east and west 2008

Founded by Giuseppe Tucci

A QUARTERLY PUBLISHED BY THEISTITUTO ITALIANO PER LAFRICA E LORIENTE

I s I A O

Vol. 58 - Nos. 1-4 (December 2008)

2 PRIME PAGINE 58-2008 (1-8) 12-11-2009 9:44 Pagina 3

EDITORIAL BOARD

Domenico Faccenna

Gherardo Gnoli, Chairman

Lionello Lanciotti

Luciano Petech

Art Director: Beniamino Melasecchi

Editorial staff: Elisabetta Valento, Matteo De Chiara

ISSN 0012-8376

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Manuscripts should be sent to the Editorial Board of East and West

Administrative and Editorial Offices: Istituto Italiano per lAfrica e lOrienteVia Ulisse Aldrovandi 16, 00197 Rome


C O N T E N T S

Michelina Di Cesare, New Sources for the Legend of Muammad in the West................ 9G.R.H. Wright, The Avatta Tree on the Vatican Hill ..................................................... 33Jacqueline Calzini Gysens, Interim Report on the Rabbathmoab and Qar Rabbah Project 53Simonetta Schiena, The False Smerdis. A Detective Story of Ancient Times: The

Reconstruction by Ilya Gershevitch ............................................................................. 87Farid Ullah Bezhan, The Enigmatic Authorship of Trikh-i Badakhshn ........................ 107Akira Miyaji, Iconography of the Two Flanking Bodhisattvas in the Buddhist Triads

from Gandhra. Bodhisattvas Siddhrtha, Maitreya and Avalokitevara .................... 123Elisa Freschi, Structuring the Chaos: Bha Mms Hermeneutics as Depicted in

Rmnujcryas straprameyapariccheda. Critical Edition and Annotated Translation of the Forth Section .................................................................................. 157

Tiziana Lorenzetti, The Amtaghae-vara Temple in Tamil Nadu. A Complex Example of Ca Architecture ..................................................................................................... 185

Donatella Rossi, An Introduction to the mKha' 'gro gsang gcod Teachings of Bon ......... 213Saerji, The Inscriptions of the Great Stupa of Gyantse. A Review of Their Transcription

in Giuseppe Tuccis Indo-Tibetica and a Remark on the Calligraphic Conventions Used in the Inscriptions ............................................................................................... 235

Angelo Andrea Di Castro, The Mori Tim Stupa Complex in Kashgar Oasis .................... 257Francesco DArelli, The Chinese College in Eighteenth-Century Naples ......................... 283Roberto Ciarla, The Thai-Italian Lopburi Regional Archaeological Project (LoRAP).

Excavation at Khao Sai On-Noen Din 2008: Preliminary Report ............................... 313Fiorella Rispoli, Off the Beaten Track: 2007 Italian-Indonesian Archaeological

Investigations at Gua Made (East Java)....................................................................... 337

Brief Notes and Items for Discussion

Nicola Laneri, Hirbemerdon Tepe. A Middle Bronze Age Site in Northern Mesopotamia ..... 365Fabrizio Sinisi, Another Seal of a Sasanian Dwn ............................................................ 377Rebecca Beardmore, Gian Luca Bonora and Zholdasbek Kurmankulov, Preliminary

Report on the 2007-2008 IAEK Campaigns in the Syrdarya Delta ............................. 385Max Klimburg, A Former Kafir Tells His Tragic Story. Notes on the Kati Kafirs of

Northern Bashgal (Afghanistan) .................................................................................. 391Massimo Vidale, Post Scriptum to The Collapse Melts Down, June 2008 ....................... 403R.K.K. Rajarajan, Identification of Portrait Sculptures on the Pda of the Ngevara

Temple at Kubhakoam ........................................................................................... 405Giuseppe Vignato, Chinese Edition of Giuseppe Tuccis Indo-Tibetica .......................... 415

Obituaries

Oscar Botto (1922-2008) (Lionello Lanciotti) ................................................................... 423


Domenico Faccenna (1923-2008) (Pierfrancesco Callieri) ................................................ 425Grigorij Maksimovich Bongard-Levin (1933-2008) (Gherardo Gnoli) ............................. 453

Book Reviews

by Alberto M. Cacopardo, Pierfrancesco Callieri, Lionello Lanciotti, Nicola Laneri, Erberto Lo Bue, Beniamino Melasecchi .................................................................... 457

Books Receveid ................................................................................................................... 482

List of Contributors ............................................................................................................ 485

Table of Contents ............................................................................................................... 487

6


LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AAA Archives of Asian ArtAAH Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum HungaricaeACASA Archives of the Chinese Art Society of AmericaActaO Acta Orientalia, CopenhagenActaOH Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum HungaricaeADMG Abhandlungen der Deutschen Morgenlndischen GesellschaftAION Annali dellIstituto (Universitario) Orientale di NapoliAJA American Journal of ArchaeologyAMI Archologische Mitteilungen aus IranArOr Archiv OrientlnASIAR Annual Reports (Archaeological Survey of India)BEFEO Bulletin de lcole Franaise dExtrme-OrientBMC Catalogue of Coins in the British MuseumBMFEA Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern AntiquitiesBMMA Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of ArtBSO(A)S Bulletin of the School of Oriental (and African) StudiesCAH Cambridge Ancient HistoryCAJ Central Asiatic JournalCHC Cambridge History of ChinaCHInd Cambridge History of IndiaCHIr Cambridge History of IranCIInd Corpus Inscriptionum IndicarumCIIr Corpus Inscriptionum IranicarumCIS Corpus Inscriptionum SemiticarumCRAI Comptes rendus des sances (Acadmie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres)EW East and WestHJAS Harvard Journal of Asiatic StudiesHR History of ReligionsIIJ Indo-Iranian JournalJA Journal AsiatiqueJAH Journal of Asian HistoryJAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society


JAS Journal of Asian StudiesJASB Journal of the Asiatic Society of BengalJESHO Journal of the Economic and Social History of the OrientJGJRI Journal of the Ganganath Jha Research InstituteJIABS Journal of the International Association of Buddhist StudiesJISOA Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental ArtJNES Journal of Near Eastern StudiesJRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and IrelandJUPHS Journal of the Uttar Pradesh (formerly: United Provinces) Historical SocietyKSIA Kratkie soobscenija Instituta ArheologiiMASI Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of IndiaMCB Mlanges chinois et bouddhiquesMDAFA Mmoires de la Dlgation Archologique Franaise en AfghanistanMIA Materialy i issledovanija po Arheologii SSSRMTB Memoirs of the Research Department of the Ty BunkoNTS Norsk Tidsskrift for SprogvidenskapOLZ Orientalistische LiteraturzeitungPSAS Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian StudiesREI Revue des tudes IslamiquesRepMem Reports and Memoirs (IsIAO [formerly IsMEO], Centro Studi e Scavi

Archeologici)RHR Revue de lHistoire des ReligionsRSO Rivista degli Studi OrientaliSA Sovetskaja ArheologijaSAS South Asian StudiesSOR Serie Orientale Roma (IsIAO [formerly IsMEO])TOCS Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic SocietyTP Toung PaoTPS Transactions of the Philological SocietyVDI Vestnik drevnej istoriiWZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fr die Kunde des MorgenlandesWZKS Wiener Zeitschrift fr die Kunde Sdasiens und Archiv fr indische PhilosophieZAS Zentralasiatische StudienZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft


The Amr. taghat.e-svara Temple in Tamil Nadu

A Complex Example of Co-l.a Architecture

by TIZIANA LORENZETTI

The Structure

On the road that crosses Tamil Nadu from Cidambaram southwards, at aboutthirty kilometres from the city of iva Naarja, a muddy pathway cuts sharp awayfrom the main thoroughfare, plunging into the thick vegetation. Eventually it runsthrough the village of Melakkadambur (in the South Arcot District) to peter out inan orderly clearing. Here abruptly appears a sturdy enclosure wall, within whichrises up the interesting Amtaghae-vara templei(1) dedicated to iva and belongingto the late Ca period (1070-1270 A.D.).

The temple is aligned on an east-west axis and faces east (Fig. 1). A single gopurawith two projecting levels, as is usual retaining the form of a truncated pyramid andcrowned with l, pavilion with a barrel shape roof (Fig. 2), leads into the sacredarea where the temple rises. Extraordinarily, it conserves intact its ancient splendoursince, although still in use, it seems largely to have escaped the gaudy refurbishingone might normally expect (Fig. 3). Of modest proportions, Amtaghae-varatemple is not completely unknown, having been generally described by S.R.Balasubrahmanyam (1963: 47-55; see also Meister & Dhaky 1983, I: 296-98), but nospecific study has been dedicated to it. Clearly quite ancient in its original core, itcan be dated to the times of the aiva saint Appari(2) (around 7th century A.D.).However, it seems that hardly anything remains of the original sanctuary, celebratedin the hymns of Appar with the name of Karakkyil, the present edifice as aninscription in old Tamil language tells us (Balasubrahmanyam 1979: 119) being areconstruction made in the late Ca period, during the reign of the sovereignKulttuga I (1070-1122 A.D.).

The entire sanctuary, surrounded by an enclosure wall (prkra), on whose eastand west side runs a covered arcade, consists of the following structures:

[1] 185

(1) According to local traditions, Indra is said to have worshipped the Lord (iva) here and so obtained the nectar (amta) of immortality: hence the temple is called Amtaghae-vara (cf. Balasubrahmanyam 1979: 119).

(2) Appar, who most probably lived between the end of 6 th and beginning of the 7th century, wasone of the major of the sixty-three masters of Tamil aivism (Nyan-mr).

08 LORENZETTI 185-212 12-11-2009 10:05 Pagina 185

An entrance open hypostyle room (ardhamaapa) with three rows ofcomposite columns, alternatively divided in cubical blocks, sixteen-sided sectionsand octagonal bands (Fig. 4)i(3). In the middle of the ardhamaapa, aligned on thegarbhagha, there is the usual statue of the couchant Nandin while, on the northernside, appear the little sanctuaries of Prvat and Naarja, both consisting only of thegarbhagha.

A small rectangular room, probably a vestibule (antarla)i(4), whichhouses superb bronzes. Attached to the southern face of the antarla there is a

186 [2]

(3) Balasubrahmanyam 1963: 47 and Meister & Dhaky 1983, I: 296.(4) Balasubrahmanyam (ibid.) and Meister & Dhaky (ibid.) refer to this room as a closed maapa.

But there are not any pillars inside.

Fig. 1 - Layout of the Amtaghae-vara temple. (Drawing by the Authoress).

garbhaghaantarlaardhamaapadev sanctuarynaarja sanctuarynandin


Fig. 2 - Amtaghae-vara temple, gopura. (Photo by the Authoress).


Fig. 3 - Amtaghae-vara temple, vimna and ikhara. (Photo by the Authoress).


porch supported by two columns of the same type of the ones of theardhamaapa (Fig. 5).

A square plan sacrarium (vimna) as is usual in the drvida context, includingthe sanctum (garbhagha), in this case dominated by a stone liga, and the elaboratecrowning structure (a stunning feat of Indian temple architecture) rising above(Fig. 6). This is the core of the ancient temple, since the ardhamaapa, theantarla and the prkra belong to later times, may be to the Nyaka period. Weknow, in fact, that the Nyakas of Tamil Nadu used to add many auxiliary structures(among these, large maapas first of all) to the central nucleus of pre-existingtemples (for further details, see Das 1991: 70-76, 108-17, 194-99, 259-62;Michell 2003: 58-113). In this regard it is interesting to note that, rising about onekilometre eastwards from the Amtaghae-vara, there is another temple Amtaghae--varas twin in many aspects, but now ruined and overgrown. This temple, in fact,named Rudragodvara, belongs to the same period (late Ca) and shows similararchitectonic structures, details and sculptures (Figs. 7-8). Probably in the late Caperiod the entire area was a pilgrimage centre linked to the cult of iva. But the most

[5] 189

Fig. 4 - Amtaghae-vara temple, ardhamaapa. (Photo by the Authoress).


interesting aspect is that Rudragodvara is completely lacking in later additions;most probably because by the time of the Nyakas, it had already fallen into disuse.

Now, turning back to the Amtaghae-vara, all the temple rises on a tall socle(upapha), along which are placed four large wheels of sculpted stone since thesanctuary was conceived in terms of a processional chariot (ratha). Actually, thechariot-temples, combining the choreographic impressions of processional chariotswith architectural effects, seem to have been a creation of 12th-century Tamilterritory, although there may have been a precursor in Karnataka (Balasubrahmanyam1979: 125-71). However, the Amtaghae-vara temple is probably the first examplein Tamil Nadu of this type, and it also shows a peculiar feature, the stone wheelsbeing attached to the northern and southern sides of the vimna, and not as isusual at the sides of the maapa (or, as in this case, the antarla) preceding thevimna itself (Lefvre 2005: 528).

Upon the upapha is set the base or plinth (adhihna) consisting as is usual ofa rhythmic bands of superimposed horizontal mouldings. From the bottom to top we

190 [6]

Fig. 5 - Amtaghae-vara temple, porch on the southern side of the antarla. (Photo by the Authoress).


Fig. 7 - Rudragodvara temple. (Photo by the Authoress).

Fig. 6 - Amtaghae-vara temple, ikhara. (Photo by the Authoress).


find upna (foundation moulding), jagat,a ribbed kumuda (which recalls theribbed eaves of the roof) and kaha,decorated with little panels of bas-relievesand projecting yis (or vyala, a sort ofleogryphon) with readers marking eachcorner (Fig. 9). Over kaha cames paikand over this one, appears a recessedmoulding (gala?)i(5) containing (like inthe early Clukya architecture) miniaturefriezes of figure sculpture. On the top,a continuous projected eave (parapetkapota), representing the foot of the outerwall, surmounts all the mouldings.

As regard to exterior walls, we notethat the surface of the antarla is scantilydecorated: only along the southern side as we have already indicated takesplace a porch. On the contrary, thesurface of the outer wall of the vimnais completely covered with beautifullydetailed half-columns of compositestructure, well-wrought sculptures andpilastered niches (devakoha), flankedby rearing yis containing the bestknown iconographies of the Hindupantheon (Fig. 10). Some of these sculp-tures display on the base an inscriptionin Tamil and Grantha charactersi(6)indicating the name of the divinity.Three main niches, each showing a smallporch before supported by slendereighteen-sided section columns, showingcushion-type capitals and resting onseated lions very similar indeed tothose of the first Pallava art are set oneon each side of the vimna (Fig. 3).Adjacent to the northern and southern

192 [8]

Fig. 8 - Rudragodvara temple, detail. (Photo by the Authoress).

(5) Meister & Dhaky (1983, I: 296) refer to this element as ve-d (railing), but I am not sure aboutthis interpretation.

(6) The term grantha refers to the script with which Tamil culture transcribes Sanskrit.

Fig. 9 - Amtaghae-vara temple, detail of the adhihna. (Photo by the Authoress).


sides, there are two more niches, en-dowed as well with a porch supportedby columns with seated lions, but small-er and not projecting so prominentlyforward. It is worth noting thatcouchant lions, in the early Pallava artprobable symbols of renascent butquiescent power, later, with the affirmationof the dynasty (early 8th century), weredepicted as rearing, symbols of rampantspiritual and royal power (SoundaraRajan 1978: 75). In the Ca period, therearing yis (at times seated) that adornthe base of pillars or the lower tiers ofthe vimna wall certainly derived fromthe Pallava heritage could reveal asimilar symbolic meaning.

As far as the three main niches areconcerned, they show a specific icono-graphic programme since they contain,in succession, sculptures of Brahm (tothe north), Viu (to the west) andDakimrti (to the south). The threedivinities, aligned with the three cardinalpoints beginning with the central ligawhich occupies the garbhagha, representthe image of the threefold potential ofthe one divine energy which flows fromthe centre towards all directions, manifesting itself in the different functionsof emanation, conservation and destruction. The latter is attributed to ivaDakimrti, the ascetic and great master who, at the end of every kalpa, reabsorbsthe entire universe into himself. Each divinity is also shown on the two higher storeysof the vimna. On the first level the image, likewise placed between two columns in aniche, is surrounded by a broad horse-shoe shaped arch (ku), formed by plantvolutes emerging from the jaws of the krtimukha also defined as klamukha amonstrous face (a mixture of a lion and a dragon), that was to enjoy great popularitynot only in India, but also in the figurative art of South-East Asia (Fig. 6). Generallyplaced at the top of the arches of the gates and niches of temples, the krtimukhaappears a composite, ambiguous form, as indeed accords with its significance (forfurther details, see Gunon 1946: 36-52; 1987: 23; Filippi 1978; Ghosh 1993).

All the mural sculptures belong to the late Ca period, but some influence fromeastern Clukya as well as early Pya can be seen. In fact, the highly naturalistic

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Fig. 10 - Amtaghae-vara temple, iva and Devon the exterior wall of the vimna. (Photo by

the Authoress).


relaxed posture, the strong sense of volume, the liveliness of those figures and alsothe proportions of the body, with the round torso and the heavy head, recall someeastern Clukya and early Pya sculptures.

The extraordinary dynamic quality of these sculptures, alternating in the low andhigh relief, and depicted of various proportions, seems to be quickened by an innertension and to be guiding the observer along the entire circumambulation of themonument. They are really connected to the architectural structures, where theupward rising elements, relating to the metaphysical plane, contrast with thehorizontal elements, which, growing out in multiple projections and recessed planes,suggest at the same time the expansion and the dissolution of the manifestation.

In this regard, it is worth noting that the three main niches, set on each side ofthe vimna, convey a great sense of expansion towards the cardinal directions,stressing once again the progression forward of the manifestation. Thus, we have theeternal contraposition between the transcendent and the multitude of undefineddegrees of existence, both fused in an organic, dynamic architectural vision inwhich, as is so often the case in Indian art, the sculpture also combines wonderfullywith the architecture and enters into the symbolic significance of the whole. Theprofound dynamism which pervades the entire complex, measured out in a timelessrhythm, is also accentuated by the wheels sculpted along the upapha.

Above the outer walls, the Amtaghae-vara shows a flat roof surrounded byprojecting ribbed eaves (kapota), and covering most of the temple with theexception of the vimna that rises above, surrounded at the cardinal points by fourarchitectural elements whose volumes echo its form in miniature. Two octagonalstoreys (tala), separated by a ribbed kapota, lead up to the heavenward leap of theikhara, the element at the top of the structure, whose circular shape and theaccentuated flange of rim are typical of many late Ca temples.

Contrary to the late drvida temples, whose storeys of the vimna arecharacterised by a chain of miniature shrines (usually referred to by the Graeco-Roman term aediculae), the talas of the Amtaghae-vara temple lack in suchelements. Particularly the second storey is richly adorned with images of divinitiesand various decorative motives, sculpted of various proportions and on differentplanes of depth. In this way these figures, emerging in their varied ways from thebackground, are partially hidden from the viewers perspective from below, giving theimpression of being living persons inhabiting the roof of the temple. The same device canbe seen in some early Pya works: in particular the composition carved on the roof ofthe cave temple of Vauvnkvil (Kallugumalai) in Tamil Nadu can be mentioned(Fig. 11)i(7). The above ikhara of the Amtaghae-vara is supported by a cylindrical

194 [10]

(7) Though no foundation records exist on this monolith, on the base of some inscriptions found in the group of Jain carvings on the same hill, the monument has been dated between the 7th and the 8th century A.D. (Soundara Rajan 1978: 93-94).


Fig. 11 - Vauvnkvil cave temple (Kallugumalai), detail of the vimna. (Photo by the Authoress).


collar (grv) and surmounted by a vase-shaped element (kumbha), a lotus flower(padma, idal in Tamil) and a modernmetal rod whose gilded tip shines bynight in a beam of artificial light.

The combination of the square planvimna, its octagonal storeys, the cylin-drical grv and the circular ikhara isvery interesting and quite unusual. In allIndian temples there is a clear relationbetween the plan, the articulation of thewall and the character of the super-structure. In this sanctuary, in fact, such

a geometrical composition, recalls the passage from the square (in the Hindu sacredarchitecture, a symbol of the earthly sphere) to the circle (symbol of the celestialsphere)i(8) through an octagon (the transitional world), stressing the cosmic aspectof the temple. Moreover, the composition emphasises the function of the liga located in the garbhagha at the centre of the entire structure as axis mundiwhich goes through the different spheres, linking the heart of the garbhagha withthe final at the summit of the superstructure: the two most sacred points, theinnermost and the highest, as if simultaneously containing the One Principle ontwo different planes immanent and transcendent. On the other hand, the abovecosmic symbolism is reinforced by the shape itself of the liga, as it is formed ofthree parts: square at the base, octagonal in the middle and cilindrical at the top(Fig. 12). The geometrical pattern of the temple, combining and connecting threesections representative of the three worlds, evokes and underlines the two-direction passage from materiality to the supra-human level, and vice versa. Theupwards way is that the devotee must follow to attain liberation from sasra; thedownwards one is undertaken, for the sake of man, by the immaterial SupremeReality (in this case the formless iva) in its process of unfolding fromtranscendency into the materiality.

Other interesting architectural features of the Amtaghae-vara temple, whichare worth noting, such as the modest proportions of the gopura and the few storeysof the vimna, octagonal in shape and lacking in smaller shrines, altogether show asimilarity between this sanctuary and the drvida temples of the previous periods.In fact, from the late Ca period onwards, gopuras are usually higher than thecentral vimna, presenting many storeys pyramidal in shape and full of miniaturebuildings arranged in rows.

196 [12]

(8) For further details, see Gunon 1978: 99-103, 226-29; 1982: 135-40. It is worth noting thatsometimes the symbolism square/circle (earth/heaven) can be inverted. Cf. Kramrisch 1976, I: 22-31;Lorenzetti 2007: 20-21.

Fig. 12 - Amtaghae-vara temple, plan of thedifferent parts of the vimna and the liga,showing their correspondence with cosmic

elements. (Drawing by the Authoress).


Moreover, taking into account also the fact that the Amtaghae-vara, as we haveseen, displays certain architectural elements typical of the Pallava as well as somesculptural features typical of early Pya and Clukya art, we may say that althoughthe sanctuary was reconstructed in the late Ca period, not only does it conservecertain elements and structures of earlier periods, but also shows heterogeneity ofstylistic suggestions. As a matter of fact, as is well known, Ca artists had a geniusfor assimilation, but in the Amtaghae-vara sanctuary they realized such asophisticated synthesis of different styles and features, rich in manifold symbolic andsignificance, to make it singularly characteristic and, in fact, unique of its kind.

To the right of the vimna, along the northern side of the maapa, there is thesmall sanctuary of the goddess, consisting only of the garbhagha, containing a veryinteresting four-handed image of Durg: her forward hands are held in abhayamudrand varadamudr, while the hands behind respectively carry the axe (parau) and thenoose of rope (pa).

As from around the 12th century small temples dedicated to the female form ofthe divine began to appear regularly in the sacred area beside the main sanctuary,reserved for the worship of a god (usually iva), consort of Dev. The rise of thesesmall shrines would seem to confirm the growing importance of the figure of thegoddess whose sanctum no longer a chapel within the temple, but a true and propersantuary parallel or near to that of god. However, other consideration are alsopossible: in Tamil Nadu, the santuaries of the goddess are generally considered asevidence of the assimilation of ancient autochthonous divinities mostly female tothe Puranic divinities of the official religion. At first sight, they seem to sanction thesubordination of the local religion to the orthodox Sanskrit tradition, but, as is sooften the case in India, grasping the realities that lie behind appearances is no simplematter. In fact, we find progressively converging into the devotional image of Dev generally identified as Prvat characteristics belonging to autochthonous femaledivinities protecting the village or grmadevat, just as in southern India, especiallyin Tamil country, the spouse of iva receives and absorbs the ancient heritage ofancestral cults to become also, and above all Amm, the Mother. And even whenit is not Prvat but some other Hindu goddess that is concerned, it is still she, thatmost ancient of mothers with the inexhaustible womb, who remains the object of themost heartfelt popular devotion, to the extent that she may even overshadow herconsort in importance, although the main sanctuary is devoted to him.

THE BRONZE SCULPTURES

The interior of both temples is dark and bare: the absence of decoration andobscurity of the inner rooms are in sharp contrast to the sculptural richness of the outerpart, and contribute to emphasize the gradual approach of the devotee inward, from

[13] 197


light to darkness, from the open to a confined space, creating at the same time thatmysterious, evocative atmosphere that inspires the performance of the daran the visualcontact between the faithful and the divine image representing the climax of every pj.

However, in the main sanctuary, the absence of decoration is compensated bysuperb bronzes, arrayed along the walls of the vestibule before the garbhagha. In myopinion they presumably belong to the last Ca period or little later, since theirslender bodies, their features and deft balance between stylisation and naturalismare typical of the mature Ca period (Nagaswamy 1995: 118-28). These beautifullydetailed images seem to draw the faithful towards them: here we see represented intangible form the multiple aspects of the divine, enveloped in the symbol of theliga, transcending, but at the same time including, the diversity of its manifoldmanifestations.

Ritual intimacy with the divine brings to the icon the respect and attentions dueto a living manifestation of the sacred, in accordance with the set ceremonialprescribed by the gamas and various other texts of the aiva ritual which providethat the form of the divinity be treated as a living person, to be aspersed daily withpurifying water, and to be dressed, fed and adorned. Where the image of the god isliving and the divine is a living experience, the offerings of food and the clothingtake on powerful significance, so that understanding the work of art reaches out toembrace a decidedly more complete and organic vision.

During particular ceremonies (mahotsava), these bronze statues are decoratedfor the occasion and carried out of the temple in procession to celebrate once againthe myths and recreate the symbols that defined the ritual and formed the featuresof the effigy in the course of time.

As a matter of fact, one of the most interesting features of the Amtaghae-varatemple resides in its beautiful scarcely known bronzes, very particular indeed, rich insymbolic and ritual significance.

Candraekhara on the Tridenti(9)

Here we are referring to a bronze image of iva Candraekhara in the form ofKevalai(10), accompanied by his vhana, the bull Nandin (Fig. 13). As is usual andaccording to textual sourcesi(11), the standing god has four arms: the forward right

198 [14]

(9) As for the analysis of this iconography, its connection with the ivas weapons and related textualreferences, I thoroughly examined the whole matter in my Ph.D. dissertation (Lorenzetti unpubl. [1996]).

(10) Candraekharamrti has the etymological meaning of an image which bears the crescent moonas its head ornament. Generally, the deity is accompanied by his consort, but in this caseCandraekhara is in the form of Kevala, i.e. devoid of consort. For further details, see Pattabiramin1959; Adiceam 1970; Rao 1997, 2, part I: 117-26.

(11) See, for instance, Aumadbhedgama, paala LXIII, published in Sanskrit by Rao 1997, 2,part II: 56.


hand is held in abhayamudr, the corresponding left is in varadamudr; the handsbehind carry respectively the axe (parau) and the black antelope (mga). The deity isportrayed as standing against a background formed by a gigantic (compared to hisheight) trident with outer prongs curving inwards, while the central spike is shorterand vajra-like shapedi(12).

The trident (usually trila), in the course of time, has become one of the majorelements in aiva iconography: from about the so-called Indian Middle Agesi(13) ithas been representing ivas weapon par excellence, together with the spear (usuallyla) to which, having a similar symbolic significance, it is often consideredequivalent, at least from a certain epoch forwards (Dalla Piccola 2002: 191; Giuliano2004: 59-61). In iconography, in fact, the trident and the spear appear sometimes tobe interconnected (Fig. 14).

[15] 199

(12) The vajra, usually interpreted as the thunderbolt in the Buddhist and Hindu mythology, isoften iconographically interconnected with the trident with which it shares some symbolic meanings.See Lorenzetti unpubl. [1996]: 120.

(13) Although the idea of the Middle Ages was conceived in the West, the definition is normallyapplied also to a particular period of Indian history (from the 7th to 14th century c.), when structures,social conditions, institutions and ideas underwent radical changes, departing remarkably from thoseprevailing in earlier periods. Cf. Veluthat 1993: 12-28; 1998.

Fig. 13 - Candraekhara (bronze), Amtaghae-vara temple. (Photo by the Authoress).

Fig. 14 - Bhikana, iva Saptai temple (Tiruchchirappalli). (Copyright French Institute of Pondicherry).


In the evolution of the Hindu thought, the trident assumes sometimes complexsymbolic meanings, but also becomes an object greatly venerated in the daily templepj, during the mahotsava, and it is also used as a support in meditation practiceswhere its essence is viewed and evoked with a mantra, or sacred formula. As weread, for instance, in the Mgendrgama (e.g. III, 113b-114a = 1985: 267), or in the(Rauravgama, paala XVI, v. 14 = 1961, I: 62):

[...] And having thus meditated, honour is paid to the liga with oblation (baliliga)through the mantra of the weapon (astramantra).

But the image in the Amtaghae-vara temple does not represent merely theunion of Candraekhara and the mantra/weapon of iva, because it seems to reveal adeeper significance. To understand its meaning in a better way let me open here ashort parenthesis.

Candraekhara and the ivas Weapon(s): Trila, la and pupata

In the Indian religious and iconographic tradition, the various emblems andweapons of the main gods can at times be personified, or in other wordsrepresented in human form. Some of them are represented as males, some asfemales, some are neuteri(14), and various treatises on the iconography provideindications for their representation. These depictions, usually called yudhapurua(weapon-man) are considered no less than divine beings and generally appearalongside the objects they personify; as a matter of fact, very often the two areportrayed together in an indivisible union. Sometimes the weapon which theyudhapuruas are intended to represent is placed between their hands: otherwise,it is shown on their head or behind them (for further detail, see Gail 1980-81; Mani1985: 2-8; Donaldson 2001: 266-69).

Now, the anthropomorphic image of the trila, known as trilapurua, isgenerally described as a two-handed benevolent male deity (see, for instance,Viudharmottara Pura, published in Sanskrit by Rao, 1977, 1, part. II: 78, v. 7),and there are quite a number of representations in sculpture (Agrawala 1960). Butsome texts mention what could seem to be another human form of the ivasweapon par excellence, called Pupatamrti, that is the shape (mrti) of Pupata.The term Pupata, in a very well-known story of the Mahbhrata (Kirta parvan, inVana parvan CLXIX), is the name of an undefined weapon (astra) of iva, given toArjuna by the god himself under the appearance of a hunter (kirta).

The human form of the pupata weapon (Pupatstra) is generally describedas a gentle god with four arms, the forward right and the left of which are keptin abhayamudr and varadamudr, while the other two hold the trila and the

200 [16]

(14) The gender is determined by the gender of the word that denote them. Rao (1977, 1, part I:288) refers to neuter representations as eunuchs.


rosary (akaml) or the noose (pa)i(15).Hence the question arises: is thepupata a different weapon from thetrident, or both the pupata and thetrila refer to the trident?

As a matter of fact, in the Mahbh-rata, iva under the appearance of akirta is described as carrying a big bow(called Pinka) and an arrow. But wecannot be sure whether such weaponsare to be identified with the pupata,since the text is not quite clear (Subhash1992: 96, n. 35). Hence the pupataweapon is variously interpreted.

According to some scholars (see, forinstance, Stutley 1985: 110; RamachandraRao 1991, I: 77; Bunce 1997: 223; Srivastava 1998: 313), pupata could be identifiedboth with the bow and the arrow as well as the trident; others (Scheuer 1982: 237-38;Subhash 1992: 86-89), considering that Arjuna had already received the fabulousdivine bow (called Giva) from Indra (Mahbhrata, rayaka parvan, in Vanaparvan, XLI), even maintain that the pupata does not refer to any weapon, but it isthe symbol of Arjunas initiation in the Pupata culti(16). Such a view would bestrengthen by the fact that the Pupata school is the only aiva sect spoken of in thepoem and, as attested by inscriptions, it was so widely spread that must haverepresented the whole of the aivism in the early medieval period (Ogura 1999: 124).

Neither do iconographic references throw sufficient light on the question, as therepresentations of the well-known episode connected with the ivas gift of thepupata to Arjuna are both scarce and discordant (see, for instance, Nagarajan 1993and related bibliographic references). Anyhow, we can see that in the most ancientimages, iva-kirta appears to Arjuna carrying the bow and the arrowi(17), while inlater images the god is generally depicted with the trident (Fig. 15).

[17] 201

(15) Rauravgama 1961, vol. I, p. 62 [paala 16, vv. 11-12]; Suprabhedgama I, 13, vv. 16a-16bquoted in Rauravgama, op. cit., p. 62, n. 17. In these passages, the personification of the trident of ivais mentioned as pupatamrti.

(16) The Pupata sect is one of the most ancient aiva sects: it can be dated back to the firstcenturies A.D. According to its teachings, codified in the Pupata Stra, iva is Paupati, the Lord(pati) of all human beings (pau) bound to sasra. In Vedic times, the term pau was referred todomestic animals. But much later on, pau became to identify all human beings bound to sasra andiva is their ruler, because he is the only grantor of their liberation. For further details, see Dasgupta1955: 13-149; Gnoli 1962: 7-18.

(17) See, for instance, a fragment of a pillar dating back to the Gupta period and conserved in theIndian Museum of Kolkata (acc. No. NS2208/A25106). Cf. also Kandan 1991.

Fig. 15 - Kirtarjunamrti, r Tayuman-avartemple (Tiruchchirappalli), late Pya Period.

(Copyright French Institute of Pondicherry).


Here, I cannot dwell any longer onthis matter; however, considering that thepoem combines multiple mythical andreligious experiences, I am inclined tothink that the pupata may have assumed,in time, various symbolic meanings,becoming not only equivalent with the la(in fact, sometimes, instead of the trila,the human form of pupata carries thela)i(18), but also interchangeable withthe arrow. In this regard, I refer to somelate South Indian iconographies, where thetrident appears on the bow, in the place ofthe arrow (see, for example, Fig. 16).

Thus it is quite likely that, whatevermight have been its original meaning,

especially with the development of the aiva Siddhnta philosophy and thecompilation of the aivgamasi(19), the pupata weapon may have come to beidentified with the trident. By that time, in fact, the trident was not only the mainweapon of iva, and one of the most important attributes of the god, but also anobject of elaborate philosophical relevance. It is also worth nothing that the tridentis also the most important element which characterises the iconography of ivaPaupati, at least from the development of the Pupata cult forwards (Lorenzettiunpubl. [1996]: 154-63).

The identification trila/pupata seems to be testified in the iconography: someimages which, according to textual descriptions can be identified with thepersonification of the pupata weapon, not only carry the trident in one hand, but,very often, are also characterised by a great trident, represented behind them as asort of background (Fig. 17) (see also Adiceam 1971: figs. 1-3; Lorenzetti unpubl.[1996]: 142-44, figs. 5-7).

* * *

Turning now back to the interesting sculpture of Candraekhara in theAmtaghae-vara temple, we can see that the god shows many features in commonwith the iconography of the human form of the pupata weapon, which is describedwith light variants in literary sources and as we have seen is also testified in the

202 [18]

(18) Ajitgama, nityotsavavidhi, paala XXV, v. 26 (cf. Ajitgama, 1964-65, II: 295); Aumadbhedgama,paala LXXI, published in Sanskrit by Rao 1977, 2, part II: 57-58.

(19) The agamic tradition arose in uncertain period, but the textual references can be placed notbefore the 6th-7th century A.D. Cf. Gonda 1977: 165; Tucci 1981: 122.

Fig. 16 - Trident as an arrow, north side of theprkra of the Bhadvara temple (Tanjavur),

Nyaka Period. (Photo by the Authoress).


iconography. Therefore we might suppose thatCandraekhara against the background of thetrident represents one of the most rare and lessknown images of the personification of theivas trident (cf. Adiceam 1971: 37-41), as itwould also be confirmed by some texts:

Now Ill tell (about) the pupata, which issimilar to Candraekhara

atha pupata vakye Candraekhara-vatsthitam //i(20).

And again:And the form of the weapon (of which)mention was made before, (is) the imageof Candraekhara.

prgukt cstramrti ca pratim Candra-ekhara //i(21).

The idea that Candraekhara is anyudhapurua seems strange, but it is possible(but the point calls for further study) that theiconographic similarities between Candraekharaand pupatamrti resulted in establishing alsoa similar symbolic significance.

Subrahmaya

Subrahmaya (Fig. 18), son of iva, god ofwar and youth, but also an ascetic as we canrecognise from the rosary often held in one ofhis hands, and his shaved head circled by astring of rudrka is one of the most highlyvenerated in Tamil territory; there is not asingle town or village that does not boast asanctuary dedicated to him. His identity mergesand mixes with that of the autochthonous godof war Murugan- (in tamil usually Murukan-)the great warrior, destroyer of inauspicious

[19] 203

(20) ilparatna, paala XXII = Rao 1977, 2, part II: 58.(21) Rauravgama, paala XVI, v. 4 = Rauravgama

1961: 62.

Fig. 17 - Pupatamrti, Sri Kalahastisvaratemple (Madurai). (Copyright French

Institute of Pondicherry).


demons, often mentioned in the hymns of the Paripali(22) and in the poemTirumurukr- r- upaaii(

23), whose uncertain origin seems to have emerged from an

204 [20]

(22) The Paripal is a part of the Eukottai, a collection of eight anthologies belonging to theSagam literature; it can be attributed to a period between the 2nd century B.C. and the 4th centuryA.D. Cf. Zvelebil 1975: 29-33.

(23) The Tirumurukr-r-upaai (lit.: Guide to Lord Murugan-) by the poet Nakkirar, about 5th century A.D.,is one of the most sacred hymns devoted to the God Murugan-. For further details, see Clothey 1978: 65-68.

Fig. 18 - Subrahmaya (bronze), Amtaghae-vara temple. (Photo by the Authoress).


ancient local deity. Anyway, probably later, Murugan- came to be identified with theSanskrit god Skanda-Krttikeya: the two gods, in fact, have many common featuresand that is why the deities coalesced to give birth to the popular Subrahmaya(Chatterjee 1970: 64).

Some scholars (but this hypothesis, in my opinion, does not seem a likelyexplanation) think that Murugan- is only a Tamil translation of the Sanskrit Kumra(see, for instance, Venkayya, quoted by Chatterjee 1970: 64). However, whether theidentity of this deity has its roots mainly in a remote autochthonous substratum, or itderives directly from that of Skanda-Krttikeya, there can be little doubt that thisdivinity has absorbed ancient vestiges of autochthonous popular cults, acquiring aconsiderable importance in the course of time, particularly in the Ca era, whenSkanda-Murukan- became a window through which to view the whole system ofaiva-Siddhnta (for further details, see Clothey 1978: 88). As a matter of fact, thephilosophical speculation of the aiva Siddhnta, also known as Tamil aivism(Devasenapathi 1974: 2-3), especially from the Ca times, seems to develop aroundsome mythological autochthonous motifs and, in particular, around the Skanda-Murugan- myths. This deity, in fact, notwithstanding the Sanskritization of his cult,retains a persistent relation with the Tamil heritage and tradition. For this reason,may be, in course of time, he became like iva both the guru who imparts thesacred teachings of Siddhnta (ibid.: 95-100), and the object of an intense personaldevotion. The importance of Subrahmaya is also attested from the fact that severalPallava kings carried one of his names (LHernault 1978: 64). His rise to the status ofsupreme divinity and his twofold aspect, the warrior and the ascetic, probablyfound an iconographic expression in the addition of a second spouse to the one thatnormally accompanies the godi(24). In my opinion, however, the addition of asecond spouse might be more easily explained on grounds of historical reasons. Infact, as we noted above, traits and myths belonging both to the Tamil autochthonousand the Sanskrit classical traditions merge into the figure of the deity. The two wiveswould then be the expression of this twofold heritage: the first, Vai, would be theoutput of the Tamil culture (Zvelebil 1977), whereas the second, De-vase-n, could betraced back to the Sanskrit derivation. In this regard, it is worth noting that it is onlyin Tamil Nadu that Subrahmaya appears in the company of two wives (Kalidos2006, IV, part I: 63).

In the Amtaghae-vara temple, Subrahmaya is depicted as standing with fourarms (Fig. 10). In his upper right hand he holds the typical weapon of the god thesword (khaga) while the spear or javelin (akti), the crescent moon (candra), andwhat might possibly be the arch (dhanu) (Rao 1977, 1, part I: 5-6, pl. II, fig. 3)

[21] 205

(24) As an ascetic, Subrahmaya cannot have a consort, but a supreme deity, who grantsliberation, must necessary be accompanied by a consort (cf. LHernault 1984: 260). Therefore,Subrahmaya is represented together with two consorts, that is one accompanying the god in his aspectof a warrior, and the other to underline his nature as a supreme deity.


appear in the other hands as moveable attributes. On both sides of the divinityappear his two wives: Vai and De-vase-n or Devayn-ai who, according to a localtradition, is the Indras daughter (Kalidos 2006, IV, part I: 63). The composition viewed, as it were, in an eternal instant is of singularly evocative effect, theapparent movement of the figures being suggested by the sinuous postures of thebodies, the gestures of the hands and the sheen of the garments reflecting back thelight of the lamps in flashes and flickers.

Somskanda

This is an image peculiar to the Tamil country. iva, seated in sukhsana (withone leg bent close to the body, and the other hanging down), is accompanied byhis spouse, Um or Prvat, and his son Skanda (Fig. 19). The Great God hasfour arms, two of which bear the axe (parau) and the gazelle (mga), while theothers perform respectively the gesture of reassurance (abhayamudr) and thegesture known by the name of kaaka or sihakara (because it resembles a lionsear), that is with the thumbs tip touching the forefingers tip to form a ring, whilethe other three fingers are joined and bent inwards (see Gupte 1972: 3, drawingson p. 7; Rao 1977, 1, part I: pl. V, figs. 7-8). This hand position, when the imageis a cult object, allow inserting a fresh flowers between the thumb and theforefinger. On the left side of iva appears the goddess bearing a lotus flower inher right hand, as does the small Skanda, shown as standing between his parents,at the centre of the composition. A regal, decorated bronze arch surmounts whatmight at first sight be identified as a divine family. However, although the conceptof family union is indeed there, the composition appears to allude to a particularform (mrti) of iva himself. Many texts, in fact, consider Somskanda the mostimportant of the twenty-five forms of the god (see, for instance, rtattvanidhi III,64, 7 quoted by LHernault 1978: 63). All this implies that the figures in thecomposition should be interpreted not only as a family, but also and perhapsabove all as a symbolic triad that could (although this is matter calling for moresearching study) express the generative potential of the god (iva) who, by virtueof his spouse-akti (Prvat), gives birth to his son Skanda, who so becomes parextension a living symbol of the creation of the whole world by the god.

It is furthermore to be borne in mind that this mrti is closely connected withthe liga symbol, which in fact par excellence represents the generative power of thegod iva: significantly, in the Pallava period Somskanda is sculpted on a wall of thegarbhagha, along with the liga. Subsequently, although this mrti was no longer toappear in the garbhagha, it would nevertheless retain its role as the most importantdivine manifestation in the temple after the liga symbol, to such an extent that,during some religious feasts, Somskanda is the divine form that is carried in thefirst place in procession out of the temple, rarely preceded by Gaapati (ibid.: 63),and followed by all the other mrtis.

206 [22]


Naarja with His Consort

Naarja is the representation of iva most commonly known the world over(Fig. 20). The bronze images of his typical nanda tava dance, find a place in allthe worlds major museums as consummate synthesis of Hindu religion, philosophy and

[23] 207

Fig. 19 - Somskanda (bronze), Amtaghae-vara temple. (Photo by the Authoress).


art. This familiar dance pose, encircled by the prabhmaala or tiruvi (arch of glory),is characterized by the left leg lifted up and the right one on the back of the dwarf; ofthe four hands, the forward ones respectively carry the drum (amaru) and the fire,while the backward ones are in abhayamudr and gajahasta (or daa hasta) mudr.

In Tamil Nadu, where Naarja images in nanda tava pose gain greatimportance and ritual stability, we note that all these images, mostly in bronze andbelonging to the time after the king Ca Parntaka (907-940)i(25), occupy a specificsouth-oriented place in every iva temple. In few cases, the image is placed even inthe garbhagha, as in the famous Naarja temple in Chidambaram and in the smaller,rather unknown, iva temple of Allaikia Kuttar, 12th century (Tirunelveli District).

These portrayals are so famous and well analysed in their symbolic meaning bymany scholarsi(26) that no further comment is necessary, although there is a

208 [24]

(25) Before his time we have no documentation of typical Naarja nanda tava images. SeeSoundara Rajan 1972: 78-84; 1978: 41.

(26) Among them we can quote: Somasundaram 1970; Soundara Rajan 1972-1973; ivaramamurti1974; Gaston 1982; Zvelebil 1985; Kalidos 1996; Smith 1996; Coomarasvamy 1997.

Fig. 20 - Naarja (bronze), Amtaghae-vara temple. (Photo by the Authoress).


conceptual element worth mentioning since its real importance has, I feel, oftenbeen neglected by most authors. Here I am referring to Dev, the gods akti, orcreating energy, generally identified as his spouse Um/Prvat and said in manyliterary sources, especially in the Tamil Tirumur-aii(

27), to take part in her consortseternal dancei(28).

Nor could it be otherwise, given that it is precisely through the action of theakti that the god stirs from his motionless ecstasy and begins to dance, thus givingrise to that illusory play of forms that is the universe. So closely melded with him isthe essence of the goddess that often Naarja is also described in the form ofArdhanrvara:

The sacred image (Naarja), half woman, dances [...]

Pvai kr-u tiruvuruvan- (I Tirumur-ai).i(29).

He (Naarja) sings and dances with the image mixed by a woman

Pkattr pekalantu piyi (II Tirumur-ai).i(30).

And again:He dances with the daughter of the Mountain as a half.

Maiyakan- malaimaka pkam uvr (III Tirumur-ai).i(31).

However, as I have mentioned, when we come to consider the conceptual andartistic vision of Naarja, very little room seems to have been given to the form ofhis akti, which if mentioned appears at the best only as witness of the ivasdance (for instance, see Sivaramamurti 1974: 137). In many museums showcases herimage is even lost and the dancing god is separated from his Dev on grounds oftypological and chronological grouping.

However, where the image is a cult object, Naarja is consistently shown withthe Dev by his side, as active but, at the same time, imperturbable and necessarypresence of her consorts powerful performance. In the temple of Amtaghae-vara,in fact, the Dev is standing by the left side of Naarja, two armed, the right oneslightly bent in kaakamudr, while the left one hanging down.

In reality, since the icons housed together in a temple are closely interrelated,they should be considered not only masterpieces in their own right but also, andabove all, they should be seen in the interrelationships of their symbolic significant,

[25] 209

(27) The corpus called Tirumur- ai (Holy collection) is the canonical text of aiva Siddhntadevotional literature. It includes twelve books of hymns from the sixty-three traditional saints (Nyan-mr) of Tamil aivism.

(28) Tirumantiram 1991, 9th tantra, vv. 2725, 2751, 2768, 2770, pp. 420, 424, 426.(29) Tirumur-ai 1973, I, 132nd patikam, hymn no. 7, i.e. verse (the term patikam, which means ten,

indicates a composition consisting of ten or eleven stanzas). Cf. Kalidos 2006, II: 17.(30) Tirumur-ai 1973, II, 207th patikam, hymn no. 4, i.e. verse. Ibid.(31) Tirumur-ai 1973, III, 277th patikam, hymn no. 2, i.e. verse. Ibid.


in relation to the sanctuary where theyare housed, and in their cult capacity.

A Few Remarks on Recent Restorations

In February 2008, on a second on-the-spot investigation it turned out thatthe temple was going to be painted inbright colours, according to the moderntrend which appears to have startedduring the Nyaka periodi(32).

In particular, at the entrance, thegopura, in addition to the painted sur-face, shows new polychromic stuccos,added all around the two projectinglevels (Fig. 21). All this, unfortunately,deprives the ancient temple of its ori-ginal aspects and its artistic and historicalsignificance.

This common practice is complainedalso by some contemporary Indianscholars. To quote R. Nagaswamy (2003,II: 342):

In temple renovations, even simple and basic precautionary methods are not takento preserve the ancient character. Superstructures are chiselled off, allowing thebrick and mortar debris to fall on the delicately carved sculptures and mouldings.Scaffoldings are erected over fine sculptures, little realizing the damage it will cause.Cement plaster is allowed to overflow or spill over the delicate sculptures,mouldings, carvings or inscriptional records permanently destroying their nature.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My sincere thanks are due to the Archaeological Survey of India, for allowing me to takephotographs of the old bronzes.

As for the analysis of the iconography of Naarja, I am most grateful to Prof. RajuKalidos, Tamil University of Tanjavur, Faculty of Arts, for his many suggestions andbibliographic references.

210 [26]

(32) Although some Hindu temples were enlivened from the earliest times with murals andpaintings, in my opinion it was only during the Nyaka period (with some antecedents in theVijayanagara and the late Pya art) that the use of colours spreads greatly, embracing architecturalelements, not limited to newly built sanctuaries, but also extended to ancient temple complexes. SeeLorenzetti forthcoming.

Fig. 21 - Gopura of the Amtaghae-vara temple in February 2008. (Photo by the Authoress).


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