-
7/23/2019 Fuseli, Napoleon, And Themistocles at the Court of Admetus
1/8
Master Drawings Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Master Drawings.
http://www.jstor.org
Fuseli, Napoleon, and "Themistocles at the Court of Admetus"Author(s): Joseph RuzickaSource: Master Drawings, Vol. 26, No. 3 (Autumn, 1988), pp. 253-258+300Published by: Master Drawings AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1553900Accessed: 19-08-2015 20:26 UTC
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/p
info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of contin a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarsFor more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
http://www.jstor.org/http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=mdahttp://www.jstor.org/stable/1553900http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/1553900http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=mdahttp://www.jstor.org/ -
7/23/2019 Fuseli, Napoleon, And Themistocles at the Court of Admetus
2/8
Fuseli,
Napoleon,
and
"Themistocles
at
the
Court
of Admetus"
JosephRuzicka
ON
13
July
1815,
three weeks
after
his
second abdica-
tion,
Napoleon
Bonaparte
wrote to
the Prince
Regent
of
Great
Britain,
seeking
asylum.
In his
letter,
he com-
pared
his
present
state
of affairs
to an
incident
in
the
life
of
the
great
Athenian
general
and
statesman
The-
mistocles:
Altesse
Royale,
n but
[sic]
auxfactions
ui
divisentmon
pays
et
a l'inimitie
des
plus
grandes
puissances
e
l'Europe,
'ai
terminemacarriere
olitique
t
je
vienscommeThemistocle
m'asseoirur e foyerdupeuplebritannique.eme metssous
la
protection
e
ses
Lois,
queje
reclame eVotreAltesse
Royale
commeau
pluspuissant,
u
plus
constant t au
plus
genereux
de mes ennemis.
Rochefort,
13
juillet
1815.
Napoleon.1
Napoleon
arrived
n
England
on the
twenty-fourth
of
July
and
by
the
thirty-first
had learned of the merciful
response
of the British
government;
he was to be exiled
to
the
island of St. Helena
in
the South
Atlantic,
where
he remained until
his
death
in
1821.2
It can be demonstrated that
this
letter
captured
the
imagination
of
Henry
Fuseli
(1741-1825),
resulting
in
his only known depictionof an episodefrom the life of
Themistocles
(P1.
I4).3
In
a letter of
15
December
I8I5,
Fuseli's
good
friend
and
patron,
William
Roscoe,
men-
tioned to
Dawson
Turnerseveral
drawings
that he had
just
taken from
the
artist's studio. About one of them
Roscoe
wrote,
"The
story
is that of
Themistocles and
Admetus
(to
which
Bonaparte
alluded on his
taking
refuge
with the
British)
and which
you
will recollect
n
Corelius
Nepos."4
It is
clear
that this
is a reference o
Plate
14
because
of
the
inscription
on
the
verso of
the
drawing
(see
note
3)
and the fact
that
Fuseli
obviously
relied on Cornelius
Nepos'
version
of
the
story (see
below).
Thus,
the
drawing
can be
firmly
dated to mid-
July
to mid-December
1815.
But this
is not to
suggest
that Fuseli
was interested
n
drawingparallels
between thetwo
generals
as
Napoleon
did),
or intended
this work
to be
an
allegory
of the
French
general's plight.
Fuseli had little
respect
for the
man who had
single-handedly
disruptedEurope
for the
first
fifteen
years
of the
century5
and would
not have
honored
him
by
comparing
him
with the
Athenian
gen-
eral
who
nobly
sacrificed
his
own
prestige
for
the
good
of
his
city-state.
Rather,
it
should be
understood that
currentevents
sparked
Fuseli's interest in the
meeting
between
Themistocles and Admetus as
recounted
by
one of the classicalauthors.
Themistocles
(ca.
523
-
ca.
460
B.c.)
rose from ob-
scure
origins
to become one of the most
importantpolit-
icaland
militaryfigures
n
fifth-century
Athens,
and was
responsible
or
building
its
formidable
navy.
6
Because of
his
foresight
and
dedication,
the unified Greek armies
were able
to
repulse
the Persian
orces
of Xerxes in
480
in the
sea-battle
at
Salamis.
This was the
second time
that the Greeks
turned back
Xerxes,
the first
being
at
Marathon in 490, and he was never to attack again.
Themistocles was at
his most
popular ust
after
Salamis,
andhis
power
andinfluence
began
to wane soon thereaf-
ter. The
Spartans, viewing
his
program
for
fortifying
and
strengthening
he
port
and
navy
of
Athens as
a
direct
challenge
o
their
militarysuperiority,
oined
forces
with
his Athenian
political
rivals
Cimon and
Aristeides.
It is
important
to realize that
Themistocles
was
willing
to
sacrifice
his
personal
prestige
in
order
to
see
a
stronger
and
more
secure
Athens,
despite
the fact
that
he
was
aware
that he
risked
being
ostracized,
which
in
fact he
was in 472. His enemiesthenchasedhim throughoutthe
Greek
world and he was
finally
forced to seek
refuge
at
the court
of
Artaxerxes,
the
son of
Xerxes,
where he
remained
until
his death.
However,
en route to
Persia,
Themistocles
sought
refuge
at the court of
Admetus,
the
King
of
the Molos-
sians,
in the northwest comer
of the Greek
peninsula.
The first mention of this
meeting
was
in
Thucydides'
Peloponnesian
War,
and other
ancient authors
sub-
sequently
included the
episode
in
their accounts of the
life
of
Themistocles,
among
them Cornelius
Nepos
in
his On the Great Generals
f Foreign
Nations. He
was a
friend
and
contemporary
of
Cicero,
active
in
Rome
during
the first
century
before
Christ's
birth,
and his
account
of the
meeting
between
Admetus
and
Themis-
tocles follows:
[
253
]
N
This content downloaded from 83.137.211.198 on Wed, 19 Aug 2015 20:26:36 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp -
7/23/2019 Fuseli, Napoleon, And Themistocles at the Court of Admetus
3/8
NOTES
Fig.
1
Poseidon.
Marble
Statue
rom
Melos,
end
of
Sec-
ond
Century
B.C.
Athens,
NationalMuseum.
Whenhe
perceived
hat he
eading
itizens
f
[Corcyra]
ere
fearful hat he Lacedaemonians
i.e.,
the
Spartans]
ndAthe-
nians
would
declare
war
upon
thembecause
f his
presence,
he took
refuge
with
Admetus,
king
of the
Molossians,
with
whom
he had
relations f
guest-friendship. aving
arrived
therewhen Admetuswas
away
rom
home,
in
order hathis
host
might
be under
he
greater bligation
o
receive
nd
pro-
tect
him
he
caughtup
the
king's
ittle
daughter
ndhastened
with her nto the household
hrine,
whichwas
regarded
ith
the
greatest
eneration;
ndhe would
not
comeout
again
until
the
king gave
him
his
right
hand
and
received
im
under
his
protection.
AndAdmetus
ept
his
promise;
orwhen heAthe-
nians
and Lacedaemonians ade
an
official demand
for
Themistocles,Admetusdid not surrenderhesupplicant;e
advised
him, however,
o
take
measures o
protect
himself,
saying
hat t
wouldbe difficult
or
him
to remain
n
safety
n
a
place
o near
o
Greece.
Accordingly,
he
king
hadhim taken
to
Pydna,
giving
suchas escortas he deemed ufficient.7
Even without
Roscoe's
letter,
t would have
been
sible to
pinpoint
Cornelius
Nepos
as the
classicals
for Fuseli's
drawing
since it is the
only
written
ac
in which
the
king's
child is a
girl;
in
all others
(f
stance,
those
by Thucydides,
Plutarch,
and
Diord
the child is a
boy.
Another
significant
differencebetween
the
earl
sions and
the
first
century
B.C.
account is that
Cornelius
Nepos
stated hat
the two men "hada rel
ship
of
guest-friendship,"
mposing
on
Admetus
cred and
binding responsibility
o
protect
Themis
from
his
enemies,8
the other authors hint at
som
conflict
between the
two.9
This
obviously
affect
the two men react to one another
and thus the
dramatic
tenor of the scene. For
example,
in Plut
version,10
he
desperate
Themistocles,
fleeing
his
suers,
chose
the lesser
of
two evils
by
seeking
r
with
Admetus,
"Yet in this
misfortune,
Themis
fearing
the recent hatred of his
neighbors
and fe
citizens
more
than
the old
displeasure
of the
king
himself at
his
mercy
and became
a
humble
supplic
Admetus."
In
such a
situation,
one would
expe
Athenian to
wear
an
expression
of
uncertainty
an
prehension.
But in
Fuseli's
drawing,
Themis
calmly
looks to the
king
with an airof confident
e
tation,
since he is from the startassuredof at least
te
rary sanctuary.
Although
Themistocles was
probably
not
awar
Admetus
in
fact dared not turn
away any
one w
humbled him- or herselfon his altar.As N.G.L. H
mond
pointed
out in
his
discussion of this
meetin
tween
the
two
men,
Admetus
counted
among
his a
tors both Achilles and his son
Neoptolemus:
"This
of
supplication
was
generally
a
solemn
one,
but now
more so than at
the court of
a descendantof
Neop
mus,
who
killed
Priam
at
the
altar
of his court an
been killed later
by
Apollo
for
this act of
sacrileg
While
it
may
be
objected
that
in
Cornelius
N
version
of the
episode
the
king's
support
was
ind
by
the extention of his
right
hand to the
supplican
in the
drawing
he extends his
left,
there are severa
sible reasons
why
Fuseli
drew
him so.
In
the first
p
it
would not make sense forAdmetus to extend
his
hand at
this
point
in
the narrativebecause he
re
separated
from
the seated
Themistocles.
Thus,
[
254]
This content downloaded from 83.137.211.198 on Wed, 19 Aug 2015 20:26:36 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp -
7/23/2019 Fuseli, Napoleon, And Themistocles at the Court of Admetus
4/8
initial
gesture
of
recognition
and
support,
he
extends his
left hand and
in
the
ensuing
moments will
step
forward
to
offer the hero his
right.
In
addition,
the
composition
is
closed much
more
effectively
on
the left
by
having
Admetus
firmly implant
the
spear
nto the
ground
with
his
right
hand.
Finally,
t must be
remembered hatFuseli
himself was
left-handed and so
may
have
construed,
subconsciously
or
not,
Admetus'
gesture
to
be the de-
finitive
signal
of
support.
There does
not
appear
to be a classical
precedent
for
the motif of the
spear
with its
tip
in
the
ground.
Instead,
it seems
to have been invented
by
Fuseli to
convey
non-
violent intentions and
he used it at least one other
time,
in
Caesar
Crossing
he
Rubicon,12
ne of his
illustrations
for
Joel
Barlowe's
I806
epic poem,
The
Columbiad.
Fuseli had the
personified
Genius of
Rome stand on
one
bank of the Rubicon
addressing
Julius
Caesar
on
the
other.
In
one hand he holds a
spear
with its
tip
in
the
groundandoutstretcheshis other armto imploreCaesar
to
reconsider
his
bloody
mission of civil
war.
Thus,
in
the context of the Genius of
Rome
calling
for
peace
and
Admetus
promising
protection,
the motif
of the
spear
tip
in the
ground
is
clearly
a
conciliatory gesture.
Admetus'
pose
is full of rich
associations rom Greek
and Roman art.
In
Greek
art,
the
pose
in
which a
stand-
ing figure
has one arm
outstretchedand the other
raised
vertically
to hold
a
staff or
spear
(or
trident)
was
gener-
ally
reservedfor
Athena, Zeus,
and
Poseidon,
the most
powerful
of
the Greek deities
(Fig.
i).
Since Poseidon's
domain was
the
sea,
it
seems most
likely
that
Fuseli
was
invoking
his
presence
since it would
have been most
appropriate
o have
Themistocles
beg
for safe
passage
and
refuge
from the
god
of the waters.
The Roman
emperors
understood well the
particular
power
and
prestige
of this
pose, using
it
(or
certainas-
pects
of
it)
in their
cult
images
(simulacrum)
Fig.
2).
Particularly
uthoritative s the
outstretchedraised
hand,
for as
RichardBrilliant has
written,
Whether
nterpreted
s a
gesture
of
speech
or
command,
ts
forceful
rojection
rom
he
cylindrical
ody
has
an
authorita-
tive
character,
elling
rom
he
power
of thebearer's
osition.
Thegesturempliesreception ndobedience, ndarisesrom
a
conditioned
wareness
f
that ikelihood.13
Brilliant
continued that
the
pose
of
holding
a
spear
or
staff
with
the arm
almost vertical
was the
"standardized
N
Fig.
2
Claudius as
Jupiter.
Marble
Statue,
ca.
50
A.D.
Rome, Vatican,
Museo
Gregoriano rofano.
model of the
military
status
symbol
typical
of
the mature
Julio-Claudian
period."14
y
giving
Admetus a
pose
rich
in
Olympian
and
imperial
associations,
Fuselireinforced
his
kingly
status.
Canova, too,
understoodthe
connotations nherent
n
this
pose,
for he used it
in
his
heroic marble
Napoleon
f
I803-1806
(Fig.
3).15
The British
government
bought
and
presented
this statue to
the Duke of
Wellington
in
I
815
in
gratitude
or his
defeat of
Napoleon
at Waterloo
that
June.16
Since the work was
displayed
then,
as it is
today,
as a sort of
prisoner
in the stairwell of
Apsley
House17
(Wellington's
London
townhouse),
Fuseli
surely
must
have
known
it. And since Fuseli was
quite
interested n
Napoleon's
letter,
t
seems
likely
that he had
[
255
]
This content downloaded from 83.137.211.198 on Wed, 19 Aug 2015 20:26:36 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp -
7/23/2019 Fuseli, Napoleon, And Themistocles at the Court of Admetus
5/8
NOTES
ANTONIO CANOVA.
Napoleon
as Mars.
London,
Apsley
House.
Canova's work
in
the back
of
his
mindwhen he
executed
the
drawing.
Behind
the seated
Themistocles,
on
the
family
altar
of
Admetus,
are
two
pairs
of
giant legs, surely
belonging
to Castor and
Pollux,
the Dioscuri.
Archaeological
evi-
dence
proves
that
there were cults
dedicated to them
throughout
ancient
Epirus, including
Ambracia,
the
site
of the court of the Molossian
kings.18
However,
since
most
of the excavations in that area took
place
after
Fuseli's
death,
his
extensive
knowledge
of the ancient
world must be
considered
n
support
of the
hypothesis
that the
gods
of
Admetus' altarare
Castorand Pollux.19
Because the Dioscuri were
the
protectors
o
guides
for
sailors,20
and Themistocles was
arg
Athen's
most
illustrious
seaman,
t is
entirely
ogica
Fuseli would have him seek
refuge
at
their
feet.
Fuseliwas awareof this
traditionhas been
demons
by
Gert
Schiff,
who wrote that the artistdrew the
H
Tamersof the
Quirinale,
known also asthe
Dioscu
a
platform
n
a
rough
sea because
they
were
the
gua
of
sailors
in
distress.21
In
the
drawing,
Themistocles is shown as a
mi
heroic
warrior,
n
perfect
agreement
with
Plutarc
sertion that "he was
plainly
a heroic
man,
not
on
spirit
but also in
appearance."22
ut he does not
ha
body
of a
young,
lithesome
hero;
rather
he has a
ma
frame and musculature hat are the result of
many
of hard
experience.
Other
details,
such as the
inc
double
chin,
subtly
underline the fact that the her
about
fifty years
old when
he
sat at
the foot of the alt
An elaborate
headpiece
andveil,
always
of inter
Fuseli,
assumes a
specialmeaning
in this
narrative
a veiled
person
maintainsa secret or
guarded ide
the act of
unveiling necessarily
reveals who that
p
is.23
Because he must
cunningly
elude
his
ene
Themistocles
carefullyguards
his
identity;
but
the
ment when he reveals
himself is shown
in
the
dra
and he thereforehas
pulled
asidehis
disguise
so th
king
can
plainly
see
who
he is.
In
his
right
hand he holds a
thyrsus,
the
symb
Dionysus,24
but the
significance
of
this is
not
en
clear in the context of this drawing, in part be
Dionysus
was one of the more
complex gods
of
O
pus.
He
was
the son of Zeus and
Semele,
and
spent
of
his
mortal life
fleeing
from
Hera,
the
jealous
w
Zeus,
who
intermittently
drove
him
mad.25 t is
p
ble that Fuseliwished to draw attention o thesimila
between the
flights
of Themistocles and
Dionysus,
both were
unjustly
chased
by jealous
factions: The
tocles
by
his
political
rivals and
Dionysus by
som
who
held
him
responsible
for the circumstance
rounding
his own birth. It is certain that Fuseli
d
mean to invoke the sensuous and
joyful aspec
Dionysus
the wine
god.
Like the
figure
of
Admetus,
Themistocles is
rem
cent of
renaissanceand classical
works without
be
specific quote
of
any
in
particular.
His
pronounced
[256
]
This content downloaded from 83.137.211.198 on Wed, 19 Aug 2015 20:26:36 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp -
7/23/2019 Fuseli, Napoleon, And Themistocles at the Court of Admetus
6/8
N
Fig.
4
Central
Section
of the East
Frieze
of
the
Parthenon,
Fifth
Century
B.
.
Left to
right:
Hermes,
Dionysus,
Demeter, Ares, Iris,
Hera,
and Zeus.
London,
BritishMuseum.
culature
must derive
n
part
rom
the nudes
of Michelan-
gelo,
the
ignudi especially.
And
certainly
his
silent,
seated
attitude and
strict
profile
owe
something
to the
seated
gods
of
the east frieze of the
Parthenon,
Hermes
in
particular
Fig.
4),
which Fuseli had
seen
in
London
as
early
as
the
summer of
i806.26
In
many
respects,
the
figure
of Admetus'
daughter
s
the
most
interesting
and
certainly
her
pose
is the most
complicated.
With
her knees
facing
Themistocles,
she
twists
up
and around
so that she looks at
her father
behind her.
In
this
way,
she forms a
double
bridge
be-
tween the two men:
a
physical
bridge
because she
touches Themistocles and reaches
out
for her fatherand
more
importantly,
an
emotional and
psychological
bridge
between
them.
Despite
the dire
predicament
hat
Themistocles
is
in,
he remains
passive
and allows the
king's daughterto do his pleadingfor him. She infuses
the scene with its
pathos
and
urgency.
Her
gesture
of
clasped
hands is
recognizable
as one of
prayerful upplication,
but
interestinglyenough,
it
does
not have its
origins
in
classicalart. As Ernst Gombrich
has
demonstrated,
the ancients both
pleaded
for
mercy
and
worshiped
their deities
by throwing
their out-
stretched,
separated
hands over their heads.27 n
fact,
the
gesture
of
praying
with
joined
hands did
not
appear
n
significant
numbers in western art until the thirteenth
century.28
hus,
it is
interesting
that within a
decidedly
classical
story,
Fuseli
used a
non-classical
expressive
gesture.
However,
it is a
pose
that Fuseli used
one other
time,
in one of his
paintings
for his Milton
Gallery,
The Vision
of
Noah
of
I79699.29
In
the
painting,
which
illustrates
Milton's
Paradise
ost,
Book
XI,
lines
86o-69,
the
kneel-
ing
woman with her
hands
clasped
over her head
is
rejoicing
because the
deluge
has ended
and
dry
land
has
reappeared.
n his
drawing
of some
twenty years
later,
Fuseli
realized hat he could
use the same
pose
to
express
a
very
differentemotion. What had first
expressed oy
and
gratitude
for
being
among
the chosen
could,
in a
new and different
context,
express
an
anguished
and
urgent cry
for
help.
AUTHOR'S NOTE:
Many
thanks
are due
to Professor
Gert
Schiff,
n whose class
firstaired
hese deas.He
has read he
variousdrafts f this
paper
ndmade
manysuggestions
rom
whichI havebenefited
ncalculably.
am most
grateful
or his
guidance
nd
support.
For their kind assistance
nd
incisive
nsights,
I am also
grateful
o
Mr.B. F.Cook
of the
British
Museum,
Professors
Evelyn
Harrisonnd
Roland mith
of the
Institute f Fine
Arts
and
especially
r.DietrichVonBothmer f The
Metropolitan
Museum
of Art.
1.
Napoleon,
exh.
cat., Paris,
Grand
Palais,
I969,
p.
196,
no.
534.
The
original
etter s
in the
Royal
Archives,
Windsor
Castle,
London.
The
following
ranslation
s from Keith
Addey,
Napo-
leon,
London,
I983,
p.
86:
Your
RoyalHighness:
Exposed
o the
factions
which
divide
my
country,
nd o the
enmity
of the
greatestow-
ers
of
Europe,
have erminated
my political
areer;
nd
I
come,
ike
Themistocles,
o throw
myselfupon
he
hospi-
talityof theBritish eople. placemyselfunderheprotec-
tion of their
aws,
which
I
claim
rom
yourRoyal
High-
ness,
as the most
powerful,
he most
constant,
and the
most
generous
f
my
enemies.
2.
Napoleon,
1969,
p.
196.
[257
]
This content downloaded from 83.137.211.198 on Wed, 19 Aug 2015 20:26:36 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp -
7/23/2019 Fuseli, Napoleon, And Themistocles at the Court of Admetus
7/8
3.
Privatecollection.
London,
Sotheby's,
19
March
1981,
lot
no.
84.
Pen and
black
ink
with
pink
and
gray
wash;
300
x
400
mm.
Inscribed
n
Greek on
right
border,
Themistocles;
on
left
border,
Q.E.;
on
verso,
Themistocles
t
the
Court
of
Admetus/originalrawing y
Mr.
Fuseli/given
me
by
Mr. Ros-
coe in
1825.
4. David
H.
Weinglass,
ed.,
The
English
Letters
of
Henry
Fuseli, Millwood,
New
York,
1982,
pp.
414-I5.
The
drawing
came on the market
just
before
the
publication
of
Weinglass'
book and its location was not known. This
explains
his footnote
5,
p.
414,.
? ?
The
drawing
has
not
been traced."
5.
See,
for
instance,
the
letter of
13
May
1803
from Fuseli to
Roscoe,
in
which he referred
o
Napoleon
as
"Malaparte"
and cursed his feared nvasion
of
England.
6.
A.
J.
Podlecki,
The
Life of
Themistocles,
ontrealand Lon-
don,
I975.
I
am
relying
heavily
on Podlecki's
book, which,
based on
both ancient
literary
sources and more recent
archaeological nvestigations,
is the
first
modem recon-
struction
of
the
general's
ife. Rather
than footnote
every
sentence n
my
brief
summary
of the life
of
Themistocles,
my
debt to
Podlecki
is
acknowledged
here.
Obviously,
I
will cite
any
of his
important
nsights
when
I
use
them.
7. Lucius
Annaeus
Florus,
trans.
by
J.
C.
Rolfe,
Epitome
of
Roman
History,
Cornelius
Nepos,
London,
reprinted
I966,
p.
403.
8.
Florus,
p.
402,
n. I.
9.
Podlecki,
pp.
40-41.
10.
Plutarch,
The Lives
of
Noble
Grecians
nd
Romans,
rans.
by
John
Dryden,
revised
by Hugh Clough,
New
York, n.d.,
pp. 148-49.
11. N.G.L.
Hammond,
Epirus,
Oxford,
1967,
p.
492.
12. Gert
Schiff,
Johann
Heinrich
Fissli,
Zurich,
1973,
vol.
i,
no.
I342b,
p.
341;
repr.
vol.
2, p.
242.
13. Richard
Brilliant,
"Gesture
and Rank
in
Roman
Memoirs
of
the Connecticut
Academy f
Artsand
Scienc
14,
February
1963,
p.
31.
14.
Brilliant,
p.
62.
15. Fred
Licht, Canova,
New
York,
1983,
p. ioi.
The
h
is
1333/4
nches
(340 cm.).
A
version was cast in
bro
1809
(I277/8
inches tall
[325
cm.]).
It is now in
the P
di Brera,Milan. Repr. n Licht, p.
102.
16. Mario Praz and
Giuseppe
Pavanello,
L'opera
omp
Canova, Milan,
1976,
p.
Io9.
17.
Licht,
p.
IOI.
18.
Hammond,
pp.
125, 129,
639-40.
19. Frederick Antal
(Fuseli
Studies,
London,
1956,
p
pointed
out that Fuseli "was the most learnedart his
of his
time
in
England."
20.
Joel
Schmidt,
trans.
by
Sheilah
O'Halloran,
Larouss
andRoman
Mythology,
New
York, 1980,
p.
86.
21. Schiff, vol. I, p. 643, no. 1826.
22.
Podlecki, p.
144.
23.
Jean Chevalier,
ed.,
Dictionnaire es
symboles,
Paris,
p.
812.
24.
Larousse,
p.
86.
25.
Larousse,
pp.
84-85.
26. D.E.L.
Haynes,
An Historical
Guide
to the
Sculptur
Parthenon,
London,
1965,
p.
13.
27. E.
H.
Gombrich,
"Ritualized
gesture
and
express
art,"
Royal Society of
London.
Philosophical
Trans
seriesB, vol. 25I, no. 772, December 1966, p. 397
28. Ibid.
29. Now in
St.
Mary's
Parish
Church,Luton,
Beds. See
S
vol.
I,
no.
902,
p.
519;
repr.
vol.
II,
p.
254.
[
258
]
NOTES
This content downloaded from 83.137.211.198 on Wed, 19 Aug 2015 20:26:36 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp -
7/23/2019 Fuseli, Napoleon, And Themistocles at the Court of Admetus
8/8
'(7ly
I
y.
-
.
0--
F,P
,K
p
Plate
14
HENRY
FUSELI.
Themistocles at
the Court of
Admetus.
Private
Collection.
(25-3)
)
,1
'
'
'
8:
P
rt
,,e,
-,
T.
-
-
-
*0
i-
s'.
_;
'.
This content downloaded from 83.137.211.198 on Wed, 19 Aug 2015 20:26:36 UTC