ebola as a political metaphor
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EbolaTRANSCRIPT
Elio Jahaj The Body Politic September 22, 2015 Crina Archer
The Ebola epidemic as the looming threat that never was
If you lived through the last quarter of 2014 and were in interaction with any type of
written or spoken media, chances are that you’re at the very least aware of the Ebola
virus outbreak in West Africa. The deadly virus made international headlines due to the
scale of the outbreak and the gruesomeness of the disease. At this stage there was
considerable mobilization at the local and international level. Organizations such as the
WHO, UNICEF and the Red Cross rushed to provide humanitarian relief, assisted by the
major global economic state actors. By the end of 2014 Ebola represented an
international threat and to make matters worst, the cureless disease was and remains
scientifically obscure. This propelled the situation to deteriorate, as malign rhetoric finds
home where there is little factual information and where there is a poor understanding of
that information.
Such malign rhetoric was exercised in countries such as the United States, where
the public demanded immediate action at home, although the threat of Ebola was
virtually nonexistent for the average American. To make the situation more worrisome,
an outpouring of rightwing groups, pundits and political figures began placing Ebola in a
political context. This paper aims to investigate the characteristics that make Ebola a
plausible political metaphor and why Ebola is politically appealing to the American
public, especially right wing conservatives. But before delving any further into the
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analysis, there needs to be a clear distinction between Ebola as a virus and Ebola as a
disease. As a virus, Ebola is an entity that is neither dead nor alive, needs a host and
represents a looming threat upon contact. Whereas the disease is characterized by the
aggregation of the symptoms and as it becomes clear, much of the metaphorical premise
of Ebola comes from Ebola as a virus.
The terror connection
During the Ebola outbreak, there was no shortage of comparisons to war.
UNICEF spokesperson and journalist Sarah Crowe went so far as to call the epidemic a
full blown ‘biological war’ in an article for the BBC. Perhaps most telling were 1
responses that ousted Ebola as an invisible terrorizer as described by Lucy Sherman, a
Liberian student at the University of Tampa. "Just imagine living somewhere where
you're being invisibly terrorized." In Nigeria, parallels of terror continued after the 2
outbreak ended in 19 October 2014 leaving a trail of 19 deaths. Previous President
Goodluck Jonathan vowed in a public response that as “we have conquered Ebola and we
will surely crush Boko Haram.” A clear parallel between an unconscious virus and a
violent terrorist organization was made. First, there is a claim that Ebola was conquered,
implying the existence of a war, similar to the rhetoric used around Boko Haram. And
second there is the false premise that the resources that allowed Nigeria to end the Ebola
1 Crowe, Sarah. "Ebola Virus: 'Biological War' in Liberia BBC News." BBC News. BBC, 11 Sept. 2014. Web. 21 Sept. 2015. <http://www.bbc.com/news/worldafrica29147797>. 2 "Ebola Worries from Home Follow UT Student." WFTS. N.p., n.d. Web. 21 Sept. 2015. <http://www.abcactionnews.com/news/hillsboroughregionalnews/ebolaworriesfromhomefollowutstudent>.
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outbreak are suited to face a complex terrorist network. Inevitably, there is a need to
identify the characteristics that make Ebola comparable to a terrorist network.
As a virus, Ebola represents an invisible and looming threat. This view was
perpetuated by imperfect knowledge as to how Ebola is spread and to speculations that it
can be spread without direct touch, much like terrorist cells, which often operate in
darkness and are perceived as a constant threat. Furthermore, viruses are organisms
without conscience, hence they do not discriminate as to whom they infect. Similarly
terrorist attacks are often nondiscriminatory in terms of their human targets, but they 3
aim to disable important infrastructure. Thus, these two nondiscriminatory qualities are
misrepresented as interchangeable. Ultimately, a virus is an organic structure, which is
neither dead nor alive as it is dependent on finding a host in order to become active and
replicate. Terrorist groups are nonstate actors that are not part of civil society, but are
considered rouge groups that form independently of state actors and other legitimate
nonstate actors. Due to these outward points of convergence between the virus and a
terror group, the process of adjectivisation attempts to transfer the properties and 4
sentiments around Ebola unto the operation of terrorist groups. Much as the events on
9/11 were used to pass legislation such as the Patriot Act that restricts individual freedom
and privacy and was used as a rationale for future interventions.
The American connection
3 It is important to note that this assertion is generally true and does not apply to attacks, which target specific groups or individuals. 4 Sontag, Susan. Disease as political metaphor.
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The previous description still does not account for the highly energized response
that Ebola received in the United States. In the U.S. additional adjectivisation processes
were at work, on top of the easily elicited terror paranoia. Once this paranoia is elicited,
amongst the more nationalist groups there is a higher state of alert. Nationalists view their
states as communities of horizontal comradeship , unified and homogenous in their 5
feelings of national identity. Thus, any attempt to infiltrate this structure is seen as a
direct threat to the existence of the structure. It is no coincidence that this same
mechanism of rejection is reflected in the emotion of disgust, which is repulsion at the
idea of oral incorporation of malign, external agents. Ultimately, disgust is a mechanism
that attempts to keep the body free of disease. Seeing as nationalist view the nations as a
one, the expulsion of migrants is an attempt to keep ‘the body politic’ free of disease.
This mechanism is seen at work in the conservative reaction to Ebola in the
United States, where a local party executive went so far as to suggest that: “The protocol
for a positive Ebola test should be immediate humane execution and sanitization of the
whole area. ” The metaphorical process at hand in this case, identifies Ebola with 6
unwarranted (illegal) migratory movements inside the United States, thus the ‘only
sensible reaction would be the complete removal of the threat’.
Conclusion
When analyzing the metaphorical premise of Ebola in a political context, it is
important to distinguish between the virus and the disease. Although the disease has great
5 Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities. 6 "Why Ebola Triggers Massive Rightwing Hysteria." Saloncom RSS. Web. 21 Sept. 2015.
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metaphorical potential (due to symptoms such as internal and external bleeding), it does
not fare as well as the virus in eliciting reactions towards issues that are important
contemporarily (i.e. terrorism and immigration). The nature of a virus as neither dead nor
alive, nondiscriminatory in terms of whom it infects and unconscious therefore
unreasonable with raises parallels with terrorist organizations as rouge nonstate actors
that often target innocent civilians and that represent a looming and hidden threat to
society. Furthermore, Ebola as a virus is appealing to rightwing Americans as it is an
unconscious confirmation of what are perceived as the threats of immigration. As
demonstrated, Ebola can be a powerful metaphor as it calls for an immediate response to
a perceived threat. Thus far we have experienced the use of Ebola during the time of an
outbreak, but the next decade will demonstrate if Ebola will become more present and
normalized in the metaphorical toolkit of political discourse.
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