electing the president: italian style (1986)

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Electing the President: Italian StyleAuthor(s): Maria Elisabetta de FranciscisSource: Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 16, No. 3, Leadership and National Security Policy(Summer, 1986), pp. 451-459Published by: Wiley on behalf of the Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress

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Electing

the

President: Italian

Style

MARIA

ELISABETTA

DE

FRANCISCIS

The

University of

Connecticut

Abstract

To

outsiders Italian

politics

seem

at

times

chaotic,

at

times

suicidal,

and almost

always

beyond

understanding.

Therefore

the

purpose

of

this

paper

is

to

try

to

shed

light

on

the

1985

presidential

elections

which

have

marked

several historical

firsts

or

this

nation.

Among

the

important

aspects

of

this

election

is

the

introduction

of

a

primary

system,

at

least

as

far

as

conventions

for

the selection

of

a

candidate.

I

describe also the

political

climate

immediately preceding

and

following

the

June

elec

tion,

and

analyze

the

personality

and

training

of

Francesco

Cossiga,

the

eighth

President

of

the Italian

Republic.

Since the

1983

general

elections

both the Italian

electorate

and the

political

cadres

have

not

stopped surprising

each

other,

and

everybody

with

their

unusually

mature

behavior.1

The

purpose

of this

paper

then,

is

to

try

to

shed

light

on

a)

the

1985

Presi

dential

elections

which

have marked several

historical firsts

for

this

nation;

b)

the

major

events

since

the

1983

elections

which

have

paved

the

way

for this

transition;

and

c)

the

political

stature

of

Francesco

Cossiga, eighth

Republican

President.

In 1978 the

choice

for

a

new

President

was

marked

by

squabbling,

heated

moods,

and

people

tired

of

watching

the shameful

behavior of

their

elected

officials.

Parlia

ment was

giving

once

again proof

of

diversity,

and

in-fighting

rather

than

unity

as

mandated

by

the

Constitution

for

such

occasions.2

On

July

8, 1978,

after

ten

days

and fifteen wasted

ballots,

an

82

years

old

Socialist,

Sandro

Pertini,

was

elected

on

the

sixteenth

ballot.

He

received

832

votes

out

of

a

possible

995,

and

his

83.6%

was

not

topped

by

Francesco

Cossiga

who

was

elected

to

the

presidency

on

June

24,

1985.3

In Pertini's

case,

as

for

all

those

who

preceded

him

in

such

a

position,

presidential

elections

in

Italy

have been

traditionally

long

and

dividing.

The 1985 elections

has

brought

this

custom to

a

definite

halt.

Francesco

Cossiga

was

elected

on

the first

ballot

with

752

votes

out

of

978,

less

than

two

hours

after

the

opening

of

the

procedures.

To

outsiders

Italian

politics

seem

at

times

chaotic,

at

times

suicidal,

and almost

always

beyond

understanding.

To

Italians,

and

to

scholars

of Italian

politics4

there

is,

however,

a

logic

behind

this

seemingly unintelligible

skein.

The

signs

of

a new

political

style,

of

attitudes,

and

approaches

which

could

only

be

seen

in

their

budding

stages

at

the

time

of

the last

general

election5 have

slowly

grown

and

reached

full bloom

just

in

time

for this

1985

important

appointment.

Since

the

1970s Italians

had

proven

their

discontent

with

maladministration

by

using

the

only

tool which

could

really

hurt

politicians:

the

electoral

consultations.

They

had

451







452

j

PRESIDENTIAL

STUDIES

QUARTERLY

been

voting

blank

ballots,

practicing

absenteeism,

and

giving

their

support

to

minor

parties

well

aware

of

the

damages

such actions

were

procuring

to

the

major

forces.

Never,

before 1983 did

the

Christian

Democrats

(D.C.)

risk

losing

their

leadership,

and

never

before did

the

country

seem more

divided and

impossible

to

govern.6

The

lesson

to

be learned

in

that

occasion

was

that

the

parties

had

to

reorganize;

they

should

put

an

end

to

intraparty

power

struggling,

and

emphasis

should be

placed

on

straight

forward

and

solid

policies.

Last but

absolutely

not

least,

by

their

vote,

Italians

were

hoping

to

send

a

more

clear and

louder

message

than

ever:

the

people

were

tired

of

filibustering

and

of

paralysis

of

both the

political

and administrative life.7

Shockingly

by

Italian

style,

it

seems

the

political

cadres

responded maturely

to

such

demands;

and the

government

of

coalition formed

by

Mr. Craxi

on

August 4,

1983 has

been

able

to

remain in

power

basically

untouched

since

then.

A

record

for

a

post-war

government.

Approximately

a

year

before

the

1983

general

elections

Cir?aco De

Mita

was

nomi

nated

secretary

of

the Christian

Democratic

Party.

From

the

beginning

his

aims

have

been

to

reestablish

the

credibility

of

the

party

with

its

constitutional

interlocutors,

and

to

try

to

end the

internal divisions and

squabblings.

His

approach

to

politics

and

to

government

was

ridiculed

and

criticized

from

within

as

well

as

from outside the

party

after

the

debacle

suffered

in

1983.

And

yet,

it

began

to

reap

benefits

no

later

than two months after the elections. The appointment to form a coalition govern

ment

did

not

fall

upon

a

Christian

Democrat,

rather and for the first

time since the

beginning

of

the

Republic,

it

fell

to

a

Socialist.

But Mr. Craxi's

cabinet

is

staffed

mostly

by

D.C.

members,

and

most

of the

key

posts

are

covered

by

Christian

Democrats.8

When President

Pertini

opened

his rounds

of consultations

with

secretaries of

all

par

ties

to

appoint

a

Prime

Minister,

De Mita

announced

the

Christian

Democrats

will

ingness

to

leave

the

leadership

to

others.

The

party

was

in

fact

looking

ahead

to

1985.9

In

the

article

I

wrote

on

that

occasion10

I

speculated

that

there

would

probably

be

disagreement

within

the

party

on

whom

to

appoint

as

candidate

to

the

presidency

of the country. I also

suggested

the names of Giulio Andreotti and of Amintore Fan

fani,

two

old

timers

of

Italian

politics,

well known

figures

abroad,

and both

ex

Prime

Ministers. What

I had

not

foreseen

was

Mr. De Mita's

success

in

unifying

(if

only

temporarily)

the

party

from

within11;

nor

Mr.

Andreotti

being

at

the

center

of

a

heated

political

debate raised

by

declarations

on

the future of the

two

Germanies and which

have

been

attributed

allegedly

to

Andreotti

himself;

nor

the

good

dose

of

common

sense

which

would

pervade

the

party

leadership

and refrain

them

from

proposing

a

veteran

politician,

Fanfani,

while

declaring

a

rejuvenation

of

the

party.

Encouraged

by

the

progress

the

D.C.

was

slowly making

since

that

day

in

June

1983 when the

party

lost so

badly,

De Mita insisted on his new

approach

to

politics

and,

when

the

last

European

elections

proved

that

he

was

pursuing

the

right

trail

the

objections

from

within

the

party

began

to

diminish.

Then earlier

in

the

Spring

of

198512

the

Regional

Administrative elections

occurred.

Again

a

defeat

of

the Com

munist

Party,

and

more

support

was

given

to

those

parties

which with

their

loyal

support

of

the

government

coalition

were

enabling

the

country

to

witness

stability

and

therefore

positive

legislation,

and

effective

policies'

initiation.

Economic

policies







ELECTING

THE

PRESIDENT: ITALIAN STYLE

|

453

aimed

at

reducing

inflation

and

halting

the

gradual

adjustment

of

income

proportion

ally

to

inflation

rates

were

hailed

as a

sign

of

good

will

of

the

parties

to

heed

to

the

demands of

the

electorate;

and

were

accepted

even

by

those

who

would

be

hurt the

hardest.13

The

victory again

earlier

in

the

month

of

June

(6/10/85)

of the coalition

parties

over

the

Communists

(P.C.I.)

on

occasion

of

a

proposed

referendum

requested by

the

P.C.I,

to

reverse

those

economic

policies

just

mentioned,

was

one more

sign

the elec

torate

gave

to

demonstrate their

appreciation

of

what

responsible politicians

were

ac

complishing

in

Rome.

And

again

Mr. De

Mita

did

not

leave

this

signal

unheard.

He

took

the

initiative

of

proposing

consultations

among

all

those

parties

involved

in

the

process

of

drafting

the

Constitution

of

1948

to

reach

an

agreement

on

the

presidential

candidate.14 The

technique

was new to

Italian

politics

in

as

far

as

the consultations

were

conducted

openly

and the

aim

of

arriving

to

June

24

with

an

understanding

of all

parties

on

the

name

of

one

candidate

pleasing

to

all,

so as

to

avoid

the

long,

costly,

and self

defeating

traditional

approach

to

presidential

elections,

was

also

made

clear

by

De

Mita

to

politicians

and

citizens

alike.

De

Mita

then

convened all

the

Chris

tian

Democratic

deputies

and

senators,

369

in

all,

to

agree

on

the

name

of

Francesco

Cossiga

in

a

meeting

held

on

June

23.

Cossiga

received 305

votes

of

support

from

his

party's

convention.

The almost unanimous

vote

is

a

tribute

to

both the

candidate,

and

to

the

leadership

of the

party secretary.

The

election

of

Francesco

Cossiga

to

the

presidency

on

the first

ballot,

and

in

less

than

two

hours

since the

beginning

of the

procedures

on

June

24

was

saluted

by

the media with

equal

headlines

to

the

victory

of Cir?aco

De

Mita.15

The

solidarity

and

cooperation

among

all

parties,

and

the deci

sion

of

Mr.

De Mita

to

include the

P.C.I,

in

the

process

of

consultations

have

been

praised

by

all16 and

judged by

some as a

defeat of

the

role

of

opposition

played

by

the Communist

party

since the 1983

elections.17

As

just

emphasized,

the consultation

process

occurred

ante-elections rather

than

infra-elections,

and that

constitutes

a

first

in

Italian

politics.

The

brevity

of

the

elec

toral

process represents

the

second

novelty

of

this 1985

appointment.

Table

I

shows

the

timetables,

the

votes,

the

duration,

the

number of

ballots

required,

and the

percen

tile

obtained

by

each of

the

seven

presidents

who

preceded

Cossiga.

The

presence

of

Enrico De

Nicola

in

this

table,

however,

can

be

misleading.

He

too

required

only

one

ballot

to

be

elected,

but

at

that

time

he

had been

appointed (on

June

28,

1946)

TABLE

1

Possible

President

Party

Ballots From.To

Days

Votes Total

De Nicola

-

1

-.6/26/47

1

405

5562.9

Einaudi PLI

4

10_5/11/48

2

518 872

9.4

Gronchl

DC

4

28...

.

4/29/55

2

658

833

8.9

Segni

C

9

2.5/6/62

5

443

8422.6

Saragat

PSDI

21

16...

12/28/64

13 646

937

8.9

Leone

C 23

9....

12/24/71

16 518

9962.0

Pertini

PSI

16

6/29

. . .

7/8/78

10

832

995

3.6

//

Giornale

di

Napoli,

Napoli,

June

24,

1985.

Key

to the

Parties' abbreviations:

PLI

?

Liberal

Party;

DC

-

Christian

Democratic

Party,

PSDI

-

Social

Democratic

Party;

PSI

-

Socialist

Party.







454

I

PRESIDENTIAL STUDIES

QUARTERLY

by

the Constitutional

Assembly

to

lead

the

provisional

government

and,

only

a

year

later,

after

the

plebiscite,

and the birth of the

Republic

was

he

confirmed

first

Presi

dent

of

the

new

nation.

The

youngest

President this

country

has

ever

had

(Cossiga

was

born

on

July

26,

1928)

follows

the

oldest

one

ever

to

hold

such

a

position

(Pertini

was

born

on

September

25,

1896).

Because

of

Pertini's

Presidency

immediately

preceding

his,

Cos

siga

will

have

an

even more

difficult task

than

any

of

his

predecessors.

Italians

had

just

began

to

learn

to

appreciate

and

respect

the

person

and

the role

of

a

President

of

the

Republic

with

De

Nicola

and

Einaudi,

when

President Gronchi

began

to

freely

interpret,

at

times,

the

sphere

of

his

powers.18

It

was

the

beginning

of

a

downhill

trend until in 1978 President Giovanni Leone resigned from office in the midst of

the

Lockheed

International scandal. The

office,

and

the

figure

of

the President

was

in

disrepute

throughout

the

country.

It is

for this

reason

that the

1978

electoral

proce

dures lasted

ten

days.

The

political

cadres realized

they

had

to

converge

their

efforts

on

a

personality beyond

all

suspicions.

Someone

who

loved

the

country,

and would

be

loved

in

return.

On

June

29,

1978

the

grand

electors

found such

a

person

in

Sandro

Pertini.

Since his

youth,

Pertini

had

been

an

ardent believer

of

Socialism and

in

1914

joined

that

party.

He

fought

in

World

War

I

and

then

in 1922

he suffered

the

first

of three

imprisonments

because

of his

opposition

to

the

Fascists.

During

his

third prison term he escaped and joined the partisan groups inMilano. He was one

of

the

founding

fathers of

modern

Italy.

At

age

72,

in 1968

he

was

elected

speaker

of

the

Chamber

of

Deputies.

During

his

Presidency

(1978-1985)

Pertini

has

never

ceased

to

recall

the

values

and sacrificies of

the

population

and the

partisan

groups

during

the last

world

conflict,

reminding

those

old

enough

to

remember,

and

teaching

the

youth

about the

past;

to

emphasize

the

good

in

life;

and

to

stray

from

evil

and

violence

which

inevitably

lead

to

destruction.

He

has been

justly

called the

President

most

loved

by

the Italians.19

To

follow

Pertini's

footsteps

undoubtedly

will be

an

added

responsibility

for

Cos

siga

but there is

general

agreement

in the

country20

that he is

capable

of the extra

burden.

Who

is

then the

eighth

President

of

Italy?

Francesco

Cossiga

is

not

a

new

name

in the

world

of Italian

politics,

but

can

not

be included

among

those

who

have

made,

shaped,

and

reshaped

the

Christian

Democratic

Party.

He

has been

however

directly

involved

in active

politics

since

his

elections

to

the

Chamber of

Deputies

in

May

1958. He

brings

to

the

Quirinale

(the

Italian

Presidential

Palace)

several

qualities

which should

enrich

the

office

and

help

him

in

one

of

the

most

critical

of

his

new

duties: the

representation

of

national

unity.21

His

education

as a

doctor

juris,

and

his

many

years

as

a

teacher of

constitutional

law will

in

fact

undoubtedly

guide

his

rela

tionship

with the other

organs

of the State: the

judiciary;

the

administrative;

and

the

legislative.

As

for

the other duties

mandated

to

him

by

article 87 and

article

88,

his

long

tenure

(until

1980)

in

the

House

of

Deputies,

and

since

recently

(1983)

in

the

Senate22

make

him

well

aware

of

the

workings

of the Italian

legislative

machine.

His

experience

of

government,

as

undersecretary

of

Defense;

Minister

of

Public

Ad

ministration;

Minister

of

Interior,

and

twice

Prime

Minister,

have

given

him

an

ap

preciation

of

the

responsibilities

and

difficulties

of

statesmenship

in

Italy.

While chairman







456

I

PRESIDENTIAL

STUDIES

QUARTERLY

office

that the President

of the

Christian Democratic

Party,

Aldo

Moro,

was

kidnapped

and

brutally

killed.

It

fell

upon

his

shoulders the burden

of

defending

the

State

and

to

rigorously

refuse

to

give

in

to

terroristic

demands

even

when

jeopardizing

the

life

of

a

dearest friend.

Cossiga

shocked the

nation,

as

well

as

gained

respect

and

admi

ration

from

the

people,

and the

politicians

when

upon

Moro's

death he

resigned

from

his

post

to

admit his

failure

to

defend

the State

and

its citizens.

Perhaps

Cossiga's

popularity

rises

from

the

tough

emergency

laws

he

enacted

against

terrorism. To

most

protesters

of

the 1970s

his

name

was

spelled

with

a

K

and

he

was

symbolized

as a

dictator.

In

his

inaugural

speech

on

July

3,

Cossiga

himself

declared with

some

pride,

in

a

joint

session of

Parliament,

plus

the

Regional Delegates,

the Diplomatic Corps, the media, and thus the nation, that those

were

years inwhich

the

State

itself

was

being

attacked,

and that

the

State did

not

succumb because of

those

laws.

To

the

American

public

he is

perhaps

known for the

politically

courageous

step

he

took

to

implement

the

cruise

missiles

on

Italian soil amidst

general opposition

from

all sides.

Among

the first

appointments

on

the

Presidential

calendar

there

was

a

visit

by

the Italian

Prime Minister

on

July

4,

for

the

presentation

of

the

resignations

of the

Cabinet.

These

are

called

courtesy

resignations

and

as

such

were

not

expected

to

open

a

crisis,

rather

they might

have

offered

the

opportunity

for

minor

changes

to

the

com

position of the government (just change a few names); The resignations were rejected

by

President

Cossiga,

and

two

ministers

were

changed although

the

party

allotment

within the Cabinet has remained the

same.

After

consultations

with

the

secretaries

of

all

parties

forming

the

governmental

coalition

(Socialist,

Christian

Democratic,

Social

Democratic, Liberal,

and

Republican),

Mr.

Craxi's

Cabinet

seems

well

underway

towards

a

successful

completion

of

the

five

year

term.

Since

Cossiga

was

the chairman

of the Senatorial

Assembly,

and

since

his

appointment

to

the

highest

magistrature

of

the

nation

left

a

vacancy

in

that

chamber,

among

the

other

politically

intense activi

ties

of this

Spring

and

Summer

there

was

also the election

of the President

of

the

Senate. The successful

approach

to the Presidential election has been emulated for this

chamber,

and

by

so

doing

it

has

begun

a

trend

in

Italian

politics.

Mr.

Amintore Fan

fani

(DC)

was

expected

to

be elected

to

the nation's

second

highest

position,

and

was

so on

July

9.

Furthermore the

government,

and the

leadership

of

those

parties

com

posing

it

had

yet

to

resolve local

administrative

coalition formuli

in

the

aftermath

of

the

May

elections.

Whatever

lies

ahead,

Italy

will withstand

the

pressure.

The

political

and

institu

tional

emergency

is

over,23

the

political

cadres

and the

citizenry

have

given

proof

of

unknown

maturity

and

capabilities.

Sandro

Pertini,

while

overstepping

his

powers

in

many

an

occasion,

and

by

so

doing

provoking

resentment in the

legislative

body,

also

helped

restore

the love and

respect

of

the

people

for

the

institutions.24 The

in

novative

procedures employed

at

this electoral

appointment,

the

compactness

among

the

grand

electors

(grandi elettori)

of

all

parties

and

Regional

delegates,

the

vote

of

all

with

exception

of

the Radical

(P.R.),

Demoproletarian

(D.P.),

and Social

Move

ment

(M.S.I.-D.N.)

exemplifies

a

unity

and

maturity

of

the

political

cadres which

deserves

praise,

and

instigates

hope

for

a

better

future.

Francesco

Cossiga,

a

strong







ELECTING

THE PRESIDENT:

ITALIAN

STYLE

|

457

TABLE 3

The

Grand

Electors

(Key

to

the

parties: Liga

Ven.

=

Venetian

League;

PS

D'A

=

Socialist

party

of

Action;

Un.

Vald.

=

Val

dAosta's

Union;

SVP

=

SouthTyroTs

Party;

DP

=

Demoproletarian

Party;

Sin.

Ind.

=

Independent

Left;

PCI

=

Communist

Party;

Verdi

=

The

Greens;

PR

=

Radical

Party;

PSI

=

Socialist

Party;

PSDI

=

Socialist

Democratic

Party;

PRI

=

Republican

Party;

PLI

=

Liberal

Party;

DC

=

Christian

Democratic;

MSI-DN

=

Social

Movement.

Table 3

is

taken

from

// Giornale di

Napoli

of June

24,

1985.

constitutionalist,

has the

potential

to

renew

the

equilibrium

between

the

branches

of

government,

and

to

lead the

nation

to

amore

responsible,

and

important

role

within

the

European

Community

and

in

the world

in

general.

Before

the 1983

general

elections

Italy

did

not

have those elements

of

a

civic

culture

required

by

Almond

and Verba's standards.25 With the elections

ofthat

year,

Italians

proved

to

have

reached

a

higher

level

of

political

participation

but

were

still

far from

satisfying

the

requirements

of

nationalism

and

respect

of

institutions.26

At

the conclusion of Sandro

Pertini's

tenure,

and

after

witnessing

Cossiga's

election

to

the

Presidency

of

this

nation,

it

can

be

affirmed

that Italians

now

have

a

realistic

ap

preciation

for the

institutions.

If

the

expectations

of

Cossiga's

tenure

of office

are

not

being misplaced,

nationalism

will

be

expressed

in

all

aspects

of life

and

not

only

at

sporting

events

and

during

crisis.

Notes

1.

de

Franciscis,

Maria

Elisabetta.

General Elections

1983 Italian

Quarterly.

Year

XXIV,

no

94

Fall

1983,

pages

65-75.

2. Constitution of the

Italian

Republic:

Article

87.

For

the

full

spectrum

of

the constitutional

man

dates

of

presidential

powers

and electoral

procedures

in

Italy

see

also Table

II

of the

text.

3.

Cossiga

was

elected

to

the

Presidency

with the

vote

of

76.8% of

the

grand

electors.

He

received

in

fact

seventy-eight

votes

more

than

required

by

the

Constitution.

4.

Just

to

name

a

few:

Kogan,

Norman.

A

Political

History of

Postwar

Italy.

New

York:

Praeger,

1966;

Kogan,

Norman.

Storia

Pol?tica

dellltalia

repubblicana.

Bari:

Editori

Laterza,

1982; Parisi,

Arturo

and

Pasquino,

Gianfranco.

Changes

in

Italian Electoral

Behavior: the

Relationship

Be

tween

Parties

and

Votes

in

Lange

Peter

and

Tarrow,

Sidney,

ed.

Italy

in Transition:

Conflict







458

j

PRESIDENTIAL

STUDIES

QUARTERLY

and

Consensus West

European

Politics.

October

1979,

pages

6-30;

Barnes,

Samuel.

Representation

in

Italy:

Institutionalized

Tradition andElectoralChoice.

Chicago:

University

of

Chicago

Press,

1977;

Parisi,

Arturo

and

Pasquino,

Gianfranco

(a

cura

di)

Continuit?

e

mutamento

elettorale

in

Italia.

Bologna:

Il

Mulino,

1977; Allum,

P.A.,

Italy.

Republic

without

Government?.

New York:

W.

W.

Norton

&

Company,

1973.

5. de

Franciscis,

Maria

Elisabetta,

op.

cit.

6. The Christian

Democratic

Party

received

32.9%

of the

vote,

the

Communist

Party

29.9%;

the

Socialist

Party

11.4%;

the Social

Movement

(Fascist)

6.8%

the

Social Democratic

Party,

4.1%;

the

Republican

Party

5.1%;

the Liberal

Party

2.9%,

and

all

the other

parties

(circa

ten)

all

to

gether

6.8%.

For

more

reading

on

electoral

behavior

see:

Barnes,

Samuel

H.

Representation

in

Italy:

Institutionalized

Tradition andElectoral Choice.

Chicago:

University

of

Chicago

Press,

1977;

and

Parisi,

Arturo

and

Pasquino,

Gianfranco

(a

cura

di)

Continuit?

e

mutamento

elettorale

in

Italia.

Bologna: IlMulino, 1977.

7. In

addition

to

the

just

mentioned books

(note

6)

also:

de

Franciscis,

Maria

Elisabetta. General

Elections

1983

Italian

Quarterly.

Fall

1983,

pages

65-75;

Parisi,

Arturo

and

Pasquino,

Gianfranco.

Changes

in

Italian Electoral

Behavior:

the

Relationship

Between

Parties

and

Votes in

Lange,

Peter

and

Tarrow,

Sidney,

ed

Italy

in

Transition:

Conflict and Consensus

West

European

Poli

tics. October

1979,

pages

6-30.

8.

In

a

Cabinet

of

30,

16

are

Christian

Democrats,

and

6

Socialist. The Christian

Democrats

cover

the

positions

of

Deputy

Prime

Minister;

Foreign

Affairs

Minister;

Interior

Minister;

Justice

Min

ister;

Treasury

Minister;

Education

Minister;

Agriculture

Minister;

Postal

and Telecommunica

tions

Minister;

Merchant

Marine

Minister;

Public

Investments

Minister;

Health

Minister;

Cul

turalWealth

Minister;

Public

Functions

Minister;

Civil

Protection

Minister;

Scientific

Research

Minister;

and

Budget

for the

Mezzogiorno

Minister.

The

Socialists,

on

the

other

hand,

in

addi

tion

to

the

Prime

Ministry

have the

following

posts:

Transportation;

Labor;

Foreign

Trade,

Tourism

and

Theatre,

and

Community

Relations.

9.

de

Franciscis,

Maria

Elisabetta.

op.

cit.

page

68;

and

II

Mattino,

Il

Corriere

d?lia

Sera,

Il

Pop?lo,

La

Stampa,

and

//

Giornale

for

the

period July 12-July

21,

1983.

10.

de

Franciscis,

Maria

Elizabetta.

op.

cit.

11.

On

June

24

II

Giornale

di

Napoli

was

published

with

the

following

headline:

Si

della

DC

a

Cos

siga.

II conclave

dei

grandi

elettori

democristiani

ha

ufficialmente

designato

il

Presidente del

Senato.

Anche

i

capi

storici

del

partito

si

son?

dichiarati

disposti

a

sostenerlo.

(Yes

of the

DC

to

Cossiga.

The

conclave

of the Christian Democratic

grand

electors

has

officially

nominated the

President

of the Senate. Even the historical leaders of the party have demonstrated their willingness to sup

port

him).

Most

other

newspapers

were

published

with

similar

headlines.

12. The administrative Elections

were

held

on

May

1,

1985.

13. The

consultation

on

whether

to

change

this

course

was

held

on

June

9-10,

1985 and

45.7%

of

the electorate

voted

against

the

governmental

platform

but

53.3%

were

willing

to

sacrifice

now

for

a

better

tomorrow.

14.

Among

the

parties

included

in

the consultation

process

was

the

Communist

Party

and

among

those

excluded,

the

Fascist

one

which

has

been banned

in

Italy

in

the

post-war

period;

(See

disposi

tions

to

the

Constitution,

XII.I).

15.

Il

Mattino,

June

25,

1985

La vittoria

di

De Mita

(De

Mita's

Victory);

and,

on

the

same

day,

same

newspaper

D-Day

a

Montecitorio. Un

coro,

qualcosa

?

davvero

cambiata

ora

(D-Day

in

Parliament.

It

is

unanimous,

something

has

truly

changed);

Avanti,

June

25,

1985 Un'intesa

raggiunta

nella chiarezza

(An

understanding

reached

in

plain

daylight);

Il

Manifesto,

Cossiga,

Pax Democristiana

(Cossiga,

Christian

Democratic

Peace);

Avvenire,

Pieno

successo

dell'inizi

ativa

di

Cir?aco

De Mita

(Complete

success

for Cir?aco De Mita's

initiative);

II

Corriere

della

Sera,

Trionfo della

nuova

strategia

DC

(The

new

Christian Democratic

strategy:

Triumphant);

Napoli

Nottey

Ore

17:52

De Mita

ha

Vinto

(At

5:52

pm

(time

of

Cossiga's

election)

De

Mita

has

won);

and

again

II

Manifesto,

Allori

per

la

DC

(Honors

and

congratulations

to

the

Christian

Democrats).







ELECTING

THE

PRESIDENT:

ITALIAN

STYLE

|

459

16.

L'Unit?

(the

P.C.I, official

newspaper)

of

June

25,

1985

was

releasedwith

the

following

headline:

Cossiga

subito

eletto,

prevale

Pin

tesa

delle

forze

costituzionali

. . .

Novit?

e

portata

politico

istituzionale

(Cossiga

was

immediately

elected;

prevails

the

understanding

among

the

constitu

tional

forces

. .

.

Novelty

and

importance

for

the

institutions and

politics);

and then

on

page

2: Natta

Perch?

dico

si

a

Cossiga ;

(Natta:

(The

Communist

party

secretary)

Why

do

I

say

Yes

to

Cossiga. ;

Avvenire,

page

3,

Un'ampia

in

tesa

dei

partiti

(A

large

understanding

of all

parties);

II

Giorno,

Un

miracolo che

rafforza

i

cinque partiti

della

coalizione

ma

inserisce anche

il

PCI

nel

grande dialogo

politico

(A

miracle

which,

while

reinforcing

the

coalition

of five

in

cludes the

Communists

in

the

vast

political dialogue).

17.

Il

Manifesto (daily

Communist

newpaper)

of

June

25,

1985

Spine

per

il

PCI.

Rassegnati

i

Com

munisti

pensano

di

aver

parato

il

terzo

colpo

(More

pain

for

the PCI. With

resignation

the

Com

munists think

to

have

avoided

the

third

failure);

//

Corriere

delta

Sera,

of

June

23,

1985

La

ques

tione Comunista: La duplice sconfitta

...

ha avviato alPinterno del PCI

un

processo di revisione

e

autocr?tica

(The

Communist

Question:

Twice defeated

...

a

process

of

revision

and self

cri

tique

has

now

started within

the

party).

18.

For

more

of the

history

of

Italy,

and

the

role

played

by

each

President read:

Kogan,

Norman.

Storia

pol?tica

dell'Italia

repubblicana.

Bari: Laterza

Editori,

1982.

19.

Gerosa,

Guido,

(a

cura

di)

Historia,

supplement

to

the

May-June

1985

issue. In

addition

to

the

following

newspaper

articles:

II

Giornale

di

Napoli,

June

24,1985 Pertini,

il

presidente

che

piaceva

alla

gente

(Pertini,

the President liked

by

the

people);

Avanti,

June

25,

1985

Pertini,

il Presidente

pi?

amato

dagli

Italiani

(Perini,

the

most

loved

President

by

the

Italians).

20.

This

was

such

an

overwhelming feeling

that it

is

impossible

to

select

one

headline.

You

may

choose

any

newspaper

for the

period

of

June

23-July

8,

1985.

21. Italian Constitution, Article 87. See also Table II.

22. He

was

elected

chairman of

that

Chamber

immediately

after

the

general

elections

of

1983,

with

280

votes

out

of

315.

The

youngest

and

most

voted chairman

in

the

history

of

the

Senate.

The

chairmanship

position

also

entails the

vice-presidency

of the

country,

as

per

article

86

of the

Con

stitution.

23.

Also

read,

Avvenire,

June

30,

1985

Quirinale

austero

e

discreto

(Discreet

and somber

Quirinale),

by

Guido

Bossa.

24.

Read

also,

Panorama,

July

14,1985,

pages

42-44: Antonio

Maccanico,

Sua

efficienza

il

Segretario

(Antonio

Maccanio,

his

efficency,

the

secretary).

The

article

itself

focuses

on

Maccanico who

was

the

general

secretary

for President

Pertini,

and

has

now

been

reappointed

by

Cossiga.

First

time

ever

such

a

post

is

covered

by

the

same

person

in

two

subsequent

terms.

The

renewed

love

for

institutions

of the Italian

people

is

very

clearly brought

up

in

this

article,

and

Maccanico

attributes

it

to

Pertini's actions.

25.

Almond,

Gabriel,

and

Verba,

Sidney.

The

Civic

Culture.

Political

Attitudes

and

Democracy

in

Five

Nations.

Princeton,

1966.

26. de

Franciscis,

Maria

Elisabetta.

op.

cit.

electing the president: italian style (1986)

Documents