012). He, as well as oth-ers on the island, were influenced by the events of the Haitian Revolution as well as

the ideology of the French Revolution and the opportunities it presented for social mobility (Cox 1982; Craton 1982; Cand-lin 2012). Planning for their rebellion at Belvidere may have begun as early as 1793 (Jacobs 2008). The estate was organized into three defensible levels, consisting of the lower estate, the estate buildings and headquarters, and the final camp and re-treat just below the summit of Mount Qua Qua (Candlin 2012).

Wider events also played a role in this preparation. In February 1794, France abolished slavery. In June of the same year, Victor Hugues arrived off the is-land of Guadeloupe with an expedition of republican troops. His mission was to recapture France’s Caribbean empire and implement the decree of emancipation in the region (Dubois 2006; Jacobs 2012). With his success on Guadeloupe, white and free colored French settlers in the Eastern Caribbean were encouraged to resist repressive British policies (Duboi 2006). With plans for an insurrection al-ready underway, Grenada became a pri-mary objective (Drayton 1897). Lending his support to the cause, Hugues offered the revolutionaries military, ideological, and financial assistance (Jacobs 2012). In addition, he granted Fédon a commis-sion as General Commandant under the French Republic (Drayton 1897).

The rebellion began in March 1795. In the first few days, the insurgents at-tacked surrounding towns. They killed or captured British residents, including Lieutenant-Governor Ninian Home, who was imprisoned at Belvidere and later ex-ecuted along with 47 other hostages (Cox 1982; Steele 2003; Candlin 2012; Jacobs 2012). Fédon’s forces grew to an esti-mated 500 free black and colored peoples

Emplaced Myths of Fédon’s Rebellion 279

and 100 whites (Candlin 2012). In addi-tion, reports suggest that 6,000 to 7,000 enslaved peoples joined Fédon, either vol-untarily or by coercion (Cox 1982; Steele 2003). Others took advantage of the chaos he created to stage their own rebellions (Craton 1982; Brizan 1984; Steele 2003; Candlin 2012). Thus, scholars argue that, while the event may not have started as a slave revolt, it turned into one (Brizan 1984; Steele 2003; Jacobs 2008). There is little information available, however, to confirm this (Anderson 2010).

By January 1796, insurgents were in control of most of the island and their success provided inspiration for other rev-olutions taking place on nearby islands such as St. Vincent and St. Lucia (Morgan 2007). An ideological and spatial schism, however, emerged between Fédon and the French revolutionary forces on Grenada that ultimately weakened their control. Within six months, British reinforcements had arrived. On June 10, 1796, the French military surrendered (Jacobs 2008, 2012). Nine days later, British forces captured Fédon’s Camp (Steele 2003; Kenneth 2007; Anderson 2010; Jacobs 2012). The rebellion caused an estimated £2.5 million in property and infrastructure damage (Cox 1982; Brizan 1984). The captured in-surgents were either executed or deported to the Bay of Honduras (Cox 1982; Brizan 1984; Steele 2003; Kenneth 2007; Can-dlin 2012), as were captured insurgents from other islands (e.g. the 1762 revolt in Jamaica) (Bolland 2003). Any prop-erty they owned was confiscated (Jacobs 2008). Nearly all of the enslaved people who participated were killed, executed, or deported, but the details of these ac-tions were not recorded ( Anderson 2010). Fédon was never captured, and his fate is

unknown. It was rumored that he drowned in an attempt to flee the island, but recent research suggests he might have escaped to Cuba (Steele 2003; Jacobs 2008; Candlin 2012).

The outcome of the rebellion, had it been successful, has been much debated. For example, Cox (1982, p 17) writes, “in retrospect it is difficult to see how Fedon, the property holder, would have actually abolished slavery.” Candlin (2012) argues that Fédon, and other landowners, would have viewed freeing the enslaved as a “price worth paying” for increased social freedom, political power, and access to confiscated lands. Finally, Craton (1982) believes that Fédon, and the other leaders of the rebellion, intended to establish a small plantation economy that would not require slave labor.

slavery, tourism representations, and myth

In his discussion of heritage tourism, Corkern (2004) relates the story of a visit to a Caribbean island in which the pop-ulation was primarily comprised of the descendants of enslaved Africans. On a tour of historic sites, he was somewhat dismayed that the guide discussed the hardships faced by European explorers and colonizers over the island’s history but not the hardships faced by hundreds of thousands of enslaved Africans. This issue has been a topic of discussion for many parts of the world, with some of the most significant literature focusing on the southeastern United States (Butler 2001; Chaney 2002; Eichstedt and Small 2002; Dennis 2006; Hoelscher 2006; Alderman and Campbell 2008; Butler et al. 2008; Buzinde and Santos 2008, 2009; Hanna

280 nelson

2008; Modlin 2008; Alderman 2010; Buzinde and Osagie 2011). For Alderman and Campbell (2008, p. 339), “As geogra-phers, we are interested in understanding the process and politics of narrating the history of slavery through the South’s mu-seums, monuments, historical markers, and other places of memory.”

Butler and others (2008) argue that heritage sites like tourist plantations have the potential to guide public understand-ing of and engagement with the issues of the past. Slavery, however, remains largely unmentioned (Alderman and Campbell 2008). This may be attributed in part to the persistence of romanticized narratives of the plantation past (Buzinde and Santos 2009), but it might also be due to the re-luctance of people who do not want to be reminded of the inhumanity and trauma of slavery (Alderman and Campbell 2008; Modlin 2008; Alderman 2010). Slavery re-mains a troubling part of American history (Buzinde and Santos 2008; Buzinde and Osagie 2011) and heritage tourism stake-holders select narratives of the past to pro-duce experiences that will best appeal to potential tourists (Butler et al. 2008; Rich-ards 2009; Alderman 2010). Nonetheless, as Molande (2008) states, slavery can-not be “wished” away. Some destinations have begun to address this issue (Dennis 2006; Alderman and Campbell 2008), but these new revisionist narratives remain largely incomplete and tend to perpetuate socially-constructed myths (Modlin 2008).

In their seminal work, Eichstedt and Small (2002) identify four representa-tional strategies used to discuss African Americans and slavery in southern plan-tation museums. These include symbolic annihilation and erasure (i.e. the lack of representations of slavery and experiences

of the enslaved), trivialization and deflec-tion (i.e. the recognition and concomitant minimization of slavery, typically through dominant narratives that romanticize slaves and enslavers), segregation and mar-ginalization of knowledge (i.e. representa-tions of slavery provided to those who seek it), and relative incorporation (i.e. representation that raises important issues but remains conflicted with regard to dom-inant narratives). Modlin (2008) argues for an expansion of this typology to expose the myths embedded in such representations.

Modlin (2008, p 278) uses myth to re-flect “the widespread and unquestioned power of ideas and discourses.” Myths are socially constructed, metamorphic, and often emplaced (Brown et al. 2013). This refers to myths associated with the landscape, in which meanings are given to particular features or landmarks and made meaningful by the practices un-dertaken there (Santos-Granero 2004; Weiner 2011). Myths draw upon clearly recognized ideas, images, and symbols—for example, the myth of the Old South (Smith 1982). Thus myths, used as part of representational strategies, distinctly have the ability to shape how people think about and understand the past (Modlin 2008). The myths that resonate most with people are universal (Brown et al. 2013). These myths continue to generate interest and are ultimately kept alive through tour-ism practices (Olsen 2012).

Meta-myths are the overarching myths, while production myths make up the foun-dation. The later are more specific, and many, possibly even competing myths, are woven together to form the narrative of the past (Modlin 2008). The overarching myth in the case of Fédon’s Rebellion is the out-law or bandit myth, while the underlying

Emplaced Myths of Fédon’s Rebellion 281

layers of myths subtly shape ideas about slavery on Grenada. In his influential work, Hobsbawm (1959) argues that banditry is a form of organized protest. With myth-ical Robin Hood as the archetype, out-laws are portrayed as champions for the people struggling against a great power (Hobsbawm 1959; Seal 2011; Wheeler et al. 2011). Yet, such stories may portray little information about the concerns of the people (Dodds 2011). Instead, they focus on the individual and his (or her) motiva-tions. One type is motivated by vengeance for himself, or his loved ones, who were victimized by injustice (Hobsbawm 1959; Wheeler et al. 2011). Another type is mo-tivated by conflicts over land or resources, ethnicity, or religion (Seal 2011). These justifications allow the outlaw to be seen as more than a common criminal. Thus, while they may act out of self-interest, they may provide benefits for the wider oppressed society (Curott and Fink 2012). Exiled from society, the myth is typically emplaced on the frontier, where the out-laws can take refuge in the wilderness, a land they are familiar with while their enemies are not (Dodds 2011; Wheeler et al. 2011). Outlaws are often tragic fig-ures in that they must sacrifice their lives for change. However, the circumstances of their death are often quite mysterious, and their legend lives on, even in modern times (Seal 2011; Wheeler et al. 2011).

Outlaws may, paradoxically, play a role in the formation of national identity (Dodds 2011; Wheeler et al. 2011). “From a human perspective, it would appear that these stories are universal and are reinter-preted by successive generations, based on our need for heroes and the romance of the frontier” (Wheeler et al. 2011, p 160). The outlaw myth has been a key component of

tourism, yet, the use of the outlaw myth in heritage tourism becomes an example of heritage dissonance. Such figures gen-erate strong emotions, but there is often much disagreement about whether they are heroes who should be commemorated in stories and memorials or villains who should be dishonored. The use of the out-law myth, therefore, becomes a difficult question for tourism stakeholders who may have vastly different views of history (Seal 2011; Wheeler et al. 2011).

There are many examples of histori-cal figures that have been cast as social bandits and romanticized in literature or through tourism. Wheeler and others (2011) examine the role of mythologized robbers such as Jesse James, Ned Kelly, and Joaquin Murieta in regional tourism promotions. For example, James was a polarizing figure among his contem-poraries due to both his actions and his politics, but since his death in 1882, he has been romanticized as a noble robber. Seal (2011) discusses the circumstances of Doroteo Arango, popularly known as Pancho Villa or the Mexican Robin Hood. His path would take him from young ban-dit, after shooting the man accused of raping his sister, to revolutionary hero. Perhaps the most relevant example to this case is that of Toussaint Louver-ture, the free black leader of the Haitian Revolution.

methodology

To achieve the first objective of this re-search, I used content analysis to make a broad examination of the different ways in which Fédon’s Rebellion is characterized in tourism information sources. Content analysis is a widely used methodology in

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tourism research (e.g. Hopkins 1998; Hel-lemans and Govers 2005; Choi et al. 2007; Henderson 2008; Modlin 2008; Stepchen-kova and Zhan 2012). When used in combi-nation with other research methodologies, content analysis can be an exploratory tool that allows the researcher to system-atically describe data, categorize themes, and identify frequencies in a verifiable and replicable way (Henderson 2008; Botterill and Platenkamp 2012; Stepchenkova and Zhan 2012). Content analysis primarily focuses on describing and quantifying the manifest, or surface, content of a source. This allows the researcher to become fa-miliar with content, highlight patterns, and ground his or her analysis (Laing and Crouch 2009; Leiss et al. 2009).

To achieve the second objective of this research, I used narrative analysis of tour-ism guidebooks to examine in depth the overarching myths about Julien Fédon and the underlying myths about slavery, both of which are associated with dis-crete places on the island. According to Meethan (2006, p 7),

By looking at the narratives of place, the stories, histories and myths that are associated with people and place, and by acknowledging the complex-ities involved in the ways in which people actively engage with their en-vironment, together with the tensions between expectations and realization, we can arrive at a more nuanced understanding of the production and consumption of tourist spaces.

Narratives provide the shape or struc-ture through which stories are told. This typically includes a context, setting, ac-tors, and a series of events organized chronologically leading to an endpoint

(Smith and Weed 2007; Laing and Crouch 2009; Botterill and Platenkamp 2012). The purpose of narrative analysis is not to reveal the “true” story but to uncover the narrative structures in the meaning- making process (Smith and Weed 2007; Buzinde and Santos 2009). While there is no single approach to narrative analysis (Smith and Weed 2007; Laing and Crouch 2009), it generally builds upon a coding procedure, such as that used in content analysis, to investigate the meanings in central themes (Buzinde and Santos 2009; Jeuring and Peters 2013).

Specifically, I followed a five-stage procedure of content analysis similar to that applied in tourism research by Horng and Tsai (2010). In the first stage, I iden-tified the aims of the content analysis and developed a preliminary coding scheme. To understand the different ways in which Fédon’s Rebellion is characterized in tourism information sources, I sought to analyze the representations of Fédon, his motivations, and his goals as well as the locations, events, participants, and out-comes of the rebellion.

In the second stage, I identified ap-propriate tourism information sources. I conducted a Google search using various key words (e.g. Grenada tourism, Grenada travel, Grenada travel guide, etc.) to locate websites that contained descriptive and contextual information about the desti-nation and the activities in which tourists might participate (e.g. guided hikes or cul-tural tours). Sites that represented a spe-cific component of the destination (e.g. an attraction) or that were intended to book a specific part of the trip (e.g. accommo-dations) were not included. From this search, I compiled a sample of twenty-two informational tourism websites (Table 1).

Emplaced Myths of Fédon’s Rebellion 283

Table 1. Informational Tourism Websites.

Caribbean Tourism: Grenada traveltips.usatoday.com/caribbean-tourism-

grenada-43219.html

Destination Grenada www.lonelyplanet.com/grenada

Go Grenada www.gogrenada.gd

Grenada www.caribbeantravel.com/caribbean-islands/grenada

Grenada www.frommers.com/destinations/grenada

Grenada, Grenada, Granada islands.com.sapo.pt/grenada/grenada.htm

Grenada Explorer www.grenadaexplorer.com/

Grenada Guide caribya.com/grenada/

Grenada Guide www.soulofamerica.com

Grenada Island of Spice www.guidetocaribbeanvacations.com/grenada/

Grenada Tourism www.tripadvisor.com/Tourism-g147295-Grenada- Vacations.html

Grenada Travel Guide www.fodors.com/world/caribbean/grenada/

Grenada Travel Guide www.grenadaexplorer.com/

Grenada Travel Guide www.telegraph.co.uk/travel/destination/ caribbean/103303/Grenada-travel-guide.html

Grenada Travel Guide travel.usnews.com/Grenada/

Grenada Travel Guide wikitravel.org/en/Grenada

Grenada Travel Guide Information www.travelgrenada.com

Henry’s Safari Tours www.henrysafari.com

Island Grenada www.islandgrenada.com

Just Ask Locals Grenada grenada.justasklocals.com

Port Louis Grenada www.portlouisgrenada.comPure Grenada www.grenadagrenadines.com

These sites were archived as individual document files. I also conducted Google, Google books, and Amazon searches to locate tourism guidebooks on or including Grenada.2 I identified eleven guidebooks (Table 2), which I obtained either through online access or acquisition of print copies.

In the third stage, I began analysis with a preliminary reading of the thirty-three sources. Based on the aims outlined in the first stage, I identified appropriate codes that would yield the desired infor-mation and the frequency of these codes. For example, codes for Fédon ranged from

categorizations of his ethnicity (e.g. black, colored, mulatto) to assessments of his character (e.g. angry, hero, madman, rebel). In the fourth stage, I analyzed the initial results and refined relevant themes (e.g. the importance of the four places with which the rebellion is associated). Lastly, in the fifth stage, I finalized the re-sults of the content analysis and narrowed my sample to focus specifically on the five tourism guidebooks that gave significant attention of Fédon’s Rebellion.

Building upon this analysis, I con-ducted a more in-depth investigation into

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Table 2. Tourism Guidebooks.

Adventure Guide to Grenada, St. Vincent and the Grenadines Hunter Travel GuidesBarbados, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, the Grenadines and Grenada Fodor’s Travel Intelligence

Caribbean and the Bahamas Cadogan Guides

Caribbean Hiking: A Hiking and Walking Guide to Thirty of the Most Popular Islands

Menasha Ridge Press

Caribbean Islands Lonely Planet

Grenada, Carriacou, Petite Martinique Bradt Travel Guides

Grenada Isle of Spice: An Introduction and Guide Macmillan Caribbean

Grenada Sights: A Travel Guide to the Main Attractions in Grenada, Carriacou, and Petite Martinique, Caribbean

Mobi Sights

Grenada Travel Guide Tiki Travel

The Ethical Travel Guide: Your Passport to Exciting Alternative Holidays

Tourism Concern

Travel Grenada: Illustrated Guide and Maps Mobi Travel

the meanings of the already-identified themes. Narrative analysis allowed me to explore the structure of the story, as re-layed to potential tourists, including the settings of the rebellion, the actors who participated, and the events that took place. This structure provides the frame-work for the layers of myths embedded in the narrative. For example, at Belvidere Estate, where Fédon is cast as the master-mind of the insurrection, the overarching myth is of a revolutionary outlaw. How-ever, this myth must be supported by char-acterizations of the enslaved as passive actors. This will be discussed in greater depth in the following section. In addition, I drew upon participant observation from previous fieldwork on Grenada.

char acterizing fédon’s rebellion

As noted in the introduction to this paper, the issues surrounding slavery are not often discussed in the context of tourism for Grenada. Thus, even though

Fédon’s Rebellion is recognized as a key event in Grenada’s history, thirty percent (ten) of the destination’s tourism informa-tion sources examined did not include the event. This includes the official website of the newly created Grenada Tourism Au-thority. Of the remaining seventy percent (twenty-three), the sources were almost evenly divided in how they approached the event. The first set of sources discussed the event in the brief overview of the island’s history. This was typically one of two major events identified, with the other being the “revolutionary period” culminating in the 1983 U.S.-led military intervention. The only other mention of slavery in this section—if it is mentioned at all—is to note the year when slavery was abolished. The second set of sources highlighted places associated with the event in the context of things to do on the island.

The first objective of the research discussed in this paper was to make a broad examination of the different ways in which Fédon’s Rebellion is charac-terized in tourism information sources.

Emplaced Myths of Fédon’s Rebellion 285

Particularly for the tourism websites, the information presented about Fédon’s Re-bellion was largely the same, regardless of the section in which it was included. Al-though these sites have few restrictions in terms of the quantity of information pre-sented, they were more likely to present a simplified narrative. These sites typically described Julien Fédon as a black planter. From the latter designation, the reader can infer that he was not enslaved, but the term planter remains unclear. While it has been used to refer to wealthy property and slave owners, it has also been used synonymously with farmer. Fédon is also identified as either a French rebel or a Gre-nadian hero. According to these sources, his primary motivation was the rhetoric of the French Revolution. He was inspired to lead the island’s slaves to overthrow their British masters. With success, they would be able to unite with the new French Re-public, which had abolished slavery in the previous year. Indeed, one source identi-fies Fédon’s Rebellion as a successful slave revolt, and another states that it led to the end of slavery on the island.

Only one of the websites identified Belvidere Estate as the headquarters of the rebellion. This source notes its lo-cation with respect Fédon’s Camp but provides no additional information that would put it on the tourist map. The camp, described as a mountain hideout located in high in Grenada’s central mountains, is identified as a tourist attraction. Half of these sources considered it a historic monument and pilgrimage site commem-orating the struggle for freedom. The re-maining sources situate it as the endpoint of a challenging but rewarding hike that affords an excellent view of the island’s natural scenery.

The guidebooks offer a more detailed, and therefore a more nuanced, overview of the event. These sources delved deeper into Julien Fédon. They considered his mixed race heritage and his status as a plantation owner on the island. They also sought further motivations for his cata-lyzing role in the rebellion. Such explana-tions primarily focused on British policies that denied him rights because he was both French Catholic and a free person of color. Other explanations suggested that he was angered by his wife’s imprison-ment and reports that a British landowner defrauded him in the sale of Belvidere Es-tate. In these sources, slaves were identi-fied as participants, but the insurrection was not characterized as a slave rebellion. Only one of these sources stated the extent of the impact on the enslaved participants in terms of estimated casualties. Finally, guidebook narratives made greater con-nections between places on the island and the mythology of Fédon’s Rebellion. As such, five guidebooks are further analyzed in the next section.

mythologizing fédon’s rebellion

The second objective was to make an in-depth examination of the overarch-ing myths about Julien Fédon, and the underlying myths about slavery, that are associated with discrete places on the is-land in tourism guidebooks. These places include Belvidere Estate, Fédon’s Camp, St. George’s Anglican Church, and Market Square in St. George’s (Figure 1).

Belvidere EstateBelvidere Estate has a long history

on the island. Grenada’s most famous

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product, nutmeg, was reportedly first planted on the island at Belvidere Estate in the mid-nineteenth century. It remained a significant producer until Hurricane Ivan struck the island in the early twenty-first century. It is located below Fédon’s Camp and is described as “remote, unspoilt and very beautiful” (Crask 2012, p 144). There is little in the way of infrastructure at the estate for tourist visits, but visitors

interested in the mythology of the place are encouraged to explore the area with a local guide.

When Julien Fédon owned the estate, it encompassed 450 acres, and he was one of the largest landowners on the island. It is not explicitly acknowledged that he was the master of enslaved people. Instead, it is implied that those individuals were a part of the estate: “In 1791, they [Fédon

Figure 1. Map by

Gang Gong.

Emplaced Myths of Fédon’s Rebellion 287

and his wife] purchased the 182ha Belvi-dere Estate in today’s parish of St. John. The estate had a labour force of around 100 slaves” (Crask 2009, p 136). Similarly, “Julien pledged allegiance to the English King George III, but followed the exam-ple of the French Revolution by granting freedom to many of the slaves from his 450-acre estate, Belvidere” (Kilgore and Moore 2003, p 216). The estate is primar-ily associated with the masterminding of the rebellion and the official headquarters throughout.

In connecting Fédon to Belvidere, he cannot be portrayed as a rugged bandit existing on the fringes of society. Yet, the outlaw myth can also apply to those who have resorted to extraordinary, often violent, measures to fight for freedom and independence from political oppression (Seal 2011). From this perspective, Fédon can be cast as a revolutionary outlaw in the same vein as the Founding Fathers of the United States. As Alderman (2010) finds in the case of American monuments, enslaved people in this story are passive actors. They are dependent on Fédon, first for the freedom granted to those on his own estate and second for the oppor-tunity created for those on other planta-tions to abandon them and join Fédon at Belvidere.

Fédon’s CampFédon’s Camp is an important site of

cultural heritage tourism on Grenada. While the majority of tourists to the island will not visit the camp itself, they may be exposed to it through tourism literature or on a popular guided island tour. Visitors are reassured, “Though an extremely tough hike, the climb to Fédon’s Camp is not only exhilarating, it is also steeped in myth and

history” Crask (2009, p 35). Kilgore and Moore (2003, p 249) further invite read-ers to “Imagine yourself a hostage brought from Gouyave or Grenville and forced up the trail at gunpoint. Forty-eight prisoners were murdered at this camp in 1795.”

Fédon’s Camp is recognized as the place of the rebellion. It was the final camp fortification located high in the mountains above Belvidere Estate that was estab-lished as a hideout and place of retreat. It was also known as Camp de la Mort.

Symbolically, opposite the coffin board marker and off to the right is a steep, 30-minute climb to Fedon’s Camp, a site associated with some of Grenada’s greatest bloodletting. Julien Fedon was a Grenadian hero, a mu-latto planter who led the slave upris-ing of 1795. The flag motto of ‘Liberté, Egalité ou la Mort (liberty, equality, or death) was closely adhered to: It was death for almost everyone involved (O’Keefe 2001, p 162).

At the end of the rebellion, the British captured Belvidere and launched an assault on the camps. “Fédon’s men suffered huge losses during this attack, forcing those who survived to cross the mountainous ridge to his last camp. Realizing that they had lost, Fédon and some of his men threw themselves down the steep mountainsides. Those who didn’t were either captured or killed” (Crask 2009, p 137).

In this place, a rough peripheral region, the outlaw myth plays out. The story re-volves around Fédon, who can be viewed as either a hero or a villain. Although slavery is frequently identified as the root cause of the rebellion, the enslaved have virtually no part to play in the story at Fédon’s Camp. They are essentially rendered invisible.

288 nelson

The site is commemorated with a “rough, weather-worn stone memorial” (Crask 2009, p 146), but it is unclear as to who or what is commemorated.

St. George’s Anglican ChurchDuring the French era, a Catholic

church was founded in the capital city of St. George’s. In the British era, the church was confiscated and transformed into an Anglican church. This was one of the ac-tions that angered the island’s remaining French residents in the years leading up to Fédon’s Rebellion. The church was rebuilt in the early nineteenth century follow-ing an earthquake and presently is a very distinctive part of St. George’s landscape. Several marble plaques have been pre-served. In what Crask (2009) described as “[a] fascinating snapshot of history,” the legislature installed these plaques following the rebellion to commemorate the British governor and other British hos-tages who were executed by Julien Fédon. Upon listing their names, one plaque read:

Proprietors and inhabitants of this col-ony, all of whom were taken prisoners on 3rd March 1795, by an execrable banditti, composed principally of white new-adopted subjects of this land, and their free colour’d defend-ants, who stimulated by the insidious arts of French Republicans . . . open’d on that day those destructive scenes which nearly destroyed the whole country; And on 8th April follow-ing, completed the measure of their iniquity, by barbarously murdering (in the Rebel Camp at Mount Quaqua) the above innocent victims to their diabolical and unprovoked cruelty (reproduced in Crask 2009, p 104).

The inscription specifically identifies the victims as white British colonists, together with their “free colour’d defend-ants” in the vein of the faithful slave myth. Yet, there is no commemoration for, or recognition of, the victims of the institu-tion of slavery on the island that might have precipitated their participation in the rebellion. Instead of attributing power to this group, or even the French residents, it is attributed to outside agents. Without being named, Fédon is portrayed as the quintessential outlaw whose actions are unjustified and villainous. Kilgore and Moore (2003, p 217) further noted, “Until independence in 1974, Fédon was consid-ered a madman in the eyes of his coun-trymen. It was Maurice Bishop who first looked upon him as a hero who stood up against slavery and colonial rule.” Fédon’s outlaw myth was re-purposed and used as in the formation of national identity. In the process, the commemorative site at the church became contested. Crask (2012, p 105) found, in the interim between his 2009 and 2012 editions, the plaque de-scribed above had been “wrenched rather ruthlessly away.” That an event that oc-curred almost 220 years ago continues to arouse such emotions only makes the story more intriguing; the noted absence of the plaque may be more likely to generate tourist visits to the nave than its presence.

Market SquareMarket Square represents the inevitable

end of the story—death. Its association with Fédon’s Rebellion is identified by only two of the five guidebooks. Today, the market is a popular tourist attraction in St. George’s boasting a bright, colorful, buoyant at-mosphere as people sell local produce like spices, fruits, and vegetables. In the past,

Emplaced Myths of Fédon’s Rebellion 289

however, it was a place for “the buying and selling of slaves. . . . Notices were posted by slavers announcing their newly arrived car-goes. . . . These would appear beside play-bills for opera and recitals” (Kilgore and Moore 2010, e-book format). It was further described as a place for the incarceration, torture, and punishment of escaped slaves and for the execution of criminals. Thus, it was the place in which the captured insur-gents of Fédon’s Rebellion were executed.

The connection between slavery and the rebellion is further reinforced in the place in which enslavement on the island both began and came to an end for thou-sands. In this case, there is a homogeniza-tion of all insurgents. Many whites and free people of color lost their lives in the same place and in the same way, but because Julien Fédon was not among them, no dis-tinction is made between the executed. As a site of counter-memory to former plaques in the Anglican Church, a marker is identi-fied in the southern corner of the square to commemorate the execution. Still, Fédon’s myth lived on and persists today: “Fédon himself was never taken. Some think he drowned in an attempt to escape to Trin-idad, but others said he made it to Cuba” (Henderson 2005, p 149).

conclusion

This paper has sought to shed light on how Fédon’s Rebellion is represented in tourism information sources and how the myths in these representations build the story of a slave revolt. There are several potential directions for future research. For example, the next stage of the pro-ject will investigate how the story is rep-resented to tourists on the island (e.g. on guided tours) and how both local

people and tourists view the myth of Ju-lien Fédon, the rebellion, and its enslaved participants. This study will also provide the foundation for comparative research on how concomitant rebellions on islands such as St. Vincent and St. Lucia are repre-sented in the tourism literature.

Given the lack of discussion about the history of slavery on Grenada in tourism information sources, Fédon’s Rebellion—widely described as a slave revolt—offers a distinct opportunity to raise aware-ness about, and generate interest in, the topic. Indeed, its association with several places on the island further increases the potential for tourists to be exposed to the story. Yet, as has been found elsewhere, even attempts at relative incorporation fail to fully engage with the pertinent issues (Eichstedt and Small 2002).

When characterized as a slave revolt, narratives of Fédon’s Rebellion can be presented to potential tourists as a nation- building event. On the surface, the story of Fédon’s Rebellion has the potential to generate empathy among tourists about the struggle for freedom. However, the story is not about the harsh reality of life that would drive a group of people to fight for their freedom. It is a generalized story of struggle that focuses on the myth of the hero/villain. Fédon is cast in the role of the outlaw because of the lasting power and universal nature of the myth: “If not quite all things to all people, the most meaningful myths offer many things to many people” (Brown et al. 2013, p 597). In this case, he is represented in different ways depending on the place with which he is associated. In contrast, the thou-sands of people he is supposedly fighting for (and with) are homogenized, and their contributions are trivialized.

290 nelson

acknowledgementsI would like to thank Dr. David Butler and

Dr. Derek Alderman for organizing the ses-

sions The Southern Plantation Museum: The

“Tough Stuff” of Heritage Tourism Research

at the 2014 Annual Meeting of the Association

of American Geographers and the participants

in those sessions who provided valuable feed-

back on the version of this paper presented

there.

notes1. Referring to persons of partial African

and European descent.

2. As a relatively small Caribbean island

destination, the large international guidebook

publishers typically include Grenada with other

destinations in the region. A small number of

independent, and niche publishers produce

guidebooks specifically for Grenada, Carriacou,

and Petite Martinique.

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From: SoutheasternGeographer

Volume 55, Number 3, Fall 2015

pp. 276-292 |10.1353/sgo.2015.0024

Emplaced Myths of Fédon’s Rebellion in Tourism Representations

Velvet Nelson

Abstract

Abstract:

Fédon’s Rebellion, widely characterized as a slave revolt, took place from March 1795 to June1796 on the Caribbean island of Grenada. Julien Fédon, a mixed-race French Catholicplantation owner, was the principal leader of this event. Today the rebellion is part ofGrenada’s cultural heritage and is associated with several places on the island potentiallyvisited by tourists. This paper broadly examines the ways the rebellion is characterized intourism information sources through content analysis and specifically considers the overarchingmyths about Julien Fédon and the underlying myths about slavery that are associated with discrete places on the islandthrough narrative analysis. Narratives of the rebellion has the potential to raise awareness about the struggle for freedomin Grenada, but it remains a generalized story that focuses on the outlaw hero/villain instead of the thousands ofenslaved people he was supposedly fighting for.

Abstract:

La rebelión de Fédon, ampliamente caracterizada como una sublevación/revuelta/levantamiento de esclavos, tuvo lugardesde marzo de 1795 a junio de 1796 en la isla caribeña de Granada. Julien Fédon, un católico francés de raza mixta ypropietario de una plantación, fue el líder principal del levantamiento. Hoy la rebelión es parte del patrimonio cultural deGranada y se asocia con varios lugares de la isla potencialmente visitados por los turistas. Este documento examina entérminos generales las formas en las que la rebelión se caracteriza en las fuentes de información turística a través delanálisis de contenido, y a través de un análisis narrativo considera tanto los mitos dominantes/más populares/generalessobre Julien Fédon como los mitos subyacentes sobre la esclavitud que están asociados con lugares específicos en laisla. Las narrativas de la rebelión tiene el potencial de crear conciencia acerca de la lucha por la libertad en Granada,pero sigue siendo una historia generalizada que se centra en el fuera de la ley/forajido/bandido, héroe o villano, en vezde en las miles de personas esclavizadas por las que supuestamente luchaba.

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