education, conflict and development: the case of northern kenya
TRANSCRIPT
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Education, Conflict and Development: The Case of Northern Kenya
Masters of Arts in Education and International Development.
Ali Yussuf Abdi
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of
Masters of Arts (MA) in Education and International Development.
Institute of Education, University of London
December 4, 2012
Word Count: 19,883
This dissertation may be made available to the general public for borrowing,
photocopying, or consultation without prior consent of the author.
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Abstract
This research traces the root causes of retrogressive development in Northern
Kenya. It works from an education, conflicts and development perspective,
critically examining and interrogating historical injustices and the politics of
marginalisation in Northern Kenya through the ‘prism’ of the Shifta War. The
research also explores inter-ethnic conflicts, climatic conditions, theories of
poverty and examining how they have undermined education and hampered
development in Northern Kenya. Using the historical method the study attempts
to establish relationships between previous and current GoK’s education
policies and that of the British Colonial regime in Kenya. It evaluates how their
policies have contributed to the underdevelopment of Northern Kenya and
attempts to establish how education can be used as a vehicle for social and
economic development for the people of this region.
The research uses Human Capital Theory (HCT) to assess the relationship
between education and development. We find that there is a positive
relationship between education, conflict, poverty and development but the
applicability of HCT to the pastoral economy requires serious revision. The
study also finds that British Colonial State, politically and economically
marginalised the people of the Northern Kenya; that the subsequent Kenyatta
government used the pretext of ‘Shifta War’ to force social change and that
Moi’s government did little to enhance development in the Northern region. This
study reveals that education and power mutually imply each other. Hence
regions affiliated to the ruling elite are more developed as having benefitted
from a different access to education and subsequently a differential access to
power. It shows the curriculum and language of instruction is incongruent to the
needs of the Northern pastoralists and that the quality of citizenship is affected
by location. Northern Kenya still faces major development challenges but
Kenya’s new political dispensation promises a better prospect for the people of
North East Kenya. The research concludes by proposing the use an inclusive
education triangle.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
In bringing this study to fruition, many individuals have contributed, and I
express my gratitude to them all. Foremost, I owe an intellectual debt to my
Supervisor Mr. Chris Yates, for his meticulous professionalism in supervising
me. I valued his insightful theoretical and methodological guidance, coupled with
prompt follow-up comments, which I unvaryingly received throughout my study
period. His consistency and constructive criticism have been invaluable to me in
bringing this study to completion.
The Bsix Brooke House College is duly thanked for part funding my study. I
thank the Principal, Mr. Ken Warman, Deputy Principal Mr. Philip Elliot and
Claire Crooks (HR) for their overwhelming support.
I am solemnly thankful to the Head of the Department, for Mathematics, Science
and Computing Mr. Rauf Mann. Deputy Head of Mathematics Natalya Silcott
and Jon Ishaque (Data Quality Manager)
My heartfelt appreciation is also due to friends and colleagues for their kind
support and solidarity during my study. I thank Hamza Ahmed, Abdikafi
Nuur,Ahmad Mehrmand,Yasar Mughal, Pooja Kolas, Altan Saleh and Lois
Lovell for proof reading my work
Finally, I thank my family for their love, patience, understanding and moral
Support. My wife, Hakima Ali Abdi, deserves a special vote of thanks for her
contribution towards the realisation of this study. She gave me consistent
diligently handled family matters, including raising of our little ones, Ikran,
Irshaad and Imaan. Thank You Ikran (My daughter), Irshaad (My Son) and
Imaan (My daughter) all of you have been an inspirational to me. Your support
and smiles have motivated me to work even harder. And anyone else that i
missed out who deserved a mention.
Thank You All.
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Acronyms
ASALs Arid and Semi-Arid Lands
CDF Constituency Development Fund
CPRC Chronic Poverty Research Center
EFA Education for All
FAWE Forum for African Women Educationalists
GER Gross Enrolment Rate
GMR Global Monitoring Report
GoK Government of Kenya
HCT Human Capital Theory
IMF International Monetary Fund
IOEA Institute of Economic Affairs
KANU Kenya African National Union
KCPE Kenya Certificate of Primary Education
KCSE Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education
KESSP Kenya Education Sector Support Programme
KHRC Kenya Human Rights Commission
KIE Kenya Institute of Education
KNEC Kenya National Examination Council
LATF Local Authority Transfer Fund
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MoE Ministry of Education
MSDNK The Ministry of State for Development of Northern Kenya
NARC National Alliance of Rainbow Coalition
NEP North Eastern Province
NER Net Enrolment Rate
NFD Northern Frontier Districts
NPPPP Northern Province People’s Progressive Party
SE Secondary Education
SID Society of International Development
UNDP United Nation Development Programme
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation
WB World Bank
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Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction 1. Study background ................................................. 8
1.1. Problem Formulation ................................................................................ 8
1.1.2. Disparities in schooling .......................................................................... 9
1.2 .Theoretical Framework ........................................................................... 10
1.3. Aims of the study .................................................................................... 10
1.4 Research Questions ................................................................................ 11
1.5 Outline of the thesis ................................................................................. 12
1.6. Problem Analysis: North Eastern Versus “Down Kenya”. ....................... 13
Chapter 2: Historical Review ............................................................................. 17
2. Background- How we got there? ............................................................... 17
2.1. The historical path of marginalisation of Northern Kenya ....................... 19
2.2. The Continuation of historical colonial marginalisation and the start of the
conflict era ..................................................................................................... 22
2.3. Kenya and its Northern Citizens ............................................................. 23
2.4. Historical Educational policy analysis and Development of Northern
Kenya: 1963-2003 ......................................................................................... 25
2.5. New Beginnings for Northern Kenya: the Era of Education for All
(EFA):1990-2003 ........................................................................................... 28
Chapter 3: Methodology .................................................................................... 30
3.1. Research Design: Historical Approach .................................................. 30
3.2 Method and strategies ............................................................................. 32
3.3 Sources of Historical analysis .................................................................. 32
3.4 Triangulation strategy .............................................................................. 32
3.5 Locating and interacting with the literature .............................................. 33
3.6 Ethical issues .......................................................................................... 35
3.7 Limitations and challenges ...................................................................... 36
Chapter 4: Theories of Education, Conflict and Poverty ................................... 37
4.0. Education and Pastoral Livelihood in Northern Kenya ........................... 37
4.1. Historical Overview and the trajectory of Poverty in Kenya .................... 37
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4.2. Conceptions, Causes and Measures ...................................................... 38
4.3. What are the root of the causes poverty in Northern Kenya? ................. 41
4.4. Education and Conflict ........................................................................... 43
4.5. Education and Poverty ........................................................................... 44
Chapter 5: Analysis -The Role of Education in enhancing Development in
Northern Kenya: ................................................................................................ 46
5.0. The role of education in the development NEP in the context of the new
Constitution of Kenya: Does inequality in education lead to a more unequal
income distribution? ...................................................................................... 47
5.1. Situation analysis of Northern Kenya Using Human Capital Theory (HCT)
...................................................................................................................... 48
5.1.2. The relationship between education and development in Northern
Kenya ............................................................................................................ 54
5.2. Education, Citizenship and Social Justice in Kenya ............................... 61
5.2.1. Historical perspective on Citizenship in Kenya .................................... 63
5.3. Climatic condition and inter-ethnic conflicts ............................................ 65
5.3.1. The genesis of conflict in Northern Kenya and the crisis of ethnic
nationalism .................................................................................................... 66
5.4. Education and Power ............................................................................. 69
5.4.1. Curriculum and Power ......................................................................... 71
5.4.2. Language and Power .......................................................................... 74
Chapter 6: Conclusion and Recommendations ................................................. 78
6.1. Recommendations ................................................................................. 81
References........................................................................................................ 82
Appendices ..................................................................................................... 105
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Chapter 1: Introduction
1. Study background
The aim of this study is to critically evaluate and identify the root causes of
marginalisation in Northern Kenya. The purpose of this chapter is to outline the
concept on which the study is based, in terms of the current situation of the
nomads who occupy N E Kenya and in other Arid and Semi-Arid Lands (ASALs)
communities, with regard to education provision and its development. This
section explores the existing body of literature written for and about the people
of Northern Kenya. This is in attempt to problematise and understand fully the
current status quo in terms of education provision and development in Northern
Kenya. All districts of the North Eastern Province (NEP) have been placed in
category ‘A’ with severe climatic conditions (85-100% arid) and bout 62%
ASAL,receiving 200-550mm of annual rainfall. This is too little to sustain rain-fed
agricultural farming (Ruto et. al., 2010).The climate is dry with sporadic flash
rainfall that usually abets soil erosion. The arid districts are rocky with sparse
vegetations mainly comprised of thorn bushes.
The ASALs constitute 84% of the land mass in Kenya.The area is home to 20-
30% of the total Kenya’s population which would translate to around 8.75 million
people.The region also accounts for nearly half of the country’s livestock
population (Abdi, 2010,Oxfam 2006,Ruto et al., 2009, GoK 2007,GoK 2006,
Mwaniki et al. 2007) The degree of aridity mixed with demographic structures;
determine the economic mainstay of these lands, which is nomadic pastoralism.
1.1. Problem Formulation
This dissertation seeks to establish the connections between education, conflict
and development in NEP. It is generally assumed that, education equips people
with the capacities to make informed choices about their lives and to make a
positive contribution to society. Education therefore facilitates the realisation of
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other rights, provides an exist out of poverty, and reinforces social cohesion and
integration. Furthermore, it is assumed that educated women can better
challenge social norms and invest in the health and welfare of their families and
thereby hugely contribute to the education of the next generation.Education and
schooling have long historical associations with emancipation and equality
(Goodley, 2001).
That is to say through massification and the opening up of education to all,
schooling is linked to progressive forms in a society. Education is central to a
modern society and knowledge economy (as denoted by growth of primary and
secondary schools in Kenya- see table 5 in Appendix A). However, the history of
Kenya’s Northern Province is one of longstanding neglect and discrimination at
the hands of successive authorities (Kenya Human Rights Watch, 2009). The
Human Rights report links this historical marginalisation to the British colonial
authorities in Nairobi. It explains how subsequent Kenyan Governments have
continued to extend the policies of their colonial masters. In December 1963,
the Kenyatta Government imposed a state of emergency on the people of NEP
and this lasted for 28 Years, until 1991.
1.1.2. Disparities in schooling
Since Kenya’s independence in 1963 districts situated in arid Kenya have
continued to exhibit extensively lower access, participation, achievement and
completion rates (Sifuna, 2005). GoK (1999) EFA assessment report shows
how GoK failed to meet most of the Jomtien goals. The report notes how about
11% of school aged children (6-13) were out of school and it was more
pronounced in ASALs areas. An analysis conducted in Northern Kenya, to map
schooling levels of all persons aged six and above indicates that only 32.3% in
NEP have ever enrolled in school against a national average of 76.8%. In
Central Province for example 92 per cent of the population has attended school.
Worse still only 0.5% of Women in NEP have attended secondary schools
against a national average of 8.7 per cent. (Ruto et al, 2010, Dadacha, 2009 for
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more detail see tables1, 2 3, 8, in Appendix A). Further, the biggest increase in
poverty level in Kenya is in North Eastern Province with a poverty index of
50.5% (Achoka et. al, 2007).
MoE (2007) report shows the existence of gross regional and gender disparities,
for instance enrolment in Rift Valley constituted 22.5% of the total enrolment
followed by Central Province 18.9% but the NEP enrolled the lowest number of
students both in public and private secondary schools. Furthermore, Rift Valley
Province recorded the highest number of public secondary schools at 1,178,
followed by Eastern (1,111) and Nyanza (1,083).NEP recorded the lowest
number of public schools with only 44 schools. Rift Valley also registered the
highest number of private secondary schools with 376, while North Eastern
registered only 13. The average primary school NERs for NEP was merely
13.4% which was lowest in the whole country (Figure 5 and 6 in Appendix B).
1.2 .Theoretical Framework
The study works from an education, conflict and development perspective.
Recent work in the areas by educationists includes- Davies ‘Education and
Conflict: complexity and chaos’ (2004), Tony Gallagher ‘Education in divided
societies (2004) and The World Bank’s 2005 ‘Reshaping the future: Education
and post conflict reconstruction’ is of huge relevance here. However, it is
worthwhile to note that this research explores conflicts through the lens of the
Shifta War’ and the impact this internal civil war had on the people of Northern
Kenya.
1.3. Aims of the study
The study further investigates inter-ethnic conflicts and considers how and in
what ways they have undermined education and hampered development in the
Northern Frontier Districts (NFD) of Kenya. The study also attempts to establish
relationships between previous and current GoK education policies (1963-2012)
and that of the British Colonial administration in Kenya (1895-1963) and
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examines how these policies have affected and continue to have drastic social,
economic and political implications for pastoral communities in Northern Kenya.
Although each conflict in African countries is unique with no uniform
configuration or combination of forces, the overall causes and effects of conflicts
often exhibit common patterns. Among which are:-conflicts over control of
natural resources; historical heritage; farmer –grazer issues and conflicts
caused by politics often instigated by elites (Collier, 2003, Paulson, 2011).
Conflict is endemic among pastoral communities in Northern Kenya (Mwaura,
2005, Mwaniki et al., 2007).This is often because of frequently occurring
droughts, disputes over pasture and water or cattle rustling activities. Hence the
study examines and evaluates how these conflicts undermine the development
of Northern Kenya. “Education is culturally embedded, but as far as formal
education and much of non-formal education are concerned, politically
delivered” (Paulson: 2011:19). Paulson asserts that there is a wide –ranging
relationship between education and conflict which involves politics, the political
being by the far the most important in the range factors that determine
educational experience.
1.4 Research Questions
In order to understand the history behind marginalisation and inequality fully,
the study interrogates historical injustices and the politics of marginalisation,
deprivation in Northern Kenya. The study will attempt to establish answers to
the following question: - How can education be used as a vehicle for social and
economic development for the people of Northern Kenya? In addition this
dissertation attempts to provide a deeper understanding of how far under
development in Northern Kenya is due to a colonial legacy and the inherited
imbalances of formal education from colonial governments, or, simply the
irrelevance of the national curriculum. Many scholars have written about this
topic but deficiencies in the literature still exist. My study examines new or
different evidence to correct these shortcomings.
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1.5 Outline of the thesis
The research thesis is organised into five chapters. Chapter one is the
introduction which sets the scene and handles the problem formulation. It raises
the question of marginalisation and deprivation in Northern Kenya. Chapter one
compares and contrasts the education provision in Northern Kenya vis a vis
other parts of Kenya - often referred to as the ‘high potential areas’. This chapter
considers various data sets produced by both government and multilateral
organisations. Chapter 2 offers a historical review of Northern Kenya and
attempts to situate the present status quo in relation to its past.
The chapter traces the path of marginalisation. Looking at the past, the chapter
uses a pre and post-colonial time frame in order to understand the background
to the current situation. Chapter 3 is the methodology chapter and this chapter
outlines how the research has been conducted, taking into account ethical and
legal issues and as well possible limitations and challenges to the research.
Chapter 4 uses Theories of education, conflict and poverty and attempts to
establish potential connections and relationships between them. Chapter 5
analyses the development situation in Northern Province using the Human
Capital Theory (HCT), Education Citizenship and social justice, Climatic
conditions and inter-ethnic conflicts and finally Education and Power. The study
culminates by offering a conclusion and recommendations. In order to
understand the situation in Northern Kenya the next section interrogates
historical injustices and the politics of marginalisation
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1.6. Problem Analysis: North Eastern Versus “Down Kenya”.
When I took over the leadership of this country, I pledged to commit more resources for the development of the
Arid and Semi-Arid areas of our country which have in the past suffered neglect due to inadequate resources
provisions and poor infrastructure and therefore created a new ministry for the development of Northern Kenya
and other arid lands in order to focus on and address the unique challenges facing these areas, President Mwai
Kibaki April, 2008:5
The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), the African Charter on the
Rights and Welfare of the Child (1999), and the Millennium Declaration (2000)
all obliged their signatories to realise the right of every child to education, an
obligation which Kenya has domesticated in the 2001 Children’s Act.
Historical injustices and marginalisation has worsened the exclusion of the NEP.
As President Kibaki states (above) the region has been neglected in resource
allocation, infrastructural development, political voice and representations,
causing the residents of this region to sit dangerously on the edge of
statelessness.
There is no doubt that education plays a fundamental role in promoting
interpersonal cooperation and understanding and potentially reinforces social
cohesion, however, the work of Seitz(2004) argues that the negative influence
of educational structures and processes on societal conflict situations has
recently been acknowledged. Seitz claims that education institutions are shaped
to considerable degree by structural violence. It is reasonable to argue that the
formal education system contributed to exacerbating and escalating social
conflict in Kenya, particularly in the North when it (re)produces socio-economic
disparities and brings about social marginalisation or compartmentalisation.
Dadacha (2009) claims that the glaring underdevelopment and widespread
poverty in northern Kenya was a result of the policies of both the colonial and
post-colonial governments. The expansion of colonial administration in Kenya
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had tremendous impact on the social, economic, political fabric of the Northern
communities (Mahmoud, 2009). Theories of underdevelopment suggest there
are causal relationships between societies, that is to say one society’s
development can be seen as the cause of another society’s underdevelopment.
This is particularly relevant when one compares the underdelopment in Northern
Kenya to other “High potential areas”. According to William Roseberry in
Mahmoud, (2009) social relations that characterise one period continue to carry
social, economic and political weight in a subsequent period. For the Somalis in
Northern Kenya, the experience of the colonial and post-colonial era and their
current relationships with the Kenyan state do not appear to have undergone
significant shifts as the old and new periods seem to possess more or less
similar characteristics. The examination of the historiography of Somalis in
Northern Kenya is crucial to understanding the group’s achievements in terms of
education and development.
Education is an economic good because is not easily obtainable and thus needs
to be apportioned. Education is regarded by economists as both a consumer
and capital good, as it offers utility to a consumer, whiles also serves as input
into production of other goods and services. (Olanyin and Okemakinde 2008 ).
The focus on education as a capital relates to the concept of human capital
theory, which emphasises that the development of skills is a crucial factor in
production activities. Kenya therefore sees education as a capital good and
believes that education can be used to develop human resources necessary for
economic and social transformation (c.f. Vision, 2030). Consistent efforts have
been made by GoK to address issues of access, equity, equality and relevance
of curriculum and education in general.
At the national level, various Commissions of Education have been periodically
set up to review education provision in Kenya. The government also propelled
other interventions such as Free Primary Education (FPE), introduced a tuition
waiver for secondary schools to enhance access.
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The Kenya Ministry of Education continues to receive the highest allotment of
the recurrent expenditure, however, despite all these strenuous efforts, the
Kenyan education sector is still beset with challenges and these challenges
remain chronic in Northern Kenya. It is reasonable to argue that the underlying
root cause of unequal access to education is the patron-client relationship
between the ethnic group of the ruling elite and the government that prevails in
Kenya. Political and economic power and wealth associated with it is highly
skewed to the ethnic group, whose exclusionary practices created marked
inequalities in access to resources. This study argues that the ruling ethnic
group from ‘high productive areas’ uses the resources of the state for the benefit
of its own ethnic community and its allies and this would be reflected in the
educational development pattern.
“The defining future of Northern Kenya is its separation from the rest of the
country” (MSDNK, 2009:5). The districts to the North of Kenya are grossly
underdeveloped (Arero, 2005). Arero observes that, the roads, healthcare
systems, schools and other infrastructures developed and enjoyed in the tea
and coffee producing zones, did not reach the northern region. Although Kenya
made significant progress with the expansion of access to education,
particularly at lower levels since independence in 1963, growth in the Northern
region has not kept pace with other parts of Kenya and in some areas there is
retrograde development. It is deeply disturbing that the region remains the low
on the government development agenda. The proof is within Kenya itself, where
almost all high and middle income earners are from regions of high education
index.
There is substantial evidence to suggest that this separation has it its roots deep
in Kenya’s past, in the initial creation of the Northern Frontier District by the
British colonial regime (Branch, 2011).The disparities are a product of conscious
public policy choices taken in Kenya’s past. (Kinyanjui, 1974, Alwy and Schech,
2004). Kinyanjui’s 1974 study revealed significant disparities between provinces
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and the districts. However, the outcome of the study went un explained (Alwy
and Schech, 2004).
Until recently the redistribution of investment in Kenya highly favoured the so
called high potential areas as heralded in Session Paper No. 10 of 1965, ‘have
abundant natural resources, good land and rainfall, transport and power
facilities, and people receptive and active in development’ (Republic Kenya,
1965). However, Vision 2030 anticipates and imagines a future which is a polar
opposite, where hopes and dreams of all Kenyans can be realised regardless of
ethnic or geographical background.
The Vision 2030 offers a chance to change the course of history. The call and
dream for a more just, equitable and prosperous nation set out in Kenya’s Vision
2030 is promising to the people of Northern Kenya.The vision acknowledges the
special circumstances of historically marginalised communities and its medium
term plans places emphasis on reducing poverty, inequality and re-balancing
regional development.(WDE, 2007,GoK, 2007). In addition, the 2010
Constitution of Kenya has addressed many of the governance problems
experienced in Kenya, since independence and created new structures that will
make government more accountable and transparent and together with the
optimism of a new constitution provide Kenyans with a renewed and
rejuvenated sense of “rebirth” and a new beginning for the country (Kivuva,
2010).
According to GoK (2007) Education statistics, the national net enrolment rate
(NER) increased from 31.0% in 2003, to 42.1% in 2007 (see Table 1- in
Appendix A). Nairobi Province recorded the highest NER of 63.5% followed by
Rift Valley (48.8%) and Coast Province (43.5%). The lowest NER was
registered in North Eastern Province at 11.9% in 2007. Furthermore, Northern
Eastern recorded the highest pupil teacher ratio of 38.1, while Nairobi and
Central Provinces registered at 13:1 and 21:1 respectively (see Table 2 in
Appendix A). Worse still 93% of the population in NE is illiterate Kerrow (in
Arero, 2005).Kerrow adds that‘…the GER in the province’s 210 primary schools
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stood at 22 % in 2003, compared to the national average of 103%. For girls it
was just below16% (see tables, 8, 9 10 and 11 in Appendix A).
Despite believing in education as an equaliser, Kenya still is one of the most
unequal countries in the world. The Gini coefficient for Kenya is between 48-70,
which indicates high levels of inequality (SID, 2010). The highest concentration
of income is held by highest earners and thus 10% of the population control
35% of the income (Unterhalter et. al., 2010). Furthermore, SID (2004) report
states that 10% of the households control 42% of total income at the expense of
the bottom 10% who control less than 1%. This uneven distribution of resources
has presumably impeded access to quality of education in the NEP. Kenya’s
educational system was seen by donors as one with patent gender, ethnic and
geographical inequalities. Thus aid education reduction to Kenya during the
1990s. In attempt to understand the root cause of underdevelopment in
Northern Kenya, the next chapter undertakes a historical literature review.
Chapter 2: Historical Review
2. Background- How we got there?
If it were possible to detach the districts inhabited by Somalis it would be an excellent thing to form them into a
separate government. Charles Elliot (1902) The British Commissioner for East African Protectorate.
Van Sertima (1991) writing on the colonization of Africa, points out that no
disaster (except the biblical flood) can equal in dimension of its destructiveness,
the cataclysm that shook Africa. From an educational and social development
viewpoint, we now know that with the arrival of colonialism came the imposition
of an European world view (Rodney, 1982, Nyerere, 1968, Achebe 1958).
Abdi(2005) posits that European colonizers deliberately distorted traditional
projects of education already in place.
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Kenya’s administrative units were created along ethnic boundaries by the British
colonial administration and they illustrate Kenya’s present ethnography (Alwy
and Schech, 2004). The British divided Kenyan territory into eight provinces
often along ethnic groups and subgroups, for example, the nomadic Somalis in
North Eastern province (see figure 2-appendix B). The post-colonial government
further consolidated this ethno-political structure by aligning the parliamentary
constituencies with ethnic boundaries, which have remained the style of Kenyan
politics and provisional administration.Northern Kenya comprises of the
Northern Frontier Districts (NFD) of Wajir, Mandera, Ijara, Garissa, Isiolo,
Moyale and Marsabit (Hassan,2008, Mahmoud 2009). Most of the inhabitants of
this region are ethnic Somalis, Borana and others allied to them such as Burji
and Konso.
In Kenya, ethnic groups are clustered together so much so that regions in
Kenya are ethically distinct. In Kenya, ethnicity is the fulcrum of the
administrative boundaries, constituencies and development pattern (Oucho
2002). In pre-colonial Kenya, pastoral communities traversed vast tracts of land
at well-defined intervals (GoK 2004). The unoccupied traditional lands were later
seized by the colonial government. The colonial administrations were
unsympathetic towards pastoral communities, believing that they were wasteful
of land and were not as industrious as agrarian communities (GoK, 2004).
The European colonization of Kenya begun immediately after the Berlin
Conference of 1884-5, when in 1895, the whole of present day Kenya was
declared Protectorate of British East Africa (Syaaga, 2006, Boye et.al, 2011). In
the southern highlands of Kenya colonization was accompanied by large scale
disposition of lands belonging to the native Africa population (Boye et.al, 2011).
The creation of the Northern Frontier Districts- as part of British Protectorate in
1909 was in response to the ongoing southward expansion of the Abbysian
Empire in a region subject to a rival imperial ambition (Boye et. Al, 2011, Hogg,
1986).
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Schlee (2009) posits that in Northern Kenya, territorialised ethnicity and thereby
ethnic territoriality, have emerged in their present form in the colonial period and
have been greatly politicised since. Over the past three decades, East African
pastoralists have faced large challenges to their economies and traditional ways
of life (Fratkin, 2001). In the more arid regions of Northern Kenya, Northern
Uganda and Southern Ethiopia pastoral communities have faced problems of
drought and famine coupled with ethnic conflict and political insecurities(Fratkin,
2001, Schlee, 2009),all exacerbated by population growth and increased for
competition for range land and water resources.
Waller (1985) reveals that pastoralists politically dominated their agricultural
neighbors’ in the nineteenth century. Waller states that this situation was
reversed both during colonial and post-independence rule when African
governments led by peoples from more populous agricultural communities who
were often hostile to the pastoralist concerns, For example Menelik (II) in
Ethiopia led campaigns against the nomadic Somali peoples and Boran
communities, appropriating their lands and asserting political domination.
2.1. The historical path of marginalisation of Northern Kenya
Historically the people of Northern Eastern Province had a lot more in common;
(in terms of religion, language, customs and nomadic way of life) with other
Somali regions under Italian, British and French occupation than they did with
the rest of Kenyans (Drysdale, 1964, Oyugi, 2000, Biwott, 1992).To understand
the trajectory of development in the NEP of Kenya, it is vital to revisit the
colonial policies and settlement patterns and to understand how this contributed
to the alienation of Northern Kenya. The infrastructural and educational
development inherited at independence was closely linked with European
patterns of settlement (Ngome, 2005).
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Formal education was introduced to the people of Kenya by European
missionaries as a strategy for evangelical success. Subsequently, the
missionaries dominated the provision and administration of education
throughout the colonial period. (Eshiwani 1985). Evidently some of large
institutions and prestigious National Secondary Schools in Kenya today were
initially established by missionaries.
The marginalisation of Northern region could be argued to have commenced
with the hiving off of the NFD which constituted the bulk of Northern Kenya. This
was followed by the establishment of separate laws, the Shifta War (1963-1967)
and the discriminatory development policies thereafter. The attitude of the
colonial regime that trickled down in post independent policy formation was to
focus on sedentarisation and the socialising of nomadic pastoralists with strong
emphasis towards crop farming (GoK, 2006).
The creation of a Somali Republic still left outside those Somali Nationals living
in French Somaliland, in the contiguous and hotly disputed eastern region of
Ethiopia and in the NFD of Kenya. In the 1960 the NFD was the most isolated
and the most backward portion of Kenya (Lewis, 2002).Kenya’s legislation
explicitly restricted Ethnic Somalis from participating in the political process until
1960 (Lewis,2002). The gradual lifting of the ban on political organisations in
1960, relaxation of special restrictions in the districts and prompt mobilization of
Somali nationalist support behind the Northern Province peoples’ party heralded
a new era.
Throughout much of the 20th century Northern Kenya was a part of British East
Africa .In 1896 a decision was made by the British Colonial Office in London to
turn NFD into a prohibited area (Wyk, 2006, p.5). Eventually from 1926-1934,
the NFD was closed by British colonial authorities and movement in and out of
the district was only possible through the use of passes. The only ones allowed
into the area were carefully selected District Officers and the southern influx of
Northern Tribes was declared illegal and livestock were barred from southern
markets. The outlaying District Ordinance was evoked in 1926 and special
21
powers awarded to Provincial Commissioner (PC), under special administration
ordinance to define grazing boundaries. This was an effort to reduce conflict
over resources which had a lasting effect on the development of NFD.
Under the Colonial government, NFD was delineated as a buffer zone
between the fertile Kenya Highlands and Abyssinian plateau; placing it
between the lucrative farmland and Italian invasion. Thus, the British
colonial authority used the NFD as a buffer against the hostile neighbours- an
expansionist Ethiopian Empire to the North and unstable Jubaland to the east.
The aridity, the difficulty of terrain, the porous border and the ‘warlike groups” of
the North perhaps made the region unattractive and unfavourable to the British
(Arero, 2005).
Although the British knew that the NFD, was a Somali Territory, in order not to
jeopardize the British interest in Kenya it decided to give the territory to Kenya
(Omar, 2006). In attempt to show the world that justice was being done Britain
concocted some sort of referendum in 1962. The commission led by a Nigerian
Judge G.C.M Onyuke and a Canadian Major General, M.P Bogert toured the
territory and held extensive talks with the population of the region from 22nd
October to 26th November 1962 and submitted a 34 page report to Duncan
Sandys the Secretary of State for the colonies. The Commission found that 62
per cent of NFD’s population unanimously favoured secession from Kenya with
ultimate aim of joining the Somali Republic (Omar, 2006, Biwott, 1992).
To the satisfaction of Nairobi and Addis Ababa governments, but to the chagrin
of Somalis, the NFD was brought into Kenya’s regional constitution. The
decision angered Somalia and in 1963, Somalia severed diplomatic ties with
United Kingdom. Relations with Britain were resumed following a joint
declaration reached by Kenya and Somalia in 1967. However, the NFD case
was not mentioned clearly.
22
2.2. The Continuation of historical colonial marginalisation and the start of
the conflict era
In January 1964, barely a month after independence, Kenya found itself in a civil
war (Whittaker, 2008, Oyugi, 2000). On one side was the Kenyatta Government,
struggling to impose its authority over a divided nation while on the other side
were the people of former NFD, united behind Northern Province Progressive
Peoples Party (NPPPP) who were calling for recognition of their right to self-
determination and unity with the Somali Republic. Sheikh (2007) claims that
Kenyatta was a demagogue of a man who let loose his army on the people of
Northern Kenya and who declared emergency law and ruled Northern Kenya by
decree until his death in 1978.
His successor Daniel Arap Moi was later to orchestrate the worst form genocide
against the Somalis of Kenya. Sheikh asserts that Moi perfected the art of
hunting down the Somali nomadic tribes. Thus, Moi’s atrocious actions in
Garissa in1981, in Mandera in 1982, and in Wajir in 1984, makes a mockery of
every act of heinous crime that Kenyatta committed against
Somalis.Thus,Kenyatta’s method was harassment compared to Moi’s acts
which were tantamount to genocide.
Political and economical marginalisation by the colonial state triggered the
formation of Pan-Somali aspirations in the NFD.Eventually in 1963, British
political expediency demanded that the process of decolonisation in Kenya be
negotiated through Kenya African National Union (KANU), for whom the Somali
23
ideal was an embarrassment, as it undermined territorial integrity. The March
1963, an announcement by Duncan Sandys, the Colonial Secretary, declared
that the NFD was to remain part of Kenya’s regional constitution (Hassan,
2008).
This was against the choice of the Somali in the NFD who almost unanimously
favoured secession. This frustrated and antagonised the people of the NFD and
a number of Somali engaged in a guerilla insurgency in attempt to force the
issue. Informally aided by the Somali government in Mogadishu, the Shifta
(rebels) conducted systematic guerilla war targeting police posts and other
Kenyan security personnel and known collaborators with the Kenyan
government. (Omar, 2006, Whittaker, 2008, Wyk, 2006, KHRC, 2009).
The Kenyan counter-insurgency General Service Units forced civilians into
"protected villages" (essentially concentration camps), as well as killing a large
number of livestock kept by the pastoralist Somalis. The war ended in the late
summer of 1967 when Egal, Prime Minister of the Somali Republic, signed a
ceasefire with Kenya. However, the violence in Kenya deteriorated into
disorganised banditry, with occasional episodes of secessionist agitation, for the
next several decades. The war and violent clampdowns by the Kenyan
government caused large-scale disruption to the way of life in the district,
resulting in a slight shift from pastoralist and transhumant lifestyles to sedentary,
urban lifestyles.
2.3. Kenya and its Northern Citizens
Northern Kenya has been traditionally set apart by law and administrative
practices (KHRC, 2008, Menkhaus, 2008). In an attempt to facilitate cross
border cooperation, the government of Kenyatta signed a mutual defense treaty
in 1964 with Ethiopia. The Bale revolt in Ethiopia in 1963 indicated to both
Kenya and Ethiopia that there was an urgent need for cooperation in controlling
the irredentism.
24
A State of Emergency was later introduced by GoK, which allowed the security
forces draconian powers. For example to detain people for up 56 days without
trial, to confiscate property of community members alleged to be involved in
retaliation against acts of violence and the complete restriction of the right to
assembly and movement. (Hassan, 2008, Omar, 2006, Whittaker, 2008, Wyk,
2006)
The ‘Shifta’ resistance approach combined the use of sophisticated weaponry
with hit-and-run tactics. The official response from GoK was all encompassing
and the NFD was declared a prohibited zone, where security personnel were
empowered to shoot and confiscate livestock or property of any one under
suspicion of subversion, whilst detention camps were erected to accommodate
those persons considered politically dangerous. The government also adopted a
policy of villagisation in the war-affected areas and in 1967 a large percentage
of the populace was moved into various Manyattas. The Kenyatta regime
enacted a number of repressive measures to frustrate the effort of Somali
rebels. The methods had been learned and copied from British colonial
occupation (Elkins, 2005, Anderson2005).This was in effect economic and
political marginalisation.
The emergency laws, reinforced in 1966 by the NEP and contiguous Districts
Regulations, categorically endorsed enhanced powers of search without
warrant, arrest and detention for up to 56 days without trial, the death sentence
for unlawful possession of fire arms and the creation of special courts. The
regulation also created prohibited zones along the Kenya-Somali border where
unauthorised entry was punished by life sentence. The government of Kenya’s
repression of ethnic Somalis in Northern Kenya continued well into the 1980s,
after the so called “Shifta War” ended in 1967.
The Kenya government also identified Somali communities as a source of cross
–border arms smuggling, banditry and lawlessness. Successive attempts by
GoK to restore law and order were characterised by discriminatory operations
that failed to treat ethnic Somali Kenyans as legitimate citizens. One of the
25
worst atrocities by Kenyan security forces occurred in NEP in 1984. The
“Infamous Wagalla massacre” in Wajir district, where men from Degodiya clan in
a purported disbarment operation were rounded up and tortured by Kenya
security forces. As a result hundreds of people died on the Wagalla airstrip
(Sheikh, 2007).
2.4. Historical Educational policy analysis and Development of Northern
Kenya: 1963-2003
The Education Act of 1968, revised in 1980, assigned the sole responsibility for
education to the Ministry of Education (Abdi, 2010). Kenya’s Educational system
has evolved over time since independence in 1963. Substantial changes were
instituted in the 1980s. In 1984 a [7-4-2-3] system was replaced with [8-4-4]
structure and system.
Historically the Frazer report of 1909 recommended the establishment of
separate education systems for Europeans, Asians and Africans. The
foundation for modern education was laid by missionaries who introduced
reading to spread Christianity (Eshiwani, 1985, GMR, 2010, Rotich 2004, Alwy
et. al.2004, Keriga et. al, 2009). As a result most prestigious schools today are
former mission schools.
Missionaries favoured agricultural areas adjacent to the colonial settler farms
(Sifuna, 2005). But their religious zeal did not run to the NFD. It is reasonable to
argue that as they were distant from centres of power, harsh climatic conditions
and the fact that Northern districts were considered as “closed”, as the
inhabitants of the region were predominantly Muslims, the missionary’s’
objective of spreading Christianity was hindered. Colonial education was
determined by a variety of factors, the main ones being the principle of self-
sufficiency, in order not to be a drain on imperial treasury (Eshiwani, 1985).
26
Consequently, education in Kenya was organised on racial lines. Therefore
there were different education curricula for each race and hence different
education systems within Kenya. This racial segregation continued until 1960,
when it was eventually ‘abolished’. Thus, colonial education was inadequate in
quantity and scope and it is overall objectives were narrow and restrictive (see
table 5 in Appendix A).
African governments have continuously emphasised on the role of education for
its citizenry as a means to social and economic uplift (Keriga andBujra, 2009).
Upon gaining independence in 1963, a different socialisation process was
needed to change racial and ethnic prejudices that had been nurtured by the
colonial regime. In an attempt to build a cohesive and multiracial society, the
GoK committed itself to increasing educational access and creating a
specialised human resource base with aptitude for modernisation and
development (Eshiwani, 1985, MOEST 2001, Sifuna, 2007, Keriga et. al., 2009).
Shortage of skilled labour and the need to fill the human resource gap left
behind by the departure of the colonial regime and above all else the dire need
to eliminate poverty, disease and ignorance, resulted in the adoption of
Sesssional Paper No. 10 of 1965: African Socialism and its Application Planning
in Kenya. In this policy Kenya’s national development goals and philosophy
identified education as strategic to social and economic development of the
country (Court, et. al., 1974). Several commissions were founded to address the
challenge facing the education sector and to seek out more a responsive
educational system. These included the Ominde Commission of 1964 that
proposed an education system that would potentially foster national unity and
African Socialism.
The Gachathi report of 1976, was on Education Objectives and policies, The
Mackay (1981) saw the removal of advanced (A) level secondary education and
the Commission of Higher Education Report resulted in adoption of 8-4-4
system in 1985.In addition Kenya had the Kamunge report of 1988, and the
27
Koech report 2000 (Rotich 2004). And more recently the country adopted, The
Sessional Paper No 1 of 2005 on Policy Framework for Education, Training and
Research.
High demand for education by the populace coupled with general belief that
education is the only vehicle for rapid socio-economic development and
achieving social justice for all, eradication of poverty and disease lead to
formation of the Ominde Commission (GoK, 1964). The Ominde report identified
the Northern Districts as warranting higher grant allocation, boarding schools
and mobile schools, as immediate strategies to increase school participation.
The Republic of Kenya National Development Plan (1970-1974) championed
low cost boarding schools and this led to increased funding for boarding schools
across Northern Kenya. The presidential decree of (1971) abolished of tuition
fees in ASALs districts with unfavourable geographic conditions. However,
these strategies failed to create discernible impact on overall participation in the
Northern Kenya, as children from other districts enrolled and took advantage of
educational provision targeting Somali pastoral communities (GoK, 1974).
In the (1974-1978) National Development Plan, GoK registered its
disappointment stating that despite sharp increase in cost per child the actual
response in terms of enrolment by indigenous local people was been
disappointing. Subsequently GoK reduced the scope of boarding schools across
Northern districts. And instead; the government piloted alternative approach of
promoting education in ASALs areas and introduced mobile teaching (GoK,
1974).
28
2.5. New Beginnings for Northern Kenya: the Era of Education for All
(EFA):1990-2003
EFA, through goals of Article 7 of The Dakar Framework for Action,
demonstrates the need to expand literacy beyond the borders of formal
classrooms settings (UNESCO, 2000). This was important in this context
because participation in formal education by nomadic groups was found to be
very low compared to other sedentary groups in East Africa,as noted above.
Kenya is a signatory and fully subscribed to international protocol that
established Education for All (EFA) in Jomtien, Thailand 1990 and World
Education Forum in Senegal in 2000. Ever since GoK in her education sector
strategic plan and Sessional paper No. 1 of 2005 articulated how to attain goals
for education. Kenya as a nation renewed her call to universalize education.
And as a result combined strategies of policy formulation, presidential orders
and a move to decentralise funding coalesced to rejuvenate school and promote
overall access to education (GMR, 2010).
In 1993, secondary school education bursary was introduced through a
presidential pronouncement and this was intended to cushion children from
disadvantaged communities against high cost of SE. The SE funding receives
annual allocation from Kenya Ministry of Education (MoE) and has since 2003,
been coordinated by Constituency Bursary Committee. In addition GoK also
introduced affirmative action, where Kenya Shillings 5000,000 is reserved for
ASAL areas. In (1999) local Authority Transfer Fund (LATF) was established
through the LATF Act No.8 and sought to improve local service delivery and
facilities
It was against some of the background highlighted in earlier Chapters that the
NARC Government was elected in December 2002. The new elected NARC
Government of President Mwai Kibaki swiftly drew up an economic recovery
plan in 2003. Kenya saw Education as an exit route from poverty. GoK (2003)
Economic recovery plan attributed Education to better standard of living and
29
propagated for 100 per cent net primary school enrolment rate and aimed for
reducing disparity in access and quality of education.
The NARC government strategy identified some challenges such as the direct
cost of schooling that kept a significant proportion poor away from school and as
well low level internal efficiency as evidenced by high dropout rate (5-6% per
year), repetition rate ( 15-16% annually) at primary level and low transition rate
to SE. The paper further identified regional and gender disparities with the ASAL
areas being particularly hard hit.
In an attempt to meet these challenges the coalition Government of President
Kibaki introduced Free Universal Primary Education (UPE) in 2003 and
substantially revised the curricula in order to reduce financial burden of
education. The GoK also identified further measures of intervention such as:
Optimal staffing (student teacher ratios of 40:1), increasing text books to
achieve pupil text book ratio of 3:1, in the Lower Primary school and 2:1 in the
Upper Primary School and rolling out bursary schemes with special attention to
ASAL areas.
Particular focus was placed on girls and the education curriculum to make it
relevant to the changing socio-economic environment, to enable students to be
more easily fitted in to the labour market. In 2003, Constituency Development
Fund (CDF) was established through the CDF Act no.11 which stipulates that
10% of the fund for education. (GMR, 2010).Given that most of the North East
constituencies rank low on the socio-economic indices, they are mainly eligible
for this fund.
Republic of Kenya (2004) Education Policy Framework, Sessional Paper No. 1
of 2005 stipulates and outlines policies and strategies to be undertaken and
implemented by GoK in order to tackle challenges facing education and training.
Gender and development policy was also articulated in Sessional paper No. 5 of
2005 and strongly argued for gender equality within all sector of national
development including education.
30
MOE (2005) reform operationalised in an implementation documents entitled
Kenya Education Sector Support Programme (KESSP). In KESSP GOK
acknowledged acute poor access to basic education by pastoralists. KESSP
observed that ASALs have specific problems that affect access more seriously
than those experienced by more economically productive districts. The
programme saw alternative teaching approaches would improve access,
retention rate and uplift the low Primary GER. Providing water supply, sanitation
and how to improve the deployment of teachers occupied the centre stage of
KESSP’s ASAL chapter. The programme linked poor access to basic education
provision to a nomadic lifestyle that necessitates mobility.
In attempt to increase access to basic education to children of nomadic
pastoralists and increasing literacy among the adults, the KESSP programme
proposed for piloting of a mobile school system that presumably reconciled
provision of education in ASAL districts. The mobile school is aligned to Duksi-
atraditional Islamic institution that has existed for centuries and is said to be
highly congruent with pastoral life.
Education is widely accepted as the main exit from poverty. However, its
achievements have not yet benefitted many Northern Kenyan Nomads. In order
to comprehend the impact of poverty on access to quality education in northern
Kenya, chapter 4 explores theories of education, conflict and poverty. However,
next chapter (3) outlines the research methodology.
Chapter 3: Methodology
3.1. Research Design: Historical Approach
This dissertation is a desk study based on historical document analysis. The
overall objective is to explore and consider the root causes of marginalisation in
North Eastern Kenya. The research analysis and arguments are based on
critical examination of existing written literature about the case in question
‘Education, Conflict and development’ in northern Kenya.
31
The final objective of this study is to better understand the connections between
education, conflict and development in Northern Kenya through the prism of the
‘Shifta War’. The study will also attempt to establish answers to the following
question - How can education be used as a vehicle for social and economic
development for the people of Northern Kenya? In addition this dissertation
attempts to provide a deeper understanding about how far under development
in Northern Kenya is due to a colonial legacy and the inherited imbalances of
formal education from colonial governments or simply the irrelevance of the
national curriculum.
Many scholars have written about this topic but gaps and deficiencies in the
literature still exist. My study examines new or different evidence to correct
these shortcomings. The historical document analysis method was adopted in
this research in order to comprehend the underlying causes of retrogressive
development in the North East Province of Kenya. New evidence reveals the
horrors of British colonial repression in Kenya (Anderson, 2005, Elkins, 2005). It
is through historical document analysis we now know the murderous and vile
acts of British regime against the Mau Mau movement. The work of Anderson
and Elkins has done much to support the Kenyan (in this case Kikuyu) claim for
reparations against the British state.
For a wider assessment of British neo-colonial activities, some of these cases
are now going to be heard by the British High Court (see Appendix D).
McCulloch (2011) argues through historical and documentary research methods
we gain access to three related areas of knowledge regarding human social
activities. The first of these is the past, whether modern history or earlier times.
The second is about the process of change and continuity over time including
contestation and negotiation in it. The third is the broader social, political and
economic and other type of context within which they take place (p.248).
Mogalakwe (2006) posits that documentary research is just as good as and
more cost effective than social surveys, in-depth interviews and participation
observations. This argument is also supported by (Denscobme, 2003).
32
However, that is not to say a historical approach is bias free and hence we shall
discuss its weaknesses under the limitation and challenges section (3.7).
3.2 Method and strategies
The principal research method used in this research is the ‘documentary
research method’. As stated in the introductory section, this dissertation is
divided into five main chapters. Due to time constraints, the author uses these
headings to search and organise study materials according to these particular
chapter headings as shown by thesis outline in chapter one. In using chapter by
chapter strategy that author gathered various source materials and used and
analysed them to sustain and support the thesis
3.3 Sources of Historical analysis
Mogalakwe claims that, the general principles of handling documentary sources
are no different from those applied to social research and argues that data
should be approached scientifically. Both primary and secondary data are used
in this write up. Since our research design is historical document analysis we
used both primary and secondary documents. The author drew data from
various sources. The primary documents that have been used as a basis for
conducting this study include books, Reports and Government of Kenya
education statistics. Through the desk research, a wide range of documents
were consulted to effectively engage with the research question. Therefore the
data and documents studied in this dissertation are drawn from multiple sources
and hence used triangulation strategy.
3.4 Triangulation strategy
In this dissertation, we used triangulation as a strategy for increasing the validity
of our research evaluation and findings. (Mathison, 1988) argues that
triangulation facilitate various data sources and methods to lead to a singular
proposition about the phenomenon being studied.
33
In our study we observed a good a research practice. The author was obligated
to triangulate, that is to use, multiple methods, data sources and researchers to
enhance the validity of his research findings. (Miles and Huberman, 1984) claim
that triangulation support a finding by showing that independent measures of it
agree with it. Triangulation is establishing the validity of measure through
application of a multitrait-multimethod matrix (Campbell and Fiske, 1959). This
procedure examines both convergent and discriminant validation measure of
trait.
The time triangulation was particularly relevant to our study. Kirk and Miller in
(Cohen, Manion and Morrison,2011) posit that time triangulation takes into
consideration the factors of change and the process by utilising cross sectional
and longitudinal approach. Our study uses this approach. We looked and
evaluated pre and post-independence data related to the Northern Kenya. This
is was in attempt to establish a common pattern of occurrence.
3.5 Locating and interacting with the literature
We used an all-inclusive approach to select the materials for this study. The
literature used in this research are comes from various sources namely the
Internet, British National library in Colindale, The national Archives, London,
School Oriental and African Studies’ library and the archive collection of the
Institute of Education at the University of London. The main rationale behind
using archives and libraries is because they are repositories of accumulated
knowledge that is hugely relevant to this dissertation. McCulloch (2011) argues
that archives are institutional memories of modern societies. In Kenya for
example Kenya National archives is said to be a reservoir and a living of
example historical and ethnographic knowledge (Carotenuto and Luongo in
Cohen, Manion and Morrison 2011).
The Internet was used to access various publications upon which the study is
based. This involved the extensive use of Google scholar to search scientific
articles for relevance, time of publication and credibility of study through various
34
citations. A number of articles were consulted from International journal of
Educational Development and Economic of Education Review.
In addition to documents, the author’s early schooling in Northern Kenya and
later schooling in areas commonly known as “Down Kenya” guided the author to
develop some of the insights which informed the discussions presented in this
study. Cohen, Manion and Morrison (2007) observe that documents are always
written via the author’s own interpretation (p.201). Scott (1990) agrees with this
sentiment. Scott argues that documents are written with a purpose and often
based on particular assumptions.
Furthermore, the researcher needs to be aware of the origins and purpose and
initial audience of the documents (Grix, 2001) Interacting with the literature, the
author interrogated sources by reading closely and asking critical questions
such as: Who produced this source? Was the author biased? When and where
was the source created? Is it representative of other sources created at the
same time? Why and What? Why was the source produced and for What
audience and purpose? What does the literature omit and what values does it
stand for? The author also takes into consideration the how question, How
does the source compare with other sources analysed by the author?
In order to minimise threats and potential biases to the approach, the author
used Scott’s quality control criteria of authenticity credibility, representativeness
and meaning. Where authenticity refers to whether the documents are from
impeccable sources, credibility refers to whether evidence presented are
typical of its kind, representativeness refers to whether documents consulted
represent a holistic view of relevant documents and where meaning refers to
clarity and comprehensiveness of the documents . (For details see Scott, 1990,
Mogalakwe, 2006).
35
Some of materials we used in this research were written by people with an anti-
colonial view, while others materials are written by proponents of the colonial
regime and subsequent Kenyan government. Taking on board Scott’s quality
control formula, the author critically scrutinised assumptions and arguments
presented in the documents he consulted rather than accepting them at face
value
3.6 Ethical issues
Virtually any research project involves questions of ethics - such as obtaining
informed consent, access, respect, confidentiality and protection of data
(Blaxter, Hughes and Tight, 2006, p.28, Robson, 2002, Punch, 2005). In
historical and documentary studies there is less direct contact with those being
researched (McCulloch 2011, P.254). Ethical issues in our case arose because
we were involved in identifying contradictory truth claims against the colonial
regime and or the Kenya government. (McCulloch,2008 in McCulloch,2011)
state that ethical issues arise in the documentary research when materials
appear to cast unfavorable light upon the institution that commissioned it.
In undertaking this research we have put into consideration legal questions such
as the laws of copyright, freedom of information and data protection act which
are highly pertinent to historical and documentary research. Furthermore, we
have considered the British Copyright, Designs and Patents Act of 1988 and
Freedom of Information Act of 2005, which regulate the use of documentary
material, individual information and that of government and other institutions.
Theoretically two different conceptual frameworks have supported our research.
Education, Conflict and Development framework is used to assess the impact of
conflict on the general development of Northern Kenya. Using this framework
we anticipate establishing any correlation between ‘education, ‘conflict’ and
‘development’. HCT is applied to assess relevance of formal education in
Northern Kenya.
36
3.7 Limitations and challenges
Due to space and time constraints, it was extremely difficult to marshal an
exhaustive body of evidence regarding the case in point of Northern Kenya. In
addition it was difficult to ascertain the validity and accuracy of data and
documents due to time lag but it was inevitable to use these existing materials
for purpose of our research. The author thought carefully and critically about
what evidence to include and what to exclude and how to frame the research
analysis accordingly.
Overall the fact that this study deals with conflicts, the author synchronises facts
obtained from newspaper articles and from the web with hard facts from other
relevant publications because newspaper reports can be very biased depending
on the author.
Overall, it is anticipated that this study is broadly representative of the people of
Northern Kenya, the GoK and Colonial regime. The conflict situation in North
East is still precarious and reasons as why the region is still the least developed
according to social and economic indicators is serious subject to handle in this
research. Although more research is needed to do justice to the matter, we
believe the historical review we have undertaken has unearthed some issues
that were previously hidden and provided some data that will be useful to
feature studies in this area. One of the social and economic indicators to
measure development is poverty and hence the next chapter explores theories
of education, conflict and poverty.
37
Chapter 4: Theories of Education, Conflict and Poverty
4.0. Education and Pastoral Livelihood in Northern Kenya
The basic problem of poverty and growth in the developing world can be stated very simply. The
Growth is not equitably reaching the poor. And the poor are not significantly contributing to
Growth (McNamara, 1973:5).
4.1. Historical Overview and the trajectory of Poverty in Kenya
Today, 49 years, after McNamara’s celebrated speech more than 90% of the
population of Sub-Saharan Africa and almost 56% of Kenyans, live in abject
poverty. In this chapter an attempt is made to articulate the issues of conflict
and poverty and its impact on provision of education in Kenya with a particular
focus on Northern Kenya. The chapter will also try to establish potential
relationships between education, conflict and poverty and its genesis. In an
attempt to comprehend concepts and dimensions of poverty, the causes,
characteristics and effects of poverty are discussed along the GoK’s initiatives
to reduce poverty.
The highest incidence of poverty occurs in arid zones (UNDP, 1997). The report
found that agro-ecological factors influence the intensity of poverty. The Chronic
Poverty Research Center sees under development in rural areas as ‘path
dependent’ (CPRC, 2001). Furthermore, CPRC observe that undevelopment is
essentially formed and constrained by history. Histories which are linked by
colonial and post-colonial elite interpretations of the role and function of rural
areas (P.13).
In Northern Kenya more than 80% of the population survive on an income of
less $1 dollar per day or virtually rely on Relief food in a condition of
malnutrition, illiteracy and squalor. The people of NEP are suffering poverty in
the absolute sense.
38
Arid and Semi-Arid lands areas of Northern Kenya remain the least developed
and poverty ridden. The economic disparity with the rest of country is striking.
Infrastructure is poorly developed or virtually non-existent. In vast areas there
are no roads, no schools, no telecommunication services and inadequate health
facilities (Umar, 1997). Pastoral livelihoods are characterised by risk and
uncertainty due to fluctuating climate conditions (Scoones, 1998).
It is important that we distinguish the concept of poverty in an agrarian system
from its application to the pastoral context. Khan in Tache (2008) posits in
agrarian the concept is built primarily around access to agricultural land. In
agrarian systems ability to buy agricultural inputs and possession of oxen are
used as indicators of wealth or poverty. However, such indicators are poorly
attuned to the pastoral context. As a result, the rural poverty discourse has
tended to misdiagnose pastoral poverty (Tache, 2008).
4.2. Conceptions, Causes and Measures
Poverty is characterised by a rich vocabulary, in all cultures and throughout
history (Philip, et. al., 2004). Rowntree’s study (1901) initially developed a
poverty standard for individual families based on estimates of nutritional
requirements. Poverty is complex in its conception, causation, manifestation
and diagnosis (Runciman and Towsend 1970, Tache, 2008, Wilkinson 2005).
Complexity of poverty can be discerned from the fault lines of discourse: the
aspects that separate various interpretative frameworks adopted in advancing
the conceptualisation and measurement of poverty.
The common dichotomies include: individual or households measures,
monetary and non-monetary, absolute or relative, objective or subjective view of
poverty. Extended duration in absolute poverty leads to chronic poverty (Rose
and Dyer, 2008, Kedir, 2005). They argue that chronically poor people usually
live below poverty line.
39
The poverty line is defined in terms of monetary indicator. Furthermore, they
claim transitory poor people move in and out of poverty. Their argument is
supported by (Hulme and Shepherd, 2003). It is crucial to note that policy
responses to chronic and transitory poverty are likely to be different.
Immediately after independence, a majority of the countries in Sub-Saharan
Africa heavily invested in education in order to develop adequate man power for
national development and provide solutions to poverty problems. In Kenya for
instance the recurrent expenditure on education at all levels is estimated to be
about 30% (GoK, 1993) as shown by Figure 4 below.
Figure 4: Kenya: Education expenditures
Source:Education Statistics: Kenya (2008)
Yet despite huge investment in education, not all Kenyan children have been
able to access education due to poverty. GoK Education data (2003) show that
only 47% of the ‘2002’ KCPE cohorts transited to secondary school. The
40
restricted transition rates of less than 50% potentially militates against Kenya’s
determination to achieve EFA goals for her citizens.
The 1994, Welfare Monitoring Study estimated the poverty index at about
47.2%, while the 2004 figure shows it has risen to 56%.The DfID Country
Assistance Plan (CAP, 2007) and the House of Commons discussions on CAP
note that there are marked regional disparities where poverty rates in ASALs
are twice those in the Central Province. Despite rapid urbanisation, today almost
70% of the population and 80% of the poor live in rural areas. However, the
provisions of most essential services are biased towards towns (CAP, 2007).
This is clearly against Kenya’s commitment at the time of independence in
1963, articulated in Sessional Paper No. 10 of 1965 to combat illiteracy,
disease, ignorance and poverty. Philip et. al. (2004) elucidate vulnerability and
poverty in a variety of ways. Their analysis associate poverty with deprivation of
health, education, food, knowledge and influence over ones’ environment. Thus,
poverty is an indicator of, lack of access to resources and opportunities.
However, poverty has other aspects of social positioning including age, gender,
geographical location, class ethnicity and political issues that determine poor
people’s vulnerability (Yodmani, 2001).
Poverty is a huge threat to the existence of humanity in modern times
especially in Sub-Saharan Africa (Sachs, 2005, Mualuko, 2007). Poverty is also
the world’s current greatest threat to peace and stability more than terrorism and
other highly publicised struggles (Mualuko, 2007). Sachs (2005) asserts that
poverty claims the lives of more than eight million people around the world each
year. International financial organisation, such as the International Monetary
Fund (IMF), The World Bank (WB) and UN agencies use the income approach
to measure poverty (Rose and Dyer, 2008, Tache, 2008).
41
Recently the UN shifted its perception of poverty and aligned with the
development and the advancement of human rights. However, the WB and IMF
approaches to poverty reduction are still informed by income poverty
conception.
4.3. What are the root of the causes poverty in Northern Kenya?
The Somali Nomads of Northern Kenya remain one of poorest and most
marginalised groups in Kenya. As of 2007, the poverty rate of Northern Eastern
stood at 64% (CBS, 2007). Recurrent shocks including the frequent droughts
and growing insecurity due to cattle rustling and banditry have exacerbated
poverty and inequality among the Somalis and pastoral communities of Northern
Kenya. (See Institute of Economic Affairs – Kenya at the Crossroads study
2000).Ecologically, the ASALs of Kenya and Uganda are characterised by
steady erosion of the natural resources and the social asset base from which
households and communities construct their livelihoods (Mwaura 2005).
Mwaura argues that, this is further, exacerbated by seasonal variations and
recurrent shocks such as droughts.
The nature of the pastoral livelihoods demands a high degree of mobility and
this is guided by the need for access to water and grazing land without
deference to artificial state borders. Unfortunately the highly resilient production
systems have been significantly eroded, as a result of colonial and post-colonial
legal definition of land ownership and resource use. More emphasis was placed
on individual rather communal property rights and this led to huge restrictions on
population movement and grazing rights, the backbone and lifeline of the
pastoral economy. This in turn has undermined historic coping strategies and
increased the vulnerability of the pastoral communities. As a result the Somali
pastoral communities in the north no longer retain the capabilities, activities and
resources required to secure a minimal means of living. According to a GoK
(2000) interim poverty reduction paper, Northern Kenya has the highest
42
incidence (60%) of poverty and lowest levels of access to services such as
education than anywhere else in Kenya.
The economy of Northern Kenya is principally dependent upon pastoralism. The
economic loss from raided livestock of Wajir (Most to Somalia and Ethiopia) in
the early 1990s was estimated to be in the region of US $900,000 (Ibrahim and
Jenner, 1996). One of the most striking negative impacts of the
commercialisation of cattle raiding is the overall drain on the pastoralist
economy. Livestock accounts for 95 percent of family income and provides
employment for 90 percent of the population (GoK 2003, IFAD,
2007).Furthermore; various local communities also face competition and conflict
over access and control of natural resources. In the recent past these conflicts
have led to loss of life and property in the form of livestock and subsequently
aggravated poverty in the region (IoEA/SID 2000).
The hemorrhaging of herds out of the pastoralist economy contributes to a
widening of the gap between ASAL areas and the rest of Kenya. Ultimately
economic investment and development are hampered. Consequently, the long-
term marginalisation of the nomadic pastoralist areas is exacerbated as
economic growth and prosperity benefits other geographical areas (Buchanan-
Smith et. al., 2005). Rising human population, decreasing access to land, and
stagnant livestock numbers, leads to lower per capita livestock holdings, which
forces pastoralists to explore other options(Little et. al. 2001, Andriansen,
2006).
Kenya National Poverty Eradication Plan (1999-2015), indicates that the highest
incidence of poverty and destitution occurs in the Northern Kenya where the
poor account for 80% of the population (Khadiagala, 2004, GoK 2003). All
economic and social indices show that the communities in Northern Kenya are
worse off than the rest of the country. Tache et al (2010) state that poorer
pastoralists are among the most vulnerable and disadvantaged as they lose
43
social standing, networks and have difficulty in continuing with a pastoral
lifestyle. As a result, many Somalis experience chronic poverty.
The government has a limited presence in the NE and ultimately failed to
maintain basic levels of security. Albeit, the Shifta War ended in 1968, the
legacy of deep hostility and distrust between the Somalis and the state
continued for another 30 years (Buchanan-Smith and Lind, 2005, Ibrahim and
Jenner, 1996). NEP remained under emergency rule for three decades.
Consequently the administration had wide ranging powers over the people of
Northern Kenya, including the right to kill any one deemed suspicious (Ibrahim
and Jenner 1996)
4.4. Education and Conflict
Today the link between Education and Conflict is now squarely on the EFA
agenda (Tawil and Harley, 2004). Access to education is seen as part of the
definition of chronic poverty, for instance in terms of capability deprivation,
where chronically poor people have less access to productive assets and low
capability in terms of health, education and social capital (CPRC, 2004, Rose
and Dyer, 2008). (Berstecher and Carr-Hill, 1990) associated the decline of the
enrolment patterns observed in Kenya and other developing countries with
political instability and armed conflict.
Many research studies suggest, armed violence has hastened the long-term
decline of pastoralism in Northern Kenya (Buchanan-Smith et. al., 2005). Thus
armed conflict corresponds with impoverishment in the NEP. During livestock
raids many households’ herds diminish to the extent of material insignifance and
arguably the armed violence coupled with lack of alternative economic
opportunities, creates irreversible conditions of poverty. (Bush and Saltarelli,
2000) identified the positive and negative faces of education in relation to
ethnicity and conflict.
44
They observed that school education amplifies social divisions and precipitates
political violence. Thus, destructive educational practices when combined with
casual factors such as economic tensions, poor governance and perceived
threats to cultural identity potentially fuels suspicion, hostility and ethnic
intolerance and subsequent violence.
4.5. Education and Poverty
In Kenya education has arguably exacerbated hostility in part as a result of the
uneven distribution of quality education and the use of education as a weapon in
cultural repression and the denial of education as weapon of war against
banditry in Northern Kenya. A spiral conflict inflicted heavy damage to the
region’s economy, infrastructure and natural resources (Kumssa et.al,2009).
Consequently, most socioeconomic indices of Northern Kenya are quite low
compared to national averages and the economic situation in other parts of the
country as shown by table 14 below
Table 14: Conflict and human security in Kenya (2005)
Source: UNDP (2006) cited in Kumssa et.al, (2009).
45
The high level of human insecurity and poor infrastructure has affected the
wellbeing of the peoples of the northern region. There are acute food shortages
and physical insecurity and low levels of education. The school enrolment rates
and access to health facilities are below the national average. For example 89%
of the people in Garissa, Mandera and Wajir do not have access to qualified
doctors. The Human Poverty Index (HPI) of Wajir district (54 per cent) is higher
than the national average, which is 36.2 per cent (UNDP, 2006).
Analysis of the GoK’s education policies shows manipulation via colonial
interference and by Kenyan authorities for political purposes. The existence of
segregated education that tends to reinforce inequality, lower self-esteem and
cause stereotyping of the people of Northern Kenya as low achievers. The
Society for International Development (2004) defines inequality as the degree to
which the distribution of economic welfare generated in an economy differs from
that of equal shares among its inhabitants.
Oxaal (1997) claims that the linkage between education and poverty can be
understood in two ways: (a) investment in education as a poverty reduction
strategy which potentially enhances the skills and productivity among the poor
households, and (b) poverty as a constraint to educational achievement both at
the macro level, where poor countries have generally have lower levels of
enrolment and at micro level, children of poor households receive less
education. Mulongo (2012) asserts that education inequality is the extent to
which the distribution of education as a good, and the benefits that accrue from
it favour certain individual (s), group, generation, or a region. Education
inequality between the rich and the poor in Kenya is overwhelming
(UNESCO,2005).
46
Development Policy Management Forum (DPMF, 2012) argues that poverty in
Kenya has progressively deepened and identified the inherent dangers between
the elite and marginalised majority. In an attempt to establish and comprehend
fully the relationship between education, poverty and development the next
chapter looks into how education can enhance development with particular
reference to Northern Kenya.
Chapter 5: Analysis -The Role of Education in enhancing Development in
Northern Kenya:
Education is the great Engine of the personal development. It is through education that the daughter of a
peasant can become a doctor (Mandela, 1994:144).
From Mandela’s point of view (above) education has the potential to act as a
great leveller, extending opportunities across societies and nations. By the
same token, disparities in education restrict opportunity, reinforce and
perpetuate wider social and economic disparities. In the case of Northern Kenya
education poverty is consigning thousands of children to lives of poverty and
diminished opportunity, holding back progress in health, reinforcing regional
disparities often associated with wealth and gender and overly undermining
prospects for economic growth. Today’s extreme inequalities in education in
Kenya are tomorrow’s inequalities in regional opportunities for economic growth,
trade, investment and employment. The education divide has consigned many
of the poorest northern nomads of Kenya to a future of marginalisation in an
increasingly knowledge based global economy (Figure 13 in Appendix B).
As Mandela strongly articulates, education is the most powerful weapon which
one can use to change the world. This is undoubtedly the case for Kenya and in
particular the NEP. However, the type of education people in Kenya often
received varies in response to distance from power and general political
patronage. In northern Kenya as we discussed in chapter 4 many people’s lives
were blighted by poverty and the majority are surviving on the very margins of
existence.
47
This chapter analyses education and development in the NEP under various
themes. The chapter begins with a brief introduction to Kenya’s 2010
Constitution (5.0) and then analyses the overall findings of this research under
four major theme outlooks: (5.1) Situation analysis using Human Capital
Theory, (5.2) Education, Citizenship and Social justice, (5.3) Climatic
Condition and Interethnic conflicts and finally Education and Power in
(5.4). The Education and Power (5.4) will further subdivided into (5.4.1)
Curriculum and Power and (5.4.2) Language and Power.
5.0. The role of education in the development NEP in the context of the
new Constitution of Kenya: Does inequality in education lead to a more
unequal income distribution?
Article 43(1): every person has the right to (f) education
Article 53: Every Child has a right to free and compulsory basic education
Article 56: the state shall put in place affirmative action programmes designed to ensure that
minorities and marginalised groups (b) are provided special opportunities in educational and
economic fields (GoK, 2010).
In 2010, Kenyans passed a new constitution after many years of agitating for an
overhaul of the independence constitutional dispensation. For the last couple of
centuries, developed and developing nations have been experimenting with the
role of the state in the economy. Consequently, we have seen today many
models inspired by totalitarianism, Marxism, socialism, liberalism and their
hybrids (Sotz, 2011). These attempts directly or indirectly address human (well)
being,unique human dignity and rights. In addition to articles 43, 53 and 56
(above), Articles 54 and 55 of Kenya’s new constitution also exclusively deals
with education and identifies the role of the state as custodian of human rights
and welfare provider. Article 54 (1) Further, outlines the education entitlement of
disabled persons.
48
The article promotes access to an inclusive educational institutions and
facilities, while article 55 outlines affirmative action programmes. Within the
context of (2010) constitution it would appear that education is geared towards
employment which potentially depends on certification. This assumption takes
the view of human capital theorists.
5.1. Situation analysis of Northern Kenya Using Human Capital Theory
(HCT)
Education has long been regarded as an important of economic well-being
(Hanushek and WÖbmann, 2008). Psacharopoulos’s study (1995) showed in
developing countries, rate of returns to expenditure on education and training
are extremely high. Initially, the relationship between education and earnings
was concave (Figure 1) and returns to education in developing world were
reported as higher for education, than for subsequent levels (Psacharopoulos
and Patrinos, 2004).
Figure1: Different education-earning relationships (Colcough, Kingdon
and Patrinos, 2009).
49
Colclough, Kingdon and Patrinos (2009) explained the reason as to why
developing countries are experiencing higher rates of return at primary level
education and lower rates of return at secondary and higher level education is
due to diminishing returns to education. Furthermore, poor families highly value
educational outcomes, even when their children leave education at primary
level, but the trend may be changing in Kenya. For example, Manda et al (2002)
came to a different conclusion, they identified that in Kenya, private rates of
return generally increase with the level of education. Nationally they discovered
that the private rate of returns for primary education was 7.9%, 17.2% for
secondary education and 32.5% for university education as shown in Table 12
below
The above table shows that return to primary education in the rural areas of
Kenya are higher than those in urban areas, while returns to university
education in the urban areas are much higher than those in rural areas.
The implication of this finding is that those with primary and secondary
education are more likely to work in rural areas, while university graduates will
continue to work in urban areas and thus creating imbalance in terms of quality
provisions. HCT, the work of Becker, Blaug and others, asserts that education
creates skills, which facilitate higher levels of productivity among those who
possess them in comparison to those without (Oxaal 1997). Therefore we may
50
argue that education is costly but brings associated benefits which can be
compared with its costs the same way as happens with any investment project
(Oxaal, 1997).
Numerous studies in the Mincerian (1974) tradition have shown that a higher
number of years of education results in higher earnings (Psacharopoulos, 1994,
Psacharopoulos and Patrinos, 2004). However, Hanushek & et. al, (2007)
disagree with Psacharopoulos and argue that quality of education is what
matters, not quantity. Human capital is therefore seen as an important to
economic growth as investment in physical capital. At the time of independence
shortage of skilled manpower was a major constraint to the achievement of
Kenya’s development goals (Manda et al, 2004). The Kenyan government has
consistently devoted a large share of its budget to education expansion.The
earlier decades after independence saw the expansion of primary and
secondary education levels as shown by Table 6 below
51
Since the late 1980s, there has been a rapid expansion of public and private
universities. Historical statistical education data in Kenya indicate student
enrolments in primary and secondary schools increased from 0.9 and 0.03
million in 1963 to 5.9 and 0.7 million in 2000, respectively. The number of
primary and secondary schools also increased significantly and as a result,
Kenya is considered to be one of the few African countries to have achieved
near gender parity at the national level in both primary (0.94) and secondary
(0.82) as demonstrated by Figure7 (GoK, 2008, GoK 2003).
Figure7: Kenya 2003: GPI. Primary
Source: Education Statistics: Kenya (2008).
This is very misleading – it may look good when the figures are aggregated at
the national level – It is certainly not so good when you go deeper and look at
the situation at lower levels of aggregation – for example at the provincial,
district, division and constituency levels. Our analysis shows in Northern Kenya
there is still huge gender gap (table 7 and Figure 8
52
Figure 8: Gender disparity in Primary school
Source: Education Statistics: Kenya (2008).
53
GER indicates the capacity of the education system and rate of its utilisation.
Unfortunately Figure 9 below shows that NEP has the lowest Gross Enrolment
Rate in Kenya. For example, in 1990 the GER was 23.84 per cent yet again the
lowest in the country while Central Province dominated by the powerful Kikuyu
Community have been leading in GER for primary schools in Kenya.
Figure 9: Primary schools enrolment rates by Province
Source: Manda et. al, (2002).
54
5.1.2. The relationship between education and development in Northern
Kenya
Education has been long viewed as a vital determinant of economic well-being.
Neoclassical growth theorists such as Mankiw, Romer and Weil argue that,
education may affect economic growth. First, they assert that education can
increase the human skills inherent in the labor force, which increases labor
productivity and thus transitional growth towards a higher equilibrium level of
outputs. Second, education potentially enhances the innovative capacity of the
economy, and the new knowledge of new technologies. Endogenous growth
theorists hold the view that products and process promote growth (Lucas, 1998,
Romer, 1990, Anghion and Howitt, 1998).
Others hold the view that education facilitates diffusion and transmission of
knowledge. (Nelson and Phelps, 1966, Benhabib and Spiegel, 1994). In the
case of North Eastern Kenya we found that, the levels of access to education
have been dismal. The performance of national examinations, Kenya Certificate
of Primary Education (KCPE) and Kenya Certificate of Secondary Education
(KCSE) has been historically poor compared with other parts of Kenya. For
instance in 1999, the province had the least the number of KCPE candidates
compared to the other provinces (figure 10).
In Wajir and Mandera districts most students obtained aggregate D-E in KCSE
in 1998 (Table 15).The national GER for secondary schools was 26% in1994,
but North Eastern Province recorded only 9% enrolment that year, with the
highest female enrolment being only 3.4%. In 1998, NEP had the lowest GERs
for both boys and girls, with 9.7% boys and 4.0 % girls (FAWE, 2001). As can
be seen in Table 16, the numbers of schools are quite low and this may be the
reason for low enrolments.
55
Table 15: KCPE Mean scores in selected subjects for Wajir and Mandera in
1998
Table 16: Secondary school enrolments in 1989
56
Figure 10: Number of KCPE Candidates (1990-1999)
Source: Manda et. al (2002)
A number of factors have been documented as impacting the overall
educational development within the NEP. To start with, the nomadic lifestyle
tends to unfavour schooling girls (Rakotoarisoa et.al., 2008, MOE, 2005).
Nomadic culture promotes girls staying at home with their mother, usually
helping out with domestic chores (Figure 3 in Appendix B). Secondly, colonial
and post-colonial political conflict hugely created marginalisation and
underdevelopment in the northern region (Branch, 2011). Furthermore, our
study revealed how inter-tribal clashes over pasture, water and scarce
resources have contributed to the retrogressive development of northern Kenya.
57
Thirdly, poverty has been commonly identified by various studies as a critical
factor affecting access to education in the NEP (see table 4 in Appendix A). As
identified in Chapter 4 Northern Kenya is categorised as one of the poorest
regions in Kenya, with more than 50% of the inhabitants living below the poverty
line and more than 33% of the population are considered unemployed
(Rakotoarisoa et al., 2008; Ruto et al., 2009).
Our study reveals that in ASALs areas the level of poverty and economic under
development is higher than for other part of the country with favourable weather
patterns,thus weather conditions play an integral role in the economy.
According to FAWE (2001) research in North Eastern, of 181 male participants
only (3%) had university degree while (16%) had no formal education and of the
93 female participants only (1%) had university degree and (26%) had no formal
education.
As explained earlier, returns to university education in the urban areas are much
higher than those in rural areas (table 13) and if Manda et. al (2002) findings are
to be believed we can safely link the low number of graduates in Northern
Eastern with the low economic development in Northern Kenya. However, much
of the debate on education and economic growth is set against the backdrop of
a formal highly urbanized and industrialized economy, a world in which people
are hired to occupy an occupational hierarchy and eventually make progress
within it according to their skills and abilities. The focus of HCT is on formal
education that would be seen as containing categories of learning that could
instigate development.
Human capital theorists use proxy evidence(s) to support the assertion that
education enhances productivity. Using the normal assumptions of competitive
labor and goods market, it follows that those with a higher level of education
seem to have on average, higher levels of productivity. The education data we
presented in various parts of this study show only small proportion of the
58
population of NEP are achieving rate returns on their education while a larger
percentage are missing out on private rate of return enjoyed by other high
potential areas. Furthermore, previous studies on returns are based on workers
on a waged job.
Thus, the returns to education from agricultural and informal work could be
different (Colclough et al. 2009). Additionally Wambugu (2011) noted that
access to informal and agricultural employment requires very low levels of
education, whereas higher levels of education are route to formal employment
with higher annual income. If this is case then the rate of return to education in
N.E Kenya needs serious amendments as most of the population depends on
informal work. Moreover, (Okojie and Shimeles, 2006, FAWE, 2011) observe
that, North Eastern lacks formal job opportunities and has a highest rate of
unemployment in Kenya.
What’s more, the predominantly Somali Muslims pastoralists of the NEP are
entirely unsure whether education can enhance females capacity to acquire
jobs as early marriages limit job prospects outside home (World Bank, 2010,
Okojie and Shimeles, 2006). Inadequate physical infrastructure is also a
determining factor. The road network of the North Eastern region is rudimentary
and some places non-existent. The telecommunications are still restricted to
major towns and along the highways. And very few districts in North East
receive adequate radio and television coverage even after recent liberalisation
of the airwaves. Limited access to electricity severely restricts the scope for
investment.
For economic growth to occur, investment in physical facilities is as equally
crucial as investment in human capital (Oketch 2006). Unfortunately for far too
long the NEP has had limited amount of Government investment in
infrastructural development (Branch, 2011). HCT draws links between education
and poverty in terms of education as a means of poverty reduction.
59
At the macro level it is assumed that low levels of enrolment correlate with GNP,
as countries with low per capita incomes tend to have low enrolment ratios, but
there are some exceptions to this rule (Colclough, 1994). Colclough observed in
Africa, that extremely poor countries such as Lesotho, Madagascar and Togo
have primary GER in excess of 100 and hence Low GNP does not necessarily
translate into low level of educational enrolment. However, at the household
level evidence suggests that the children of poorer households are likely to
receive less education than the children of better off households see Figure 11
and Figure 12 (Mason Khandker, 1996).
60
Data from Tanzania indicates that at the primary level enrolments rise with
income group. With primary GER of 77% among households in the lowest
expenditure quintile, which is 6 percent below than the average and nearly 12
per cent below enrolment rates among the wealthiest quintile (figure 11). More
pronounced disparities in enrolment exist at secondary (Figure 12). Based on
this finding we observe that, the low level of GER in NEP is commensurate with
level income. Thus, poverty acts as a factor preventing people from gaining
access to education, as the case in point of NEP. Conversely, those few who
are educated in North Eastern are considered to be at less risk of poverty.
Appleton (1997) confirms this by associating each year of primary schooling
with a 2.5 percent fall in the risk of poverty with lower secondary schooling
having twice this effect, and on the whole, the effects of education on probability
being poor is found to be strong. For one to assess the real impact of HCT in
North East, Kenya needs to reverse the historical pattern of inequitable
development which has concentrated on the southern areas. One of the
consequences of this skewed investment is that while the poverty levels have
been falling in the rest of the countries but, they are rising in the NEP.
61
Our research confirms that there is a positive correlation between education,
development and poverty in Northern Kenya. HCT study other non-monetary
returns such as citizenship and social justice. The next section explores
education, citizenship and social justice in Kenya with particular focus on the
inhabitants of North Eastern Province
5.2. Education, Citizenship and Social Justice in Kenya
This section addresses the status and practice of citizenship in Kenya. It tries to
link marginalisation to citizenship rights. Taking the case of Northern Kenya,
which provides a classic example for analysing the intersection between
citizenship- based on discrimination and underdevelopment. Education plays a
crucial role in enhancing and equipping youth with knowledge and skills that
enable them to fully participate as responsible citizens. Goldston (2006) defines
citizenship as ‘status’ which people possess and practice which people engage
in. Therefore citizenship is about being and doing (David et. al 1995).
This dissertation and various studies on Northern Kenya show that the citizens
of the NEP have been systematically and severely marginalised through Laws,
Government policies and other administrative practices. (Wawire, et.al 2010)
assert that, the Kenyan education system is designed to shape young people’s
civic consciousness, but the varying schooling experiences are too often based
on socio-cultural and geographical divides and these determine the level to
which the individual citizens are able to enjoy their citizenship rights.
The Sessional Paper No. 10 of 1965 on African designed to address poverty
and inequality in wealth and income across the country and make things fairer.
62
However, forty nine years after independence, equal opportunity and high
growing income per- capita that is equally distributed is deliberately framed to
exclude pastoralism. Formal education in many countries has been closely
linked with the galvanizing of loyalty to the state and the building of the national
state, Green (1990) in McCowan (2008). GoK’s new education policies highlight
the need for greater inclusion, improved human rights and a more active
citizenship through participation.
However, the gaps between the richer communities and poorest are getting
bigger, in part because education is so unequally distributed. It is argued that
active citizenship becomes the privilege for the rich at expense of impoverished
individuals of the NEP. Consequently such citizens are without access to
knowledge which could act as a vehicle to help them navigate around society.
Also to form appropriate relationships with social institutions, which could on the
one hand serve to maintain their cultural identities and on the other empower
them to seek out and take for modernization changes in a selective and
discriminatory manner.Thus enhancing personal well-being and cultural
autonomy of the peoples of the NEP.
The limits of citizenship span across a social and spatial divide (KHRC,
2008).For many centuries citizenship rights have inflicted exclusionary
practices, for example in ancient Greece slaves and women were excluded from
participating in the processes ordinarily reserved for citizens. Citizenship
conjures the notion of social duties, unwavering loyalty and equal access to
state institutions. In Kenya ordinary citizenship has its genesis in colonialism.
In theory colonial Kenya had equal citizenship; however in practice, the colonial
state enforced a system of unequal citizenship rights where white settlers
enjoyed citizenship rights over native subjects.
63
5.2.1. Historical perspective on Citizenship in Kenya
Marshall (1950) claims that citizens in democratic capitalist states have had
three broad categories of rights which states must guarantee and individuals
enjoy: Civil rights which are expressed in law and practiced through legal
systems; Social and economic rights which allow participation; political rights
which grant an individual the entitlement to engage in the political life of a
community. After independence in 1963, Kenyatta’s government immediately
started work on creating an educational system for its citizens that reflected the
aspiration of the new nation. The Ominde Commission recommended an
educational system that focuses on various broad objectives such as fostering a
sense of nationhood.
This would be promoted through national unity and social equality. To inculcate
these egalitarian social values, the Ominde commission put forward a number of
strategies that included encouraging primary school teachers to be creative and
progressive. This was in attempt to motivate their pupils to think and act like
Kenyans and eventually constructing exclusive Kenyan identities. The
Constitution of Kenya was first introduced in December, 1963. Chapter 5 of
the 1963 constitution spells out Protection of Fundamental Rights and
Freedoms of the Individual. Section 70 states that, “Every person in Kenya is
entitled to the fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual, that is to say,
the right, whatever his race, tribe, place of origin” (KHRC, 2010:4). In addition
Section 82 provides core protection from discrimination. It prohibits
discrimination on grounds of race, tribe, place of origin or residence, political
opinion, colour creed or sex.
However, the Citizenship Act (1963) does not contain directly discriminatory
provisions (GoK. 1963, KHRC, 2010). The act fails to specifically address
communities which could today be defined as ‘stateless’ namely the Kenyan
64
Somalis and the Nubian Kenyans ‘absorbed’ upon independence.Under the law
these persons are entitled to full citizenship as naturalised residents of the
republic of Kenya. Despite this, Kenyan Somalis have been facing practical
obstacles in obtaining land rights, proof of residence and official documents
such as ID card and passport.
Applicants for Kenya’s citizenship in the Northern Eastern Province often
undergo strict and stringent vetting compared to other Kenyans. Furthermore,
being female, Muslim or belonging ethnic Somali group further complicates the
application procedures for acquiring a passport or ID card.
What is more, Section 42 of the 1963 Constitution, which provides for the
division of Kenya parliamentary constituencies, allows for the under-
representation of certain vulnerable groups.. Sub- section (3) stipulates for
equal representation taking into account population size and density across
different regions, however, Kenya’s census process fail to recognise Kenyan
Somalis who lack citizenship. And hence provision under this section
perpetuates the under-representation of Kenyan Somalis and as a result Somali
communities in North lack sizeable political voice to articulate for their plights.
This is institutionalised discrimination has continued in violation of the
constitution of Kenya which explicitly prohibits discrimination. Furthermore,
Kenya has a strong record of ratifying major international and regional human
rights instruments. NEP of Kenya has been traditionally kept apart by law and
administrative practices dating from European scramble for Africa. NEP still
suffers tragic consequences of ‘Shifta War’. In Kenya access to any form of
education is done through close contacts and hence the Somali pastoralists who
are occupying the peripheral areas became politically and culturally marginal
(See 5.2.1 in Appendix C).
Our historical documents’ analysis reveals that NEP region is physically
underdeveloped and economically poor. The inhabitants have a questioned
65
belonging for historical and contemporary reasons. This study indicates that the
region practically became a police state and remained under emergency laws
until1992. And hence the application of draconian emergency laws led to gross
violation of human rights. Today much of this legislation has since been
repealed, but the impact of discrimination against the Kenyan Somalis, such as
‘screening card’ in 1989, still lingers (Sheikh, 2007).
In addition to its complex social-political life, it is a region whose people lack
civic voices (CDU, 2003). Kenya Somalis are construed as ‘illegal immigrants
and remained on the margins political power. However, the new (2010)
constitutional dispensation ushers a new dawn for Northern Communities.
Especially Article 56 which promotes the rights of marginalised groups. It is
anticipated that this new dispensation will facilitate development and potentially
instill some sense of belonging and eradicate the dilemma of citizenship in the
North. Northern Kenya faces major development challenges and among them is
insecurity and climatic condition. The next section briefly explores how climatic
conditions and inter-communal rivalry have undermined the socio-economic
development of Northern Kenya.
5.3. Climatic condition and inter-ethnic conflicts
As stated in the introductory chapter, dry lands and frequent droughts are
characteristics of the arid lands of Kenya. Drought could potentially erase entire
herds and destroy the livelihood (Chopra, 2009). Therefore, harsh environment
and lack of infrastructure have made the development of alternative livelihoods
a difficult undertaking. The pastoralist populations of the arid lands have been
subsisting on the periphery of Kenya‘s governance and development assistance
for many years, leaving them among the poorest in the country (Oxfam, 2006).
Intercommunal conflicts are great threats to stability in the NEP (Chopra 2009,
Carr-Hill and Peart, 2005, Oxfam 2006). Furthermore they observed that
droughts and resulting shortage of resources and political skirmishes, as the
main causes of conflicts and crimes in the region
66
The once productive rangelands of Northern Kenya have gradually deteriorated
in ecological conditions over recent decades (Herlocker, 1999). One of the
major factors blamed for this trend is disintegration of traditional land
stewardship. The Kenyan government strategy of ‘villagisation’ (which seems to
be derived from the earlier UK Colonial government’s policy to contain Mau Mau
rebellion (Elkins, 2005, Anderson, 2005), was used to contain and control
rebellious populations. Thus, the Kikuyu and other elites effectively copied the
old British colonial control and exploit mechanisms and policies once they got
power. These seem to have worked well in Northern Kenya as it waned and
replaced the traditional land authority with open-access that often overseen by
ineffectual government administrators.
The expanding population of people and livestock, coupled with frequent
droughts that typify this zone, has resulted in increasing resource competition
and subsequent conflicts. Smith et al (2000) state that the pastoral communities
of NEP openly entered a survival mode where incidence of armed conflicts
intensified due to resource-based disputes. Buchanan-Smith and Lind (2005)
study reject Smith’s argument on resource disputes. Instead they claim that
criminal activity flourished in NEP due to weak state security institutions.
Furthermore, they revealed that ‘commercialised’ livestock raiding is also
politically instigated and encouraged for electoral purposes.
5.3.1. The genesis of conflict in Northern Kenya and the crisis of ethnic
nationalism
To understand the forces behind the conflicts in Kenya, one needs to critically
examine the problem inherent in the polarisation of ethnicity. Historically, the
Somali speaking peoples of the Horn of Africa always regarded themselves as
one community (Oyugi, 2000). Thus they never allowed the colonial powers for
Balkanisation of the Somali nation into separate entities. This factor became the
bone of contention between the Somali Republic and her neigbours after 1960.
67
A political organisation was formed in NFD.This organisation was known as
Northern Province Progressive People’s Party (NPPPP). The NPPPP and
leaders in Mogadishu pushed the Lancaster House Conference for the British
Government to grant the NFD autonomy as a territory independent of Kenya.
This effort became abortive and triggered riots in Mogadishu and NFD and led
to Shifta War (Drysdale, 1964, Oyugi, 2000). The contemporary banditry along
Kenya’s border with Somalia and Ethiopia is a result of a failed rehabilitation
effort by Somali secessionist (Mburu, 1999). The attempted secession was
triggered by sixty years of administrative isolation and political
disenfranchisement that made the NFD a closed district through draconian law
of 1926 and 1934 (Egal, 1968, Mburu, 1999, Hassan, 2008)
Over the years, the NFD has remained one of the most insecure regions in
Kenya. In a province where both the government and civilian vehicles cannot
move without armed escort. Evidence emanating from our study suggests that,
Kenya responded by running the region as if it is occupation zone, as evident by
militarisation of the administration of the region. Like the British region before
them, the past and the present Kenyan government runs the province virtually
as a closed region. Under British one requires a special permit to enter the
region and this true today in many aspects.
The militarisation is a continuation of the colonial administration of the region.
Nasong’o (2000) claims that the effort by Moi’s regime to extended patronage
through appointment of Somalis into the cabinet and into strategic positions in
the public service has not succeeded in mollifying the community, as majority of
them appear not to have benefitted from that kind of patronage. We can argue
that there has been virtually no post-conflict reconstruction in Northern Kenya
and thus the problem which started more than a century ago remains
unresolved. This is due to a combination of factors, the most pertinent being as
68
Oyugi puts it, ‘the uncompromising conflictual policies pursued by both Somalia
and Kenya.
Consequently, conflict continues to undermine socio-economic development by
deterring investment and service delivery. Moreover, increasing the vulnerability
of Somali pastoralists to external shocks. Kenya has made significant progress
in drought management in recent years, but has not yet succeeded in
institutionalising a fully developed drought management system. As a result, the
impact of drought continues to be a major contributory factor to the rising
poverty in Northern Kenya. After the drought of 2004, each household lost on
average 40 percent of cattle and 20 percent of goats, with associated negative
impacts on diet and nutrition and increased dependency on food aid (GoK
2005). The unpredictability of climate and consequence of climate change and
the need for the poor Somali communities to adapt to the changes pose more
challenge for Kenya.
Despite abundant skilled manpower in Kenya, the numbers of suitably qualified
and experienced personnel in NEP are inadequate, especially in key technical
areas of planning, health and education, infrastructure development, livestock
and irrigation services. This is to do with education management and the power
that comes with it. In an attempt to establish the connection between education
and power the next section explores power in education through the prism of the
development in the northern Kenya.
69
5.4. Education and Power
Those who have been exposed to modern forms of knowledge are precisely the ones who are
most anxious to obstruct the continued diffusion of the effect of that knowledge; they
desperately hold that which they have Lucian W. Pye (1962).
Different access to education means differential access to power (Haddad and Demsky,
1995:25).
As we mentioned in chapter 1 education represents access to economic and
political power. Within its limited scope this subsection will seek to understand
the power relationships in the context of education and development in Northern
Kenya. Politics is seen as a science concerned with the state and conditions
necessary for its existence and development (Appadorai, 1968). Morgenthau
(1948) sees politics as ‘the authoritative allocation of resource’. Morgenthau
sees politics in terms of power which is also a means to an end and an end
itself. Bassey (1999) claims that independence in Africa, was essentially a
compromise arrived at between the colonial masters and western educated
middle classes.
He goes on to show how within a few years, the light of independence was
extinguished and the new African leaders become new colonial masters. Our
study reveals that one of the underlying causes of unequal access to education
in Kenya is due the existence of patron-client relationship between the ethnic of
the ruling elite and the government of the day. Political and economic power is
highly skewed to the ethnic group with hegemonic power.
The use of power will imply the use of concerted action of a person or people
(Arendt, 1969, Nye, 2004). Jones (2007) argues that the global architecture of
education is seen as a complex web of ideas, network of influence, policy
frameworks and practices, financial arrangements and organisation structures-
a system of a global power relations that exert a heavy influence on how
education is constructed around the world.
70
And hence the global architecture of education can be regarded as both the
builder of global relations and as a product of them (Jones, 2005, 2006, 2007).
(Bassey, 2009) argues the rise of early political elites in Africa, was due in part
to Western education but to large extent due to higher education.
Oketch and Somerset (2010) observed that Kenya’s Public secondary schools
are arranged in a tri-partite hierarchy, with tiny minority of prestigious national
schools at the top of pyramid, a larger minority of provincial schools in the
middle tier, and a substantial majority of district schools at the base. Thus
depending a school’s KCPE result, the flow direction varies a great deal, with
high performing private school leavers moving towards prestigious national and
provincial schools and lower- scoring schools, like those in the NEP, flowing
towards low status districts schools.
That is to say the pathway a learner takes to secondary school will potentially
have massive consequences on his/her life chances. Some of the especially
favoured national schools are all situated in Central and Rift Valley Province
(Kimalu in Alwy and Schech, 2004), so belonging to well-educated and wealthy
elite tends to become a hereditary business (Llyod, 1966,Bourdieu and
Passeron,1977).
Furthermore, upward mobility into more prestigious and remunerative roles
available to the indigenous population is determined by educational
achievement (Coleman, 1965b). (Freire, 1972) claims that education is usually a
covert tool in the stratagem of political class formation. As indicated in chapter
1, NEP has few schools, which are widely scattered and thus more difficult to
access. What is more, attendance is severely restricted due to poverty and lack
of transport facilities. In the context of North East Kenya, education acts to
perpetuate economic disparities, rather than bridging them (Alwy and Schech,
2004).
71
Our study has shown substantial differences in educational opportunity and
educational resources between various regions. There are remarkable
differences both in access to and quality of primary and secondary education,
as measured by GER and examination results in different provinces. These
inequalities are concentrated in North East Kenya where the ethnic Somali
reside.
In this research we have shown that these ethno-regional disparities created by
colonial and post-colonial government are still present in Kenya. And thus
students in provinces with little or no political power in Kenya have been
disadvantaged at the expense of those provinces with affiliation to ruling elite. It
is no secret that in Kenya today, education is a decisive factor in promoting and
fostering co-existence based on inclusion. In an attempt to understand how the
education system is designed and implemented, the next section explores the
influence of politics in the curriculum development in Kenya.
5.4.1. Curriculum and Power
Kentli (2009) argues a school curriculum is generally accepted as a conscious,
formally planned course with specific objectives. Apple (1982) defines the
hidden curriculum in a way that points to the concept of hegemony. According to
Apple, the concept of hegemony shapes schools in many respects and defines
them as both distributors and producers of culture that are vital for socialisation.
Dakar Framework for Action (2000) calls on World Governments and all EFA
partners to work together in order to bring about a relevant curriculum that can
be taught and learned in a local language, while simultaneously building upon
the knowledge and the experience of the teachers and learners. Any discussion
about the concept of curriculum is bound to be highly contested and political.
From a platonic stand point of essentialism the aim of education is reproduction
72
and maintenance of society (Khamis,2012,). The social structure of the
classroom teaches children about authority (Dreeben1968).
Curriculum is a political tool to entrench and promulgate a specific social,
economic and political agenda (Ling, 2012). (Lawton, 1980) observes that
curriculum development is about selecting the most crucial aspects of culture for
transmission to the next generation (p.6). In Kenya, the MoE is responsible for
providing education for the country. (MoE, 2008).The Kenya Institute of
Education (KIE) and Kenya National Examination Council (KNEC) have a dual
mandate to develop and implement curriculum. In Kenya, as elsewhere politics,
occupy the central place in the nation’s affairs and thus the political class
attempt to control and manipulate the polity, overtly or covertly (Otunga and
Nyadusi, 2009).
In Kenya, the influence of politics in curriculum design is seen through various
education commissions, committees and working parties (Ntarangwi, 2003).
Ntarangwi argues the findings and recommendations of these commissions are
implemented at the discretion of the ruling elite. In the case of Northern Kenya,
curriculum relevance was one of the issues identified in the Koech commission
of enquiry (FAWE, 2001). Community leaders and educationists are of the view
that the curriculum is biased against the nomadic community, as it is
agriculturally oriented (FAWE, 2001).
What is more is the activities used in the text books are derived mainly from
agricultural areas such as Central Province and Rift Valley. Worse still the
education is based on dual curricula. The learners from NEP usually undertake
physical sciences whereas in other parts of Kenya, students can study pure
sciences. This mechanism of restricting mobility could be the legacy of colonial
policy. In the UK for example the system is tri-partite.
The argument runs because the market requires differentially skilled labor and
hence systems of education are organized in a way to deliver differentially
educated people. In all societies educational institutions are used selectively to
73
disseminate discourses that maintain social hegemony (Foucault, 1972, 1980).
Thus, power and knowledge directly imply each other. In the context of Kenya
by facilitating certain forms of schooling for different sections of society a
hegemonic is attained and repeated through formal mass education which is
ultimately used as a mechanism of power (Ranibow, 1984).
Thus it is reasonable to argue that the Kenyan education system is used by the
dominant elites class, to produce differently skilled and compliant labor through
the process of social reproduction (Bernstein in Young 1971, Willis, 1978). The
current schooling structure in Kenya, serves to reproduce and replicate existing
unequal socio-economic orders and hence elite national schools for the few,
mass schools for many. In the case of Northern Kenya, instead of promoting
and enabling social mobility schooling serves to stifle personal initiative and
dampen individual aspiration, subsequently resulting in limited social mobility in
North East Kenya. In addition formal education was shunned due to its
association with Christianity (Ruto el. Al 2010, Morah.2000).
Due to the centralised and powerful nature of politics in Kenya most decisions
are top-down (Otunga and Nyadusi, 2009). Such a power-coercive approach
does not marry well with curriculum development that requires a deliberative,
consultative and participatory approach (Mutch, 2001, Transparency
International, 2010). Despite devolving some power in education to grassroots,
MoE and its agencies still centrally control matters pertaining to curriculum
development. Furthermore the Minister of Higher Education has the power to
establish a public university; however, the president has the power to upgrade
an educational institution into a constituent college of a university without
reference to the minister. One of the crucial ingredients of a curriculum is the
language of instruction. The next section explores language and power in
Kenya.
74
5.4.2. Language and Power
English is Britain’s greatest asset, greater than North Sea Oil (British Council annual Report 1983:9) In: Brock-Utne
(2002)
Language policy in Kenya has its basis in the colonial language policy following
the scramble for Africa by the European powers after the Berlin Conference in
1884 (Nabea 2009). And that is why it is crucial for us to address language
policy in Kenya through a historical perspective. The interplay of language,
education, culture and political power between Kenya’s diverse ethnic groups
and its former colonial master is vital to our study. Two epochs are crucial in
respect colonial language policy in Kenya: pre-second World War and Post-
second World War. In the former epoch there were a number of players in the
formulation of language policy.
Among these were Christian missionaries, interested in spreading the gospel
through their mother tongue, colonial administrators interested in controlled
teaching of English to Africans in order to obtain low cadre of employees for
their administration and British settlers who were against the Europeanisation of
Africans through the English language (Mazrui and Mazuri, 1998). The 1909,
Missionary conference in Nairobi adopted the use of mother tongue, Kiswahili
and English. (Nabea, 2009, Gorman, 1974). Post -Second World War there was
a shift in colonial language, which harmed the native languages. Just before
self-rule was granted, the colonialists mounted a massive effort to establish
some westernised elite who would ultimately protect their interests (Nabea,
2009).This created another step towards English hegemony, as English was
introduced as the mother tongue and Kiswahili was dropped (Nabea, 2009,
Gorman, 1974).
75
The African child’s major learning problem is linguistic (Obanya, 1980).
According Obanya instruction is given in a language that is not normally used in
the African’s child immediate environment. He argues that neither the learner
nor the teacher understands and uses this language well. There is substantial
correlation between under-development and the use foreign language as an
official language (Fafunwa, 1990, Brock-Utne, 2001 Mazrui, 1996).
Existing literature on Northern Kenya focus on social challenges such as poor
communication, vast distances to schools and low literacy communities and yet
inadequate attention has been given to the question of the language of
education. However, language is one of the strongest social resources.
Bamgbose (1991) claims that the language question in Africa has its origins in
multilingualism and colonial legacy. It is reasonable to argue that the imposition
of colonial rule on sovereign territories led to the imposition of a language of
administration. In the context of Africa, the language of the central
administration was the metropolitan language, but some African languages were
used in local administrations and hence the language of education varied
according to the perceptions of colonial powers. For example, the French and
Portuguese used assimilation policy; The British and The Belgians favoured a
policy of separate development for their subjects and permitted the teaching of
African languages.
The Germans, on the other hand, favoured a German medium in the schools
except in East Africa (Gorman, 1973). It should be clear from the above
divergent policies adopted by European colonisers, colonial educational policies
led to the deliberate breeding of an elite. The education envisaged was an elitist
too and these divergent policies presumably led to the entrenchment of different
systems of education. Initially Kenyans learn English in order to have access to
white collar jobs and we could argue this to be the genesis of English’s
hegemonic and divisionary tendencies between the elite and the ‘uneducated
masses’.
76
Moreover, the creation of artificial borders, due to the partitioning of Africa by
different European powers, resulted in the separation of identical linguistic
groups. These groups were subjected to use different official languages
(Bamgbose, 1991). This is relevant to the Somalis of Northern Kenya, because
they are linguistically and culturally different from the rest of Kenya. Today
forces behind globalisation promote the diffusion of English to the detriment of
the mother tongue of the people (Phillipson, 2001).
Rhetorically the World Bank while supporting local languages through EFA
initiatives, undermine indigenous languages by channeling its resources into
strengthening European languages in Sub-Saharan Africa and around the world.
A number of scholars have argued that the hegemonic influence of western
languages and their corresponding forms of knowledge have both promoted
western linguistic and cultural dominance, as well as legitimising globalisation
projects for the benefit of the West. (Bgoya, 2001, Phillipson, 2001, Gandolfo,
2009, Prah, 2008).
In the post-colonial global context, neo-liberal, western concepts of economic
development and market based policies are perceived as critical to national
success in the world economy (Ndoye in Gandolfo, 2009). Furthermore,
proponents of European/English Language Educational Medium (ELEM) assert
that these languages are the languages of economic prosperity. Bourdieu
(1994) talks of languages as capital in the linguistic marketplace.
Elaborating further, Alexander (2003) posits that in the linguistic marketplace of
globalisation European and English languages are given more value and their
speakers acquire advantage at expense of indigenous languages. Bernstein
(1971) made a correlation between social class and the use of either elaborated
or restricted codes. He argues that working class have access to restricted
codes. However, the middle class, being geographically, socially and culturally
77
mobile has access to both restricted codes and elaborated codes (Atherton,
2002, Littlejohn, 2002).
In Kenya, upon independence in 1963, English was declared an official
language which re-emphasised what already existed as a consequence of
colonial language policy. Additionally, as Ngugi puts it, those who took the helm
of leadership were spawned by the colonial education system and so they
perpetuated a form of neo-colonialism rather bringing local change (Wa
Thiong’o.1986). Literacy through mother tongue is said to increase inclusion and
overall productivity. Furthermore, it accommodates community knowledge and
enhances local content (Brock-Utne, 2000, Krätli 2001). National development is
narrowly expressed in socio-economic terms.
But still the role of language is important. This can be shown in the connection
between literacy and development. The world’s poorest countries are the ones
with the highest illiteracy rates, and thus, literacy liberates untapped human
potential and leads to increased productivity and better living conditions
(Bamgbose, 1991). It is not surprising that Kenya’s ‘high potential areas’ with the
highest rates of literacy are also the most economically advanced to the
detriment of northern Kenya.
In Kenya those who use English are the privileged few, while those who are not
able to use it are the masses in the society, who remain excluded. In view of
this, we could argue that English has been used to perpetuate a class divide in
Kenyan society with those in the North are negatively affected. We could say
that a lack of basic linguistic human rights (LHRs) and education language rights
(ELRs) could be one possible factor that exacerbates inter-ethnic conflict in
Kenya and more so in the NEP.
Worse still the concept of EFA becomes completely empty if the linguistic
environment of basic learners in NEP is ignored. The language question in
Kenya is about power and the choice of language of instruction is a political
choice, a choice that may redistribute power in the global context as well as
78
within the country, between the elites and the masses. To summarise our study,
the next section presents recommendations and concluding remarks.
Chapter 6: Conclusion and Recommendations
This study critically examined the root cause of marginalisation in Northern
Kenya. In the study we established that North East Kenya faces major
development challenges. Through the research we have established that the
ground for marginalisation in Northern Kenya was laid by the British colonial
government. Further, subsequent Kenya governments did little to bring the
region up to par with the rest of the country. The colonialists declared the NFD
as a security risk and isolated it from the rest of the country. In an effort to
control the movement of Somali pastoralists into the hinterland of Kenya and
integrate them into Kenyan society, the British colonial regime enacted
legislation specifically targeting the people of NFD.
The first was the outlaying districts Ordinance Law of 1902. This legislation
declared the NFD a closed region and movement into and out of the region was
controlled using a special pass. The second was the Stock Theft and Produce
Ordinance Act of 1933 and Special Districts Ordinance Act of 1934. These two
Acts gave the colonial administrators in the region pervasive powers to arrest,
detain, and restrain and confiscate the properties of the ‘hostile tribes’. The
meaning of what constituted ‘hostile tribe’ was left for the provincial
administrators to decide.
The Stock Theft Act legalised collective punishment for ‘hostile tribes’ for crimes
committed by individuals hailing from the so called “hostile tribe”. This Act was
repealed in 1997. We therefore argue that the isolationist policy adopted by the
British regime formed a strong basis for systematic marginalisation that
epitomised the history of NFD and its dwellers. To crown it all, the British regime
hived off the NFD from Somali and constituted it into 7th region of Kenya. After
79
independence in 1963, the powers granted in relation to NFD were
complimenting the existing draconian legislations that applied to the region.
Through our study we know that, in 1964, when Kenya became a Republic, the
powers enjoyed by the Governor-General under Section 19 of the
Independence Constitution, were transferred to the President. This became
Section 127 of the Republican Constitution, giving Kenyatta rights to rule the
North East by decree. The Kenyatta government also made several
amendments to the existing Constitutional Provisions and replaced by one
which the President enjoyed blank cheque power.
Emergency Laws were introduced in North East in 1966, which established two
separate legal regimes- one exclusively for NFD and one for the rest of Kenya.
In addition the already existing Laws inherited for the colonial regime were all
consolidated under the Preservation Public Security Act, Chapter 57, and Laws
of Kenya Pursuant to the Provisions of Section of 127 of the Constitution. These
regulations formed the basis for the derogation of human rights.
The study reveals that the Kenya government has used the same methods as
British Colonialists. They restricted movement, confiscated livestock, forced
villagisation and criminalised the whole community. Thus we found out that the
North East Kenya technically became a war zone and a police state. Our
research findings show how the Kenyatta’s government used ‘Shifta’ as a
means to counter the Somali Secessionists, but also Somali pastoralism that
was deemed ‘un-Kenyan’. Kenya saw pastoralism as unviable. Evidently Kenya
used the cultural, economic and political appellations of ‘Shifta’ to force and
induce social change amongst Somali Kenyans during the 1963-167 ‘Shifta
War’.
Factors such as drought, insecurity, poor physical infrastructure, an inadequate
policy and institutional environment, poor access to basic services and social
equity challenges have majorly contributed to underdevelopment in Northern
80
Kenya. Kenya lacks a fully-fledged anti-drought mechanism and as a result, the
impact of drought continues to be a major contributory factor to rising poverty in
ASAL areas.
Through our research we also found out that conflict in Northern Kenya is driven
by long-standing inter-ethnic tensions often instigated by political elites,
competition and commercialising of resources. Furthermore, we observed that
the limited government presence on the ground and weak law enforcement,
exacerbated underdevelopment. The study reveals that conflicts undermine
socio-economic development as it deters investment and service delivery. In
addition, conflict increases the vulnerability of the Northern pastoralists to
external shocks. It is evident that historical inequitable development has
concentrated on ‘high potential areas’. We found that poverty in Northern Kenya
is a result of this skewed investment. Moreover, we argue the loss of livestock
during the ‘Shifta War’ also significantly contributed to increased poverty levels.
The research also established that quality of citizenship in Kenya is affected by
location, gender and region. The case of Northern Kenya is different, due to the
legacy of colonial and post-colonial practices. As a result we have argued the
North East residents endure defective access to citizenship.
Overall our analysis shows that the ethno-regional disparities created by
colonial and post-colonial periods are still significant in Kenya. And inevitably, in
Kenya education and power mutually reinforces each other. Results emanating
from our study suggest a close correspondence of differentials between
inequalities in education and ethnic affiliation to the ruling elite. Using HCT we
observed that underdevelopment in North East Kenya is commensurate with low
levels of education. However, much of the discourse on education and
economic growth is set against a formal highly urbanised and industrialised
economy and hence the applicability of HCT to informal economy requires
further investigation.
81
6.1. Recommendations
In order to bring about improved social justice and more equal development,
we recommend the use an ‘inclusive education triangle’. The diagram below
gives details
Source: adopted from Rose (2010) and modified and contextualised by the
author.
While it is recognised our findings and recommendations are not an absolute
panacea to chronic underdelopment in North East Kenya,it is anticipated that
they form a strong base for further studies. We interrogated colonial and post-
colonial injustices in Northern Kenya using the historical approach. However, in
order to understand further multi-dimensional nature of marginalisation in North
East Kenya, we recommend the use of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)
Framework for future studies on education and development in Northern Kenya.
82
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Appendices
Appendix A: List of tables
List of Tables
Table 1: ECDE Net Enrolment Rate by Gender and Province, 2003-2007
Province 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls
Coast 26.7 26.0 36.2 35.7 35.7 29.2 36.3 37.0 44.8 43.5
Central 28.3 27.0 31.6 30.6 31.1 31.2 31.8 31.7 39.3 37.2
Eastern 28.8 28.1 29.9 28.1 29.4 21.6 30.0 29.1 37.0 34.1
Nairobi 26.2 29.8 28.8 31.5 28.4 32.1 29.1 32.8 56.6 63.5
Rift Valley 38.1 36.8 40.8 40.2 40.2 28.6 41.0 41.6 50.7 48.8
Western 30.8 29.2 32.7 29.7 32.2 16.7 32.9 30.7 40.6 36.0
Nyanza 33.7 32.9 33.2 32.1 32.6 23.5 33.3 33.3 41.1 39.0
North
Eastern
20.9 23.1 11.5 7.6 11.3 7.6 11.5 7.9 14.2 9.2
Subtotal 31.3 30.7 33.4 32.4 32.9 25.6 33.6 33.6 43.1 41.1
TOTAL 31.0 32.9 32.9 33.6 42.1
Source: EMIS, MoE (2007)
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Table2:ECDE Pupil Teacher Ratio by Province, 2003-2007
PROVINCE 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
Coast 33.4 29.1 29.5 29.0 28.7
Central 23.1 22.5 21.6 21.4 21.0
Eastern 31.2 24.2 23.2 22.8 22.6
Nairobi 16.2 13.8 13.8 13.6 13.5
Rift Valley 30.3 27.6 28.3 27.9 27.5
Western 29.6 25.2 22.0 21.7 21.4
Nyanza 41.3 32.2 31.4 30.9 30.6
North Eastern 27.2 40.1 39.4 38.6 38.1
Total 25.2 23.2 22.8 22.4 22.2
Source: ECDE Section Returns, MoE (2007)
Table 3: Districts with lowest number of persons (age 6+) who ever
attended school
District Male Female Total
Mandera 28.5 2 15.2
Turkana 26.6 6 16.3
Marsabit 20.5 14.6 17.6
Garissa 29.8 7.8 19.5
Wajir 35.5 7.1 21.2
Samburu 41 21.2 30.7
Tana River 38.5 23.4 30.8
Moyale 48.4 26 37.7
Isiolo 46.7 27.5 37.8
Average 35.1 15.1 25.3
National 82.5 71.2 76.8
Source: Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, Analysis Section 2008
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Table 4: Poverty level
Province %poverty level
Central 32
Coast 63
Eastern 60
Nyanza 63
Rift Valley 51
Western 58
North Eastern Province 58
Source: N.J. Mualuko (2007)
Table 5: Number of schools and pupils in Kenya: 1961-1963
Year Primary
schools
Pupils Secondary
schools
pupils
1961 7,725 870,448 104 21,369
1962 6,198 935,766 141 25,903
9163 6,058 891,553 150 28764
Sournce: Ministry of Education, cited in Eshiwani, 1985
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109
Table 11:Primary Education in Kenya (National)
Source: MoE (2008) –Republic of Kenya
Table 13: Private returns to education taking into account male human capital
externalities (%)
Category Primary Secondary University
National 4.6 16.0 35.4
Urban 2.4 21.0 50.0
Rural 4.8 14.8 25.6
All males 6.3 16.4 39.8
Urban Males 4.3 21.0 46.7
Rural males 6.1 15.1 34.6
All females 3.0 14.9 33.3
Urban Females 0.7 21.1 69.6
Rural females 3.2 13.9 15.7
Source: adopted from Manda, D.K and et al (2002) Human Capital externalities and
Returns to Education in Kenya, KIPPRA Discussion Paper No.13 Page 12
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls
Gross
Enrolment
rate (GER)
105.5 100.5 108 101.6 109.9 104.4 109.3 105.5 110.7 104.4
Net
Enrolment
Rate (NER)
80.8 80.0 82.20 82.0 83.80 82.60 86.50 86.50 94.10 89.0
Gender
Parity Index
(GPI)
0.99 1.0 0.98 1.0 0.94
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Appendix B: List of Figures
111
112
113
Appendix C: Extracts
Extract 1.12
As the age of ‘go to school and get a nice job is long gone. With unemployment
rates continue to impact Kenya’s economy and therefore becomes risky for
parents to sell a camel for the pursuit of education. Furthermore, doubt on
economic viability many parents may not be convinced that investing in
education is a worthwhile business to undertake.
The culture of nomadic communities are largely communal as opposed
individualistic. Formal education, in its presentation, emphasises on
individuality. There are obvious difficulties in providing formal schooling to
people on the move and this has contributed to poor access to basic education
in NEP. The national school curriculum has been biased to support agricultural
and urban lives and thereby, it has contributed little to the knowledge of learners
from pastoralists’ communities. According to Sifuna (2005) and Krätli (2001)
who analysed the effect of cultural and religious persuasions on acceptance of
formal education, identified that, the proponents of informal and religious
education such as Dugsi and Madarasah are for the view that schooling has
deskilled pastoralist communities and brought aspirations that are not congruent
to pastoral life. Formal education was generally shunned because formal
education was associated with Christianity and only succeeds if enshrined
within the cultural and religious conceptions of Somali People (Morah, 2000).
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1.6 Problem analysis: North East versus “Down Kenya
Extract: 1.6
“There is one half of Kenya about which the other half knows nothing about and seems to care even less”
Negley Farson- American Writer.
“Let them pack their camels and go to Somalia” Mzee Jomo Kenyatta on Somali Secessionist in N.F.D.
“It is easier to rebuild roads and bridges than it is to reconstruct institutions and strengthen the social fabric of
a society” (Raphael 1998:8).
“Bring the gun or you will die” (Human Rights 2009’s Report)
“Pastoralists are seen as not only physically distant and occupying peripheral areas, but also as politically and
culturally marginal. Their presumed distance from the modern institutions and from controlling action of the
state is often accepted as a self-evident explanation for wide spread violence (Mwaura 2005, p.4)”
“our misfortunate is that our neighboring countries , with whom, like the rest of
Africa, we seek to promote constructive and harmonious relations, are not our
neighbours, our neighbours are our Somali kinsmen whose citizenship has been
falsified by indiscriminate boundary arrangements, they have to move a cross
artificial frontiers to their pasturelands. They occupy the same terrain and
pursue the same pastoral economy as ourselves. We speak the same
language; we share the same creed, the same culture and the same creed, the
traditions. How can we regard our brothers as foreigners? Dr Abdirashid Ali
Sharmarke, The first prime Minister of Somalia in I. M. Lewis, 2002, p.179”.
“When Missionaries arrived, The Africans had the Land and the missionaries
had the bible. They taught us to pray with our eyes closed. When we opened
them, they had the land and we had the bible”-Mzee Jomo Kenyatta the First of
President of Kenya.
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Extract: Chapter 5
Policies and politics in Kenya up to the 1990s largely perpetuated regional
inequalities. The degree of alienation was partly exacerbated by the attitude of
the people of Northern Kenya who distanced themselves from the rest of “Down
Kenya” However, it has been analysed that North Eastern was easy to ignore
due to political expediency. This kind of socio-cultural alienation has worked to
impeded access to formal education. In the North Eastern Province people are
largely Muslim, and that formal education can only succeed if enshrined within
of North Eastern People (Morah, 2000).
Retrogressive social practices such as early and forced marriage also impede
girls’ education in the NEP. While proponents for formal education argue that
education is the only way to exit poverty and investment in education fosters
economic growth and social and national development and enhances
productivity, the educational investments have not matched the expectations of
the ASAL communities. High student teacher ratios, dilapidated school facilities
undermine the quality of provision. And the abysmal quality of education had
deleterious consequences on enrolment and achievement rate.
5.2.1
Citizenship in Kenya seems to be based on a1950 theory of citizenship by T. H.
Marshall. Marshall’s theory views citizenship as a status bestowed on those who
are members of a community, hence it does not foster equal distribution of
education among Kenya’s diverse ethnics groups. Worse still, getting a job or a
scholarship is based upon the aphorism of ‘who you know’. Thus gaining
membership to an exclusive clubs requires inside contacts, meaning the close
competition for jobs or contracts are usually won by those with ‘friends in high
places (Woolcock and Nayaran, 2000).Hickey and Giles (2005) argued that
participatory approaches are likely to succeed where: They are pursued as part
of a wider radical political project, aimed securing citizenship rights and
participation for marginal and subordinate groups as they seek to engage with
116
development as an underlying process of social change rather than in the form
of discrete technocratic interventions. In Kenya there seem to be discrete
technocratic interventions and a top down prescribed way of participation by
Kenyan political elites. There is a palpable mismatch between peoples’ attitudes
and those of leaders towards wellbeing (Mwenje et. al, 2008).
5.4 .2 Language and Power
“Berlin 1884 was effected through the sword and the bullet. But the night of the
sword was followed by the morning of the chalk and the blackboard” (Ngugi wa
Thiong’o 1986:5). Ngugi argues that the physical violence of the battle field was
followed by psychological violence of the classroom, and in his view language
was an important vehicle through which that power fascinated and held the soul
of the prisoner. We have seen that the colonial language policy imposed its
tongue on the subject races and downgraded the vernacular. Anyone who
learns English gains a status symbol and may start despising the peasant
majority and their ‘barbaric tongues’ (Bassey, 2009 Wa Thiong’o,1986).
117
Appendix D: Mau mau torture claims against Foreign Office not time
barred rules High Court