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newsletter 1/2010 (4) ISSN 1899-640X
The history of the collection of Romance manuscripts in the Berlin Collection at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow
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ISSN 1899-640X
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2
newsletter 1/2010 (4) ISSN 1899-640X
The history of the collection of Romance manuscripts in the Berlin Collection at the
Jagiellonian Library in Krakow
4
Contents
Marzena Chrobak
Notes of an eighteenth-century merchant in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection . . . . . . . . . . 7
Natalia Czopek
Works by Antonio Pérez among the manuscripts in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection in Krakow . . . . . . . 13
Krzysztof Kotuła
Jean-Louis Chanal and his Version of the Treatise Dissertation sur la nature et la propagation du feu . . . . . . . . . 23
Anna Rzepka
A Note on Spanish Drama and Theater in the Berlin Collection in the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Watermarks in Romance-language manuscripts from the Berlin Collection at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow – part 2. . . . . . . . . . 44
Index of watermarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
6
Marzena Chrobak
Notes of an eighteenth-century merchant in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection
Reference books and manuals designed for merchants, the so-called practica
della mercatura or ars mercatoria were already being published in Europe in the
Middle Ages. The Italian name for this genre derives from the title of a work writ-
ten by a Florentine factor, by the name of Francesco Balducci Pegolotti. His Prac-
tica della mercatura, evocatively subtitled Libro di divisamenti di paesi e di misure
di mercatantie e d’altre cose bisognevoli di sapere a mercatanti di diverse parti del
mondo (...) (The Book of Discussions about the states and goods and other things
useful for merchants...), describes the trading terms along the Silk Road to China in
the early fourteenth century. The oldest parts of the Cumanicus Codex date back
to the end of the thirteenth century, this compendium of information about the
customs and language of the Cumans (including an Italian-Latin-Persian-Cuman
glossary) was compiled by or on behalf of Italian merchants from Genoa and
Venice, with trade factories on the Black Sea. The Catalan merchant manual El
libro di mercatantie et usanze di paesi had three editions before the year 1500.1
About 1,500 texts of this type came into being in the sixteenth century, mainly in
Germany and Italy, in the seventeenth century around 2000 new texts appeared,
in the eighteenth century there was indeed an avalanche of titles: around 80002.
From the beginning, the genre was characterized by a great diversity in content
and format: ranging from cheap books printed in quarto format intended for
students of the merchant profession, such as John Browne’s The Merchant Avizo,
1 Modern edition: M. Gual Camarena, El primer manual hispanico de mercaderi (Siglo XIV), Barcelona, 1981.
2 Compare Jochen Hoock, “Manuels et traités à l’usage des marchands (1470-1820). Etat de l’enquête”, in : Les Cahiers du Centre de Recherches Historiques, 6/1990, [en ligne], mis en ligne le 20 mars 2009. URL: htp://ccrh.revues.org/index2854.html, website consulted on 27.03.2009.
1589, to the encyclopedia of world trade, as in Colson’s General Treasury [...] of
Accounts for all Countries in Christendome, 1612 or the Traité General de la Reduc-
tion des Changes & Monnoyes des principales places de l’Europe, Par des Tables com-
modes très-utiles & fort exactement suputées au Pair à tant pour cent . Ouvrage tres-
utile & necessaire à tous les Marchands, Banquiers, Negocians, Voyageurs, Caissiers
& autres qui desirent d’apprende le Negoce, le Change & la Valeur des Especes qui
ont Cours en Europe. Le tout expliqué & rendu fort intelligible par Henry Desguliers,
Professeur des Mathematiques & de tout ce qui a rapport au Commerce & aux
Changes, A Amsterdam, Chez Adrian Braakman, 1701.
In addition to these printed manuals, guides and treatises there were also
manuscripts intended for private use. One of the oldest surviving texts of this type
was the property of a factor from Münster working in Gdańsk around 1560.3
Among the works found in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin collection there is
a merchant’s notebook dating back to the eighteenth century, entitled Anno-
tations et remarques, touchant le négoce à Cadix, bearing the siglum (of catalog
number) Gall.Quart.46.
The manuscript has 24 leaves with dimensions of 218 mm x 150 mm, the origi-
nal foliation is executed in ink up to page 10, the modern foliation was added in
pencil. There are 21 blank pages. The manuscript was written in French, except
for quite a long passage which is in German (fol. 3ro-4ro), on wax trade, most likely
written in the same hand. The handwriting is small, clear, neat, 24-26 lines per
page. It is in good condition, apart from a few small tears (on leaves 4, 8, 17, 23.)
The light blue binding made of course paper measuring 223 mm x 155 mm is not
genuine, it was made in Königliche Bibliothek. Initially, the manuscript probably
was built up of a bunch of quires lined by one bifolio with the same watermark as
in the main text. Currently, that bifolio constitutes the first two flyleaves.
The manuscript consists of 15 “chapters”:
Annotations et Remarques, touchant le Négoce à Cadix• , 1ro-3ro, 4,5 pages
Remarques pour l’achat, la préparation & le Négoce de la cire blanchie• [in Ger-
man], 3ro-4ro, 2 pages
3 Compare E. Schulte, “Das Danziger Kontorbuch des Jakobs Stöve aus Mün-ster”, Hansische Geschichtsblätter 62, 1937, pp. 40-72, presented as: P. Jeannin, “Guides de voyage et manuels pour marchands”, in: Voyager à la Renaissance : Actes Du Colloque De Tours, 30 Juin-13 Juillet 1983, Maisonneuve et Larose, 1987, p. 167.
Marzena C
hrobakN
otes of an eighteenth-century merchant
in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection
8
[• Les sangalles sont très bonnes pour le Mexique], 4ro-5ro, 1,5 pages
[• La Compagnie d’Hollande bonnifie aux acheteurs], 5ro-6ro, 2,5 pages
[• La Banque à Amsterdam], 6ro, 2 incomplete lines
[• La Banque à Bambourg], 6vo, 11 lines
[• C’est de la Auvergne que se tirent les peaux pour les gans de Grenoble], 6vo,
13 lines
Lion• , f.ex. : Tarif de ce que païent d’entrée à Lyon les Etoffes plombées venant
de retour
d’Allemagne• 7ro-8ro, 2,5 pages
Compte simulé pour le calcul de ce que revient l’aune d’Angleterre• , 8ro, 15 lines
Calculs• , 8vo-10vo, 4,5 pages
Remarques sur les Velours de Gênes• , 11ro, 5 lines
Calculs des Frais de l’Anglettere & autres Marchandises des Modes, de Lyon à •
Leipzig, 11ro, 16 lines
Calculs des Droguets petit de • [one word is illegible], 12vo, 16 lines
Notte de diverses bonnes fabriques en Italie• , 22ro-22vo, 17 lines
Evaluation de quelques Articles de la Marchand[i]se sur le pied que leur Décla-•
ration [one sign is illegible] est admise à l’accise de Leipzig, 23ro.
Some chapters are followed by blank leaves. Certainly, the intention had
been to complete the empty spaces with information on a given subject. The
manuscript is unfinished: the last leaf bears only the title, which is centered
and underlined: Evaluation de quelques Articles de la Marchand[i]se sur le pied
que leur Déclaration [an illegible mark] est admise à l’accise de Leipzig (the name
of the city is centered and underlined), the text breaks off after the title. Noth-
ing follows after the title.
The manuscript contains practical information of commercial nature: the
prices of goods, of freight, of brokers, sales units, examples and models of
conversions for currencies, weights and measures used in different Europe-
an countries, the addresses of good factories, a list of most easily tradable
commodities, the types of vessels sailing to the New World, etc. The manual
also includes information concerning a variety of goods (cloth, wax, spices,
etc.) from various places in the world (Bambourg, Breslau, Lion / Lyon, Buenos
Ayres, Indes, Amsterdam, Leipzig, Constantinople, Marseille, Piedmont, Gothen-
bourg, Braband, Brest, Ffort, Florence , Turin, Vicenç, Lucques, Silesia, Mexique,
Lauban). For example:
“En fait de toiles raïées en couleurs, de Silesie & de Lauban, il ne faut
pour l’Espagne comme comme pour Le Mexique, que des couleurs
fortes & vives, point de raïes cramoisy, mauvais rouge; Mais du Pon-
ceau, de L’incarnat, du Bleu, du Verd, mais vif; point de toiles fines, mais
des qualites ordinaires, on n’y fait aucune différence. [...]. Les frais à
nos Basins & Sangalles, des envois No 4, 5, 6 & 7 vont à 20 pc suivant le
compte de vente. [...] Pour l’Espagne, les toiles raïées en blanc & rouge
pas trop fines, valent mieux que celles avec des raïes de différentes
couleurs. Les Brétagnes étroites superfines & les Estopilles unies
superfines de Silésie, y sont aussi d’une bonne consomation; de même
que la cire blanchie en marquettes quarrée, on préfère celles que l’on
blanchit à Bambourg, elle se vend ordinairement à bord, de sorte qu’il
n’y a que le frêt, le courtrage & la provision à déduire” (fol. 1vo-2ro).
“Les lettres écrites de Lion pour la Bourgogne doivent être affranchies
jusqu’à Rhinhausen, en les envoïant par Strasbourg, elles retardent
quelque fois, de sorte que de Leipzig à Lion, il faut également af-
franchir jusq’à Rheinhausen car à Strasbourg le courrier pour Lion part
avant la distribution des lettres pour l’Allemagne ce qui fait le retard
d’un ordinaire” (fol. 7ro).
The manuscript is an autograph. Although most parts of the text were writ-
ten in the third person, some parts are written in the first person singular:
“Par exemple; je veux savoir à combien revient le carolin sur le pied
des Louis vieux à Ag 10, Le carolin perdant 4 % contre Louis vieux à Ag
5. Je pose enrègle de trois [...]” (fol. 8vo).
“Pour savoir ce que reviennent les carolins & louis neufs [prawdopo-
dobnie początkowo: louis d’or] en monnoïe, suivant les différents
périodes des portes. Je pose d’abord la porte des carolins contre Louis
vieux” (fol. 10ro).
The manuscript does not contain the name of the author / owner, or other
premises that would enable identification.
Marzena C
hrobakN
otes of an eighteenth-century merchant
in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection
10
The language of the manuscript suggests that the author may have been
French, or at least of French origin (e.g. huguenot who left France after the
revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685 and settled in Silesia belonging to
Prussia after the end of the Succession War)4, but in the eighteenth century,
French was the common language in Europe for representatives of different
states and professions, like merchants. A good example of this can be the
explanation given by the author of the great encyclopedia on trade dating
back to the end of the century, who writes in the preface: J’aurais pu publier
cet Ouvrage aussi en allemand, italien ou espagnol; mais la langue française
est si généralement connue et entendue dans le commerce, que je l’ai adoptée
comme la plus propre à mon but. 5 The same author explains the omission in
his encyclopedia of information on trade with Spanish colonies in America
with the fact that only those subject of the Spanish crown have that right:
Comme le commerce de l’Amérique Espagnole est uniquement réservé aux su-
jets de S.M.C, j’ai cru qu’il étoit inutile d’en instruire les autres Nations.6 Since the
manuscript Gall. Qu. 46 contains a lot of detailed information on trade with
the colonies, this would suggest that the author was indeed a Spanish sub-
ject. The above mentioned monopoly was, however, repeatedly broken, and
in the eighteenth century a resilient group of French merchants did trade
in Cadiz.7 The Dutch paper (watermark with the stationer’s name: Van der
Ley and his coat of arms, posthorn, occurring alternately with the letters GR
ornated with crown8) does not prejudge the author’s nationality. First of all,
the Dutch paper had been used widely throughout Western Europe, and
secondly, for a merchant practicing international trade, it was easy to buy a
paper from a foreign country.
4 An idea suggested by R. Chamboredon, personal correspondence.5 Guide des négocians dans toutes leurs entreprises mercantiles; ou Traité instructif
sur le commerce de cent vingt-six villes commerçantes de l’Europe, de l’Asie et de l’Afrique..., par M. Laurent Lipp, Montpellier, 1793.
6 Ibidem.7 Compare R. Chamboredon, «Toutes antennes déployées », w: Rives nord-médi-
terranéennes. Moyens, supports et usages de l’information marchande à l’époque moderne, [En ligne], mis en ligne le: 27 juin 2008. URL : http://rives.revues.org/document2033.html, website consulted on 24.08.2009
8 Compare W. A. Churchill. Watermarks in Paper in Holland, England, France, etc., in the XVII and XVIII Centuries and their Interconnection. Amsterdam: Hertzber-ger, 1967, charts 139, 321.
The title on the first page (in large font), suggests that the author’s head of-
fice was based in Cadiz, but there are captions, (smaller font) in later parts, on
trade in other centers, such as: Lion (fol. 7ro), Remarques sur les Velours de Gênes
(f.11ro), Notte de diverses bonnes fabriques en Italie (fol. 22ro), which could indi-
cate that Cadiz was just one of the centers in which he conducted business.
It is just as difficult to determine the recipient of the manuscript. The con-
tent concerning both professional and private matters, taking on the form of a
notebook, indicates that it had been intended for a narrow group of users. The
fact that the notes were not only intended for the author’s personal use, can
be proven by his explanations on how to decipher entries made in the account
books. It appears that the manuscript may have been intended for the author,
his closest associates and students of the profession, for example for his son.
On the other hand, the notes on how to decipher certain records could have
been a kind of memorandum, in which case the notebook could have been
written solely for one person. Or perhaps they are notes dictated by an experi-
enced merchant to an apprentice.
The manuscript was created after 1750, which can be inferred from infor-
mation, presented in the first part, on the price of wax from that year. The verb
used to express this is in the imperfect tense (fol. 2vo). The fact that the only
Spanish port mentioned in the notes is in Cadiz, would suggest that it dates
from the period before the so-called ‘Decree on Free Trade’ (1765), authorizing
other Spanish ports to trade with America.9
The manuscript has no features suggestive of the first owner: notes, old cat-
alog numbers, etc. It is not known exactly how it got to Königliche Bibliothek.
The lack of an access number indicates that it was the property of the Königli-
che Bibliothek prior to the year 1828, the year that the accession register was
first implemented. It is the only example of French-language literature of this
type housed in the Jagiellonian Library.
9 Compare M. Alfonso Mola, El tráfico marítimo y el comercio de Indias en el siglo XVIII, Cuadernos Monográficos del Instituto de Historia y Cultura Naval, vol. 41, Madrid, 2002, pp. 105-129, http://maytediez.blogia.com/2007/100401-el-trafi-co-maritimo-y-el-comercio-de-indias-en-el-siglo-xviii.php, website consulted on 26.06.2009.
Marzena C
hrobakN
otes of an eighteenth-century merchant
in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection
12
Natalia Czopek
Works by Antonio Pérez among the manuscripts in the Jagiellonian Library
Berlin Collection in Krakow
Among the volumes of Spanish manuscripts of the Berlin collection housed in
the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow, there are three works signed by the name
of Antonio Pérez from Aragon, who lived between 1540-1611 and was secre-
tary of King Philip II of Spain, like his father, Gonzalo Pérez, who had been the
Secretary of the Council of State of king Charles I. Antonio graduated from the
most prestigious universities in Spain and received training from his father in
matters of state. He was appointed Secretary of State in 1567. In the first years
of tenure he gained the king’s trust on account of his high qualifications. He
became one of the king’s closest advisers and a favorite of Philip II. His posi-
tion was strengthened even more so when he replaced the deceased Prince of
Eboli as leader of the ‘dove’ faction. Unfortunately, this honorable appointment
marked the beginning of the end of Antonio Pérez’s political career.
The Governor-General of the Netherlands, the king’s half-brother, Don Juan
of Austria, concerned with the enormous influence that Antonio Pérez’s ‘dove’
faction had on Philip II, sent his secretary, Juan de Escobedo, to Spain. He ac-
cused Pérez of trading secrets of the Spanish Crown, of having a clandestine
relationship with the widow of the Prince of Eboli and of focusing too much on
the accumulation of economic goods. Historical sources indicate that Antonio
Pérez most probably managed to convince the king of his innocence and of
the detrimental influence that the Secretary of Juan of Austria had on domes-
tic politics. Juan de Escobedo was murdered, and his family accused Pérez of
hiring the killers and demanded that he be punished. His situation worsened
when personal documents sent by Juan of Austria cleared Juan de Escobedo of
any allegations of wrongdoing against the Crown. This turn of events strained
the trust and confidence that Philip II had imparted to his closest adviser. The
king ordered that all actions taken by Pérez be examined, which eventually led
to his arrest. The attention of the royal court had become focused on the incor-
poration of Portugal, the conflict concerning the County of Ribagorza, and the
situation in Aragon, amid which Antonio Pérez was forgotten for some time.
In the days of Philip II, the Kingdom of Aragon was separate and governed by
its own structures and laws, which prevented the ruler from intervening in the
politics of the regions of Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia. The king hardly visited
this part of his estate, where power was exercised by the nobility who waged
fierce battles between themselves. This land of complete lawlessness was a ha-
ven for bandits hiding from justice. It was there that Antonio Pérez fled to after
his escape from prison in 1590. He demanded a second trial, accusing Philip II of
involvement in the murder of Juan de Escobedo as well as of having plans to re-
duce the rights of the Kingdom of Aragon. With the help of the Inquisition Tribu-
nal in, the king Zaragoza accused Pérez of heresy, but the attempt to take him to
prison in Zaragoza caused waves of unrest. In response to the rebellions, the king
planned an armed expedition to Aragon, which he reported to the ruling nobil-
ity. In effect of this decision made by Philip II, the royal army quickly suppressed
the rebellion in Zaragoza, called the ‘Antonio Pérez revolution.’ The leaders of the
rebellion were executed, but Antonio Pérez managed to escape to France, from
where in 1592 he organized an unsuccessful attempt to invade Aragon. Then
he fled to England where he continued to spread the so-called black legend of
Philip II, a part of which was, among other things, blaming him for the death of
his son Carlos. In turn, his criticism of the king’s policy focused mainly on the use
of repression against the Spanish Moriscos, which resulted in the uprising, bloody
massacres and resettlement of the Muslim population. He also claimed that the
king led a relatively sedentary lifestyle, that he governed from a distance - during
his entire reign the king left the country only once and never went to the bat-
tlefield with his army, that the debt of the Treasury was increasing - Philip II had
announced bankruptcy several times, that he was extremely concerned with the
construction of El Escorial, had difficulties in making decisions on matters of state,
conducted a long war, his policy in the Netherlands was ineffective, and he led to
the defeat of the Spanish Armada in England. Antonio Pérez died in Paris twenty
years later, trying in vain to obtain forgiveness of the Spanish Crown.1
1 TUÑÓN DE LARA M., BARUQUE J. V., ORTIZ A. D. (trans. by S. Jędrusiak), Histo-ria Hiszpanii, Universitas, Krakow 1997, pp. 239 – 249. Cf. also MIŁKOWSKI T.,
Natalia C
zopekW
orks by Antonio Pérez am
ong the manuscripts
in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection in Krakow
14
Antonio Pérez’s tumultuous life supplied subject matter for writing, in which
he either criticized the king, gave him advice or justified his own behavior. The
three manuscripts described here are devoted to an analysis of the political
situation of the country, the presentation of current events and advising the
king on matters of state.
The manuscript bearing the catalogue number Hisp. Qu. 7 is a copy made
in the eighteenth century in Spain or Paraguay. Watermarks have allowed us
to infer the text’s copying date. The marks consisting of the letter F inscribed
within an ornamental circle and various types of crowns found in the manu-
script are recorded in different versions in Heawood’s catalogue2 and direc-
tories of the Galicia archives3 as signs from the years 1773-1793, from Spain
or Paraguay. Basing on these data we can assume that the manuscript was
made in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. It consists of two parts and
contains a short introduction in the form of a letter to the king, entitled Por
Antonio Perez, secretario de estado AL Rey n[uest]ro señor en sus Reales manos
and ending on the leaf 1v° with the words en la carzel de mi destierro, y oct.re
de 1598. Ant.o Perez, in which Antonio Pérez, who was in prison justifies why
he had written the following document entitled Discurso Al Rey and what it
contains. This Discurso Al Rey, which is the first part of the manuscript (leaves
1r °-99r°), concerns the situation in the kingdom of Spain, friends and enemies
of the king, and includes advice on how to deal with difficult matters of state
and how to govern the kingdom.4 The last part, entitled Norte de Principes (leaf
100r°-305r°) does not vary in theme from other works of Antonio Pérez. In ad-
dition, in this part he stresses the prevailing opinions on the actions taken by
the king among representatives of different strata of Spanish society.
Two different scribes worked on particular parts of the manuscript. On leaf
99r° under the text of the first part there is a crossed out postscript in somebody
MACHCEWICZ P., Historia Hiszpanii, Ossolineum, Wrocław 1998, pp. 138 – 149. 2 HEAWOOD E., M. A., Watermarks mainly of the 17th and 18th centuries, The
Paper Publications Society, Hilversum (Holland), 1950, tabl. 50.3 BASANTA CAMPOS J.L. (et alii), Marcas de Agua en Documentos de los Archivos
de Galicia. Siglo XVIII., vol. VI, Fundación Pedro Barrié de la Maza, Conde Fenosa, 2000, p. 250.
4 Cf. notes on folio 2r°: Discurso Al Rey Nro Señor, Del estado, que tienen sus Rey-nos, y señorios, y los de Amigos, y Enemig.s con alg.s adbertencias sre el modo de proceder, y governarse, con los unos y con los otros.
else’s handwriting Opus Coronatur. This postscript was added by the scribe who
worked on the second part, which shows that the second part was made later.
The second scribe is also the author of other corrections and additions in the
first part. The first part was kept without binding probably by the first copyist,
since the verso of the last folio is very dirty (the first folio is missing and it cannot
be inferred on the basis of the recto). The first and last leaves of the second part
are not dirty, which indicates that they were added later and the two parts were
bound together. On leaf 101r° there is a note made in different handwriting
Segun Thomás Tamayo de Vargas este Norte ha sido impreso (…) sin el nombre del
Autor.5 The note was probably made by the manuscript’s next owner.
Library binding of this type known as quarter binding has covers made of
black cloth, while the book spine and corners are made from brown leather.
The binding’s origin can be traced by the catalogue number stamped in gold
in the lower part of the spine, in the same way as the title in the top part of the
spine ANTONIO PEREZ Memorial y Norte. The same catalogue number appears
on leaf 1r°. The lack of an access number indicates that the manuscript was
catalogued in the Royal Library of Berlin before 1828, the year in which the
register of accession was implemented. The same foliation for both parts was
made in the Royal Library of Berlin after binding the manuscript.
Comparing the text of the first part of the manuscript6 with the critical edi-
tion by Modesto Santos, created on the basis of the version of Baltasar Alamos
de Barrientos issued in Madrid in 1990 and entitled Discurso político al Rey Fe-
lipe III al comienzo de su reinado, it can be noted that the small differences in
the text are mainly the omission or insertion of single words, e.g. f. 6r° pone ser
Indiano / hace ser indigno. Both documents are broken up into subchapters in
the same way, with the exception of the lack of subchapters Indias Occidentales
and Castilla in Hisp .Qu. 7.
5 According to Thomás Tamayo de Vargas the book entitled Norte was printed without the author’s name. Thomas Tamayo de Vargas (1589-1641) was a bib-liographer, typographer, and Spanish writer, since 1625 the official chronicler, and author of many works on the history of Spain.
6 A reference made to another copy of the Discurso is located in the catalogue of the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid (catalogue number MSS/12195) in a collective volume entitled Colección de varios papeles sobre distintos asuntos para el uso de D. Pedro Aparici, oficial de la Secretaría de Estado y del Despacho Universal de Indias (t.XI) (Cf. http://saavedrafajardo.um.es).
Natalia C
zopekW
orks by Antonio Pérez am
ong the manuscripts
in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection in Krakow
16
The text entitled Norte de príncipes, virreyes, presidentes, gobvernadores.
Y advertimientos politicos sobre lo público y particular de una monarquía, funda-
dos en materia y razón de Estado, y Gobierno, which makes up the second part
of the manuscript, was created in 1601 but was not published until 1788 in
Madrid (Imprenta de Pedro Marín). In some studies, the authorship of Antonio
Pérez is found to be questionable, the majority of scholars considers the author
to be Baltasar Alamos de Barrientos, his representative.7 There are many cop-
ies found in, for example, the Bibliothèque Interuniversitaire de la Sorbonne
(catalogue number MS 1304), in the Real Academia de la Historia (catalogue
number 9-3978) and the Biblioteca de Castilla La Mancha de Toledo (catalogue
number CCPB000570905-9).8 One of the copies is a part of the manuscript des-
ignated with the catalogue number Hisp. Qu. 61. Comparing the two versions
shows a difference in the title.9 In Ms. Hisp. Qu. 61 on leaves 370r°-374r° is the
Dedicatoria, which is not present in the other copy. Other differences include
either the omission of certain single words, or slight rewording. In the sources
available, I found only titles of subsequent editions and critical editions of the
work without the possibility to consult them10.
7 Cf. http://www.vbeda.com/articulos/indexoa.php?num=117&titulo=Obras_de_Quevedo_y_Antonio_P%E9rez_en_un_manuscrito_del_Archivo_Munici-pal_de_%DAbeda.
8 Cf. http://www.vialibri.net; http://www.vbeda.com/. 9 Hisp.Qu.7 title NORTE DE PRINCIPES Virreyes Presidentes, Consejeros
Governadores, y advertimientos politicos, sobre lo Publico, y Particular de una Monarquia importantisimos à los tales, fundados en materia i razon de Estado, i Govierno POR Antonio Perez; Hisp.Qu.61 title Norte de Princi-pes, Virreyes, Consejeros y Embaxadores, con adbertencias politicos, muy importantes sobre lo particular, y publico de una Monarquia, fundadas para el Gobierno de Estado, y Guerra por Antonio Perez, Secretario que fue de Estado de S.or D.n Phelipe 2.° y remitidas desde Paris al Duque de Lerma D.n Francisco Sandoval, y Roxas, Privado del S.or D.n Phelipe 3.° el en año de 1606.
10 Cf. Website of the virtual Biblioteca de Pensamiento Político Hispánico Saave-dra Fajardo (http://saavedrafajardo.um.es): Norte de príncipes; preliminary study by Francisco Ayala, Americalee, Buenos Aires 1943; Norte de príncipes, virreyes, presidentes, consejeros, y governadores, y advertencias políticas sobre lo público y particular de una monarquía importantísimas a los tales: fundadas en materia y razón de estado, y govierno (preliminary note by Martín de Riquer), Espasa-Calpe, Madrid 1969; Norte de príncipes, virreyes, presidentes, consejeros, governadores y advertencias políticas sobre lo público y lo particular de una monarquía importantisimas a los tales, fundadas en materia y razon de Estado, y gobierno, Departamento de Publicaciones. Secretaria General del Senado, Madrid 1997.
The second of the manuscripts bearing the catalogue number Hisp. Qu. 8
is a copy made by Antonio Valero for D. Isidro del Olmo y Monroi, who lived in
the eighteenth century (there is a reference to his original letters in the register
of manuscripts in the Cervantes Institute dating back to 1791.). As is clear from
the title printed on leaf 1r° (MAXIMAS de Antonio Perez Para El Señor D. Isidro del
Olmo y Monroi. 25 de Agosto de 1770 Por Ant. Valero.) the copy may be dated in
the second half of the eighteenth century. The copying date is confirmed by
watermarks representing rosaries with the inscribed letters F and S which were
described in the aforementioned volumes.11 The content refers to the histori-
cal events associated with the figure of Antonio Pérez, who comments on the
political and economic situation of Spain, providing the king with advice. The
manuscript consists of 297 maxims and a brief introduction. The first thirty-
one maxims are marked with numbers (Primera - Treinta y uno), the rest are
numbered with numerals 32-297.
The genuine parchment binding is characteristic of many manuscripts from
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.12 The binding’s authenticity is con-
firmed by the use of the same kind of paper in the manuscript as in the end-
paper. The title Ant. Perez sus maximas Politicas is in the top part of the book
spine, the bottom part is in red leather with the catalogue number embossed
in gold Ms.hisp.quart.8 and repeated in black ink on leaf 1r° above the title in an
ornate frame. There is a note on leaf 4v° that reads: De Paris 10 de Mayo de 1600,
which is probably a copy of the author’s note, who was hiding in Paris from
the tribunal of the Inquisition of Zaragoza. No access number indicates that
the manuscript was in the Royal Library of Berlin before 1828, the year that the
accession register was initiated. It can be assumed that it previously belonged
to the collection of Isidro del Olmo y Monroi.
The work Maximas de Antonio Perez, secretario de estado de Phelipe segundo,
escritas de orden de Enrique quarto, rey de Francia, y remitidas a Phelipe segundo,
año de 1600 was written during Antonio Pérez’s stay in France and was pub-
lished and sent to King Philip II of Spain in 1600. Other copies of the manu-
11 HEAWOOD E., M. A., op.cit. tabl. 38., BASANTA CAMPOS J.L. (et. alt.), op.cit., pp. 263, 317.
12 Cf. MIRELLO R., Legature riccardiane, Florence 2008, pp. 154-155; BERNARDINI M., Medicea Volumina, Pisa 2001, pp. 216-217.
Natalia C
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orks by Antonio Pérez am
ong the manuscripts
in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection in Krakow
18
script are mentioned in Internet catalogues of the Bibliothèque Interuniversi-
taire de la Sorbonne (catalogue number MS 1307), the Biblioteca Nacional de
Madrid (catalogue number MSS/10872) and the Biblioteca Regional de Madrid
(catalogue number MS 21).13 One of the copies made by Felipe de Samaniego
is reported in the catalogue of manuscripts of the Instituto Cervantes.14
The last of the manuscripts bearing the catalogue number Hisp. Qu. 61 is
a copy which was made in the eighteenth century in Spain. The copying date
can be ascertained on the basis of the watermarks, which represent coats of
arms with the symbol of the cross, the letters SP and the numerals 1 and 2.
These symbols are dated in the aforementioned catalogues15 as being from
the years 1725-61, which confirms a similar date for the other two manuscripts.
It includes several works whose authorship is attributed to Antonio Pérez.16
The first part is made up of letters written by Antonio Pérez. They are devoid
of the typical formulas for letters and have no particular addressees. The only
letter which has a specific recipient is a letter to King Henry IV on leaves 31v°-
32v°. The other textual parts are Antonio Pérez’s accounts of his imprisonment,
riots in Zaragoza as well as his escape from the country, the memorial which
he delivered in self-defense during the trial, aphorisms, and Norte de Principes,
a work concerning the political situation in Spain.
The manuscript was made by two scribes.17 On leaf 1r° there is a note which
reads, Es uno de los libros de la propiedad de J. Agüero and a marking. This note
was added by one of the successive owners by the name of J. Agüero. This is
probably José Agüero (1786-1858), a Peruvian studying in Spain, the future
revolutionary who supported the revolutionary ideas of Antonio Pérez. On leaf
4v° there is another note with marking, but without a last name Propiedad 29
13 Cf. http://www.calames.abes.fr; http://saavedrafajardo.um.es; http://www.bibliotecavirtualmadrid.org.
14 Cf. www.cervantesvirtual.com/servlet/sirveObras/.../023208_005.pdf15 HEAWOOD E., M. A., op.cit. tabl. 115; BASANTA CAMPOS J.L. (et alii), op.cit., vol.
V, pp. 457-458, vol. VI, pp. 108, 216, 427.16 A copy of the author’s dedication is on leaf 6r° A nuestro ss.mo Padre, y Al Sacro
colégio Antonio Perez muy humilde siervo.17 On leaves 5r˚-109v˚ and 352r˚-423v˚ we can distinguish the first writer’s
handwriting. The marginal glosses are made in the same handwriting, but the ones on leaf 60v˚ are done by a different hand. On leaves 110r˚-350r˚ a change of handwriting can be seen, both in the text and in the notes in margins.
(5?) / 1848 made in 1848 by another owner (as can be seen by the differences
in handwriting). On leaf 426v° there is an inscription N o. P (B ?).°., signed M. P
(F)eero and trials of the pen. It is possible that this signature belongs to yet an-
other person, a third owner who could not be identified. Leaf 31r° is decorated
with a fixed lithography, depicting a reclining figure of a man and an eagle.
In the upper part is the inscription belonging to the lithography POENÂ, NON
CAVSSÂ. The lower left corner bears the name of an eminent portrait painter of
Dutch origin who lived at the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth century,
Thomas de Leu. fecit., while under the lithography there is an inscription made
in the same handwriting as found in this part of the manuscript: In Emblema
Titij nostra Poena, non causa Titij. At meruit Fitius funerti vulnera vostri, cuiuserat
tanto tantum in amore scelus. Nil ego peccavi: nivi si pecarre facendum est, Spec-
nun nostro fortè fuisse Iovi. Jure vel inmerito nil refert. Iam satis hoc est. Speceum
nostro nempe fuisse Iovi. On folio 314v° we find a Latin sentence taken from the
Vulgate Bible: Noli quaerere fieri iudex, nisi valeas virtute irrumpere iniquitates, ne
fortè extimescas faciem potentis.
The manuscript has partially come apart from the original, reinforced parch-
ment bindings. Binding of this type is characteristic of many manuscripts from
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.18 A fragment of the title + RELA-
CIONES DE ANTONIO PEREZ is in the upper part of the book spine, while in the
bottom part there is a piece of red leather with a catalogue number embossed
in gold Ms.hisp.quart.61 and repeated in black ink at the top of the front end-
paper. In the upper part of the back endpaper an earlier catalogue number can
be seen 6898. Gall+. On the boards, there is a text of the creed prayer in black
ink [...] rum. Et expécto resurrectionem mortuôrum. Et vitam in venturi saeculi,
ventùri […] culi A. and musical notation. The access number Acc. N o n 11071 is
in the upper left corner of the page 5r°.
All this information shows that the manuscript had been owned by José
Agüero, while in 1848 it belonged to a different owner, whose name is not
known to us. It did not arrive in The Royal Library of Berlin before 1848. The
work Relaciones de Antonio Perez Secretario de Estado, que fue, del Rey de España
D.n Phelipe II. de este nombre, included in the manuscript, was published under
18 Cf. e.g. Hisp. Qu. 6, Hisp. Qu. 8, Hisp. Qu. 57.
Natalia C
zopekW
orks by Antonio Pérez am
ong the manuscripts
in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection in Krakow
20
the pseudonym of Rafael Peregrino in London in 1594, as an elaboration of
Relaciones most likely published a year earlier in Pau19. The content of Rela-
ciones refers to Antonio Pérez’s time spent in prison, his escape from the coun-
try and the protests which took place in Zaragoza against his imprisonment.
It contains an analysis made by Pérez of the country’s political situation and
advice given to the king on matters of state.20 Comparing the described copy
with a short fragment of the first edition of the 1594, entitled Pedaços de his-
toria, o Relaciones21 only minor differences can be seen, involving the omission
or addition of a few words. Later editions, referred to only in online sources,
come from Spain from 1624, 1644 and 1849.22 The work is referred to by many
monographs and articles whose titles are only listed in the available sources.23
Another work Norte de Principes created in 1601 and entitled Norte de prín-
cipes, virreyes, presidentes, gobvernadores. Y advertimientos politicos sobre lo
público y particular de una monarquía, fundados en materia y razón de Estado,
y Gobierno, was not published until 1788, also in Madrid (Imprenta de Pedro
Marín). Many copies exist – one belonging to the manuscript catalogued un-
der Hisp.Qu.7 – and many critical editions, whose titles are only listed in the
available sources.24 In turn, the work of Aforismos dating back to 1605 was not
19 Cf. http://catalogue.nla.gov.au; http://www.canalsocial.net. 20 On leaf 5v° there is a note concerning the contents of the manuscript:
Contienen estas relaciones de Antonio Perez. La primera, una sumaria Informa-cion de sus prisiones, y persecuciones con particularidades, y copias de papeles nunca vistos, dignos de ser vistos. Otra, lo sucedido en Zaragoza de Aragon a 24 de Septiembre del año 1591 por la libertad de Antonio Perez, y de sus Fueros y Justicia. La razon, y verdad del Hecho, y del Derecho del Rey, y Reyno de Aragon, y de aquella miserable confusion del Poder, y de tal Justicia. Demas de esto el me-morial que Antonio Perez presentò del Hecho de su causa en el Juicio del tribunal del Justicia (que llaman de Aragon) llamado à el de su Rey, como parte.
21 Cf. http://catalogue.nla.gov.au22 Cf. http://openlibrary.org; http://www.vialibri.net; http://saavedrafajardo.
um.es.23 Cf. EZQUERRA A., Relaciones y cartas de Antonio Pérez, Madrid 1986; UNGERER
G., A Spaniard in Elizabethan England: the correspondence of Antonio Pérez’s exile, London 1974-1976; GONZÁLEZ PALENCIA Á., Fragmentos del archivo particular de Antonio Pérez, secretario de Felipe II, Madrid 1922; BOTELLA OR-DINAS E., Las obras y relaciones de Antonio Pérez, Madrid 1999; BRAVO P., “Las relaciones de Antonio Pérez, un texto en movimiento” in: Felipe II (1527-1598): Europa y la monarquía católica, vol. 4, Madrid 1998; EZQUERRA A., Antonio Pérez, relaciones y cartas, Madrid 1986; ARROYAL ESPIGARES P., Relaciones de Antonio Pérez, Málaga 1989.
24 Cf. information concerning the manuscript Hisp. Qu. 7.
published until 1787 in Madrid by the Hernández Pacheco publishing house
bearing the title Aforismos de las cartas españolas y latinas del sabio político An-
tonio Pérez, secretario de Estado que fue del Rey de España D. Phelipe Segundo de
este nombre. Y allende de esto algunas cartas á sus amigos e hija25. It contains a
collection of aphorisms mostly from the letters of Antonio Pérez pertaining to
the political and economic situation of Spain. Comparing the available copy
with the one published in Madrid 1787, it can be deduced that many different
collections of aphorisms by Antonio Pérez were formed, some of them come
from his letters and reports, other were taken from other personal documents.
These are collections of individual sentences that are rarely repeated, but have
the same title (Aforismos de Antonio Perez).
The work is referred to in articles by Monique Polo from Université de Tou-
louse “Lo literario en la política de Antonio Pérez” as well as Andrea Herrán San-
tiago from the Universidad de Valladolid, “La Prosa Epistolar Aforística y del Siglo
XVI” 26 The available sources also include the titles of two critical editions.27
Memorias, the last work included in the manuscript, is Antonio Pérez’s
memoir of the royal court and the political and economic situation of Spain
under the rule of Philip II. Another publication of the work, whose title is only
mentioned in the available sources, was issued in Madrid in 1944 by the pub-
lishing house Mediterráneo.
The circumstances surrounding the creation of three described manu-
scripts make them extremely interesting historical documents and as such
they were certainly considered to be very interesting material for later genera-
tions, which explains the existence of multiple copies. They are undoubtedly a
very valuable source of information concerning the political situation in Spain
at the time of Philip II, which calls for further, more detailed research.
25 Cf. http://saavedrafajardo.um.es. 26 Cf. http://www.raco.cat/index.php/Scriptura/article/view/94742/142658;
http://www.cervantesvirtual.com. 27 Cf. SANTOS H., “Aforismos de las cartas y relaciones” in: http://www.libreria-
babilonia.com; Aforismos de las Cartas y Relaciones de Antonio Pérez, Secretario de Felipe II, Zaragoza 2009.
Natalia C
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orks by Antonio Pérez am
ong the manuscripts
in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection in Krakow
22
Krzysztof Kotuła
Jean-Louis Chanal and his Version of the Treatise
Dissertation sur la nature et la propagation du feu
Among the manuscripts in the Berlin Collection there is a volume bearing the
shelfmark Gall. Fol. 150. In Lemm’s catalogue its contents are described as fol-
lows: “Jean-Louis Chanal, Dissertation sur la nature et la propagation du feu,
Turin 1786.”1 This identification seems doubtful, because despite the fact that
the work itself is well known, both the author and publication date do not co-
incide with information which is generally available. All known sources identify
the author of the treatise as Gabrielle-Émilie le Tonnelier de Breteuil Marquise
du Châtelet and give the year 1744 as the date of publication. What then is the
text in the Krakow manuscript?
Even a cursory survey of the volume allows us to conclude that it is unques-
tionably the work of Émilie du Châtelet. A comparison of the handwritten text
with the text of the 1744 issue (Paris, Prault fils), brings us to the conclusion
that it is an abridged version of the treatise, of which some parts were also
modified. Thus this question comes to mind: Who made those modifications
and for what purpose.
Answers to these questions are provided in a letter pasted at the beginning
of the manuscript, signed by Jean-Louis Chanal and bearing the date of July 6,
1786. We have not yet been able to identify the author. As for the letter’s recipi-
ent, he is addressed as Sire and Votre Majesté (fol. 2r°) indicating that he must
have been a monarch. Given that the letter was written in Turin, the capital of
Piedmont, it is possible that he was referring to Vittorio Amedeo III, the Duke of
Savoy and Piedmont, the King of Sardinia (1726-1797, who took the throne in
1773). Yet another fact seems to indirectly confirm this hypothesis: on fol. 2vo,
1 Siegfried Lemm, Mitteilungen aus der Königlichen Bibliothek, Berlin, Weid-mannsche Buchhandlung, 1918.
Jean-Louis Chanal states the following:2 “How wonderful it would be for me if I
was ever able, given the time it would save, which was my main goal, to sum-
marize all the research on a topic so vital to state administration.” This sentence
allows us to determine what intentions had guided the author of the letters.
First, Jean-Louis Chanal made it clear that his main goal had been “to save”
the reader’s time. In other words, to prepare important works for the develop-
ment of science in a way which should allow for quick and easy examination
of their theses. Chanal feels this is an important issue, since science plays a
vital role in the functioning of a modern state. This could correspond to the
fondness that Vittorio Amedeo III is known to have had for exact science. Sec-
ondly, the author of the letter, in a manner which is almost direct, expresses his
hope that a high post would be bestowed upon him by the king. What might
have the post been? Just three years before writing the letter, in 1783, Vitto-
rio Amedeo III, founded the Academy of Sciences of Turin (Accademia delle
Scienze di Torino). Perhaps it was precisely in that institution that Chanal had
planned to find employment.
However, it does not seem likely that Jean-Louis Chanal wrote his Disserta-
tion summary with the sole intention of offering the work to the king. There
are several reasons for this hypothesis. Firstly, the dedication is not composed
into the manuscript, as a whole, but was added to it later. The paper on which
the letter, addressed to the king, was written is from a different workshop, and
the size of the pages does not match the dimensions of the volume. The task
of determining the exact date that the letter was included to the manuscript is
hampered by the fact that the book’s binding is not genuine. It is certain that
the binding took place in Königliche Bibliothek. This is indicated by both the
marbled paper used for its production which is typical for that library3, as well
as the watermark and signature Fried. Wilh. D. III found on the flyleaves.4
Second, the text of the treatise itself does not appear to have been tran-
scribed with particular care, which is usually the case with manuscripts execut-
2 « Qu’il serait glorieux pour moi, si par l’économie du tems que j’ai eu particu-lièrement en vue, je parvenais jamais à abreger toutes recherches dans une matière aussi importante pour l’administration d’un État »
3 Cf. e.g. Mss. Gall. Fol. 124 and 155.4 This is, of course, Friedrich-Wilhelm III, who became king of Prussia Novem-
ber 16, 1797.
Krzysztof KotułaJean-Louis C
hanal and his Version of the Treatise D
issertation sur la nature et la propagation du feu
Illustration 1
24
25
ed for monarchs. Indeed, the writing is relatively elegant, though the scribe did
not bother to use ruled lines, which would have prevented the emergence of
unaesthetic slants in the lines of text. What is significant is the fact that many
sentences were crossed out and numerous interlinear corrections in the mar-
gins were made by a different hand at a later time. As we will see later in this
article, the nature of these corrections indicates that they had been added by
the author himself, for they are not notes made in the style of commentary,
instead they are refinements, substitutions and clarifications that allow for a
fuller understanding of the leading idea of each paragraph. The proofreader
was clearly not concerned with the aesthetics, making the text appear to be
a rough draft. It is therefore very possible that Jean-Louis Chanal had previ-
ously revised the Dissertation, and later, perhaps under the strain of extreme
urgency, he decided to offer his work to the king.
It is difficult to ascertain the exact date when the abstract of the treatise had
been written. There is no date in the manuscript. Also, the watermarks in the pa-
per do not provide us with any specific information. All leaves carry the mark of
the type Pro Patria, very popular in the eighteenth century, accompanied by the
countermark IVDL. This abbreviation directs us to the papermaker Jan van der
Ley. However, the sign IVDL was also used long after his death, between the years
1703 and 1894. We have to assume that the only acceptable terminus post quem
is the publication date of Émilie du Châtelet’s Dissertation, that is 1744, and the
terminus ante quem is the year of Jean-Louis Chanal’s dedication made in 1783.
If in fact, the work was written some time before Jean-Louis Chanal’s deci-
sion to offer it to the king, and since he did not take the trouble of making a
careful copy of his version, he must have, most apparently, believed that the
text in itself was important enough, and it’s abridgement so vital that it would
ensure the ruler’s favor on his part. So what in actual fact is the Dissertation
sur la nature et la propagation du feu by Émilie du Châtelet, and how was it
amended by Jean-Louis Chanal?
This work is worthy of attention both on account of its theses, as well as
the person of the author. Gabrielle-Émilie le Tonnelier de Breteuil Marquise
du Châtelet, who lived between 1706 and 1749, is widely considered one of
the most outstanding women of the eighteenth century. Her living conditions
contributed to her attainment. Her father gave her a solid and comprehensive
education, such as vested only to boys. Émilie turned out to be a very talented
Krzysztof KotułaJean-Louis C
hanal and his Version of the Treatise D
issertation sur la nature et la propagation du feu
26
young girl. She was not only fluent in Latin, Greek and German, but also played
on the harpsichord, sang operatic arias, performed in the ballet and theater.
As an adult, she was able to develop her interests as she chose. At age nine-
teen, she married a wealthy thirty year old Marquis du Châtelet-Lomont. The
marriage was from the beginning only a financial arrangement between the
two families; her husband was not interested in her undertakings, allowing
her to continue her quest for knowledge of mathematics. Neglected by her
husband, she entered into several more or less permanent relationships with
affluent and influential men. Among her many lovers, it was Voltaire who had
the greatest impact on Émilie, their relationship lasted twelve years. Voltaire
believed, ignoring the typical prejudices of the period, her to be his equal in
the full sense of the word, encouraging her to develop her abilities and indi-
vidualistic ideas, considering her much more mathematically gifted than him-
self. To a large extent it was thanks to their acquaintance that Émilie discovered
her true passion and talent for science; she studied Leibniz, translated Isaac
Newton’s Principia Mathematica into French, and corresponded with leading
scientists of the era. Following Voltaire’s example, she examined the founda-
tions of revealed religions (Christianity, Judaism and Islam), pointing out errors
and logical contradictions she found in them, stressing the need to be guided
by rationalism and tolerance, not religious fanaticism and blindness.5
One of the most famous independent works of Émilie is the Dissertation sur
la nature et la propagation du feu, which addresses a theme that was extremely
popular in the first half of the eighteenth century, that of heat, attempting to
answer the question of whether it is a material substance or form of energy.
The history of this treatise is quite peculiar. In 1737 the French Academy of Sci-
ences (Académie Royale des Sciences) announced a contest for the best work on
the subject of fire and its propagation. After many studies, Voltaire concluded
that fire and light are two separate physical entities. Émilie carried out a series
of experiments which led to completely different conclusions, all the while
keeping the fact a secret from Voltaire. She decided to publicly announce the
results of her research. Although her work did not win the competition (nor
did the work of Voltaire for that matter, the winner was Leonhard Euler), by the
5 Judith P. Zinsser, Émilie Du Chàtelet: Daring Genius of the Enlightenment, New York, Penguin Books, 2006.
28
Illustration 2, Gall. Fol. 150
decision of the Academy it was issued in print (ill. 1). From today’s perspective
the Dissertation is assessed as a valuable contribution to the study of body
temperature, and Émilie is regarded as the first researcher who predicted the
phenomenon known today as infrared radiation, or electromagnetic radiation
of wavelengths between visible light and radio waves emitted by each body
with a temperature of more than absolute zero.6
It is interesting to trace Jean-Louis Chanal’s modifications in the text of the
Dissertation. The original consists of two parts, the first of which is entitled On
the Nature of Fire (De la nature du feu) and the other On the Propagation of Fire (De
la propagation du feu). The first part consists of seven chapters, the second part
consists of fifteen. Jean-Louis Chanal did not make anything in the way of sub-
stantial changes. Only Chapters II and V of the second part had been divided into
two chapters each, which makes the second part the version of the manuscript
Gall. Fol. 150 consist of seventeen instead of fifteen chapters. It should be noted,
however, that this change does not mean that those parts of the treatise have
been developed. Chapter Two, which was already very short, has been artificially
broken up into two parts after the final words of the second paragraph (causes
qui peuvent produire ces deux effets sur les corps à deux principales). The point at
which the fifth, much longer, chapter was divided came after the sentence: si son
action est continuée il fait évaporer leur parties. We do not know what really led
Chanal to propose such changes for they are not substantiated by the desire to
make the structure of the work more transparent.
The same applies to another change, which we have encountered in our
manuscript: in the second part, the original chapters eight, nine and ten were
rearranged, so that now they are placed in the order X - VIII - IX. This arrange-
ment of the chapters is probably the result of a simple mistake, because it is
difficult to find a logical explanation for it.
In the end, what concerns the titles of the respective chapters, the differ-
ences between the two versions, if any exist, they are merely cosmetic. For
example, chapter seven of the first part of the original entitled Quelles sont
les propriétés distinctives du feu in the manuscript of the Berlin collection it is
entitled Quelles sont les proprietés propres et distinctes du feu (fol. 13ro).
6 Mary Ellen Waithe, A history of women philosophers, Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 1987, vol. 3, pp. 143-145.
In fact, Jean-Louis Chanal had not made a radical reconstruction of the trea-
tise of Émilie du Châtelet. The text Ms. Gall. Fol. 150 is an exact copy of the
publication in print. The entire process of summarizing the original is confined
to simply omitting paragraphs or sentences which he deemed less significant.
Tracing the previously mentioned interlinear glosses and numerous changes
in the margins brings much more interesting results for they were made by the
author in a later period, when many of the paragraphs had been reconstructed
in a more significant way.
An analysis of just the first leaves allows us to conclude that the subse-
quent amendments are the only serious attempts made to introduce signifi-
cant changes and clarifications to the text of Émilie du Châtelet. For the first
time, the author dared to use his own wording, not satisfied with just omit-
ting sections of the original text. These amendments appear with greater or
lesser frequency from the very beginning of the manuscript. Thus, for example,
fol. 4vo (ill. 2), sentence in which Émilie du Châtelet states that the rays of the
moon are “thicker and denser in the focal point of a lens than those which
radiate from a candle; and yet not just a candle, but also the smallest spark
burns us from a distance, from which the rays of the moon in the lens do not
have any impact on us” (“Ces rayons sont plus épais, plus denses, réunis dans
le foyer d’un verre ardent, que ceux qui sortent de la bougie; et cependant non
seulement la bougie, mais même la plus petite étincelle nous brûle à la même
distance à laquelle les rayons de la Lune réunis dans ce foyer ne font aucun
effet sur nous”). This line is deleted and replaced with “a small number of rays
illuminate but do not give heat; so whatever the cause, which deprived the
sun’s rays, reflected by the Moon, of their burning properties, it is certain that
they illuminate without radiating any warmth,” (“le peu de rayons eclaire et ne
nous echauffe point donc quelque soit la raison qui a depoüillé les rayons du
soleil reflechis par la lune de leur vertu brulante, il est certain qu’ilz esclairent
sans echaufer”).
This sentence is a skillful synthesis of Émilie du Châtelet’s views expressed
in the quoted paragraph and in the next two, which have been crossed out.
Interestingly, it is accompanied by the conjunction “car” to the preceding sen-
tence. The author clearly was not so much concerned with adding a simple
comment, but in creating the impression of continuity and coherence of the
text. Similar corrections emerge in the later parts of the manuscript. This lends
Krzysztof KotułaJean-Louis C
hanal and his Version of the Treatise D
issertation sur la nature et la propagation du feu
30
support to the theory that the author of the abridged version of the Disserta-
tion is also the author of these glosses.
These changes should be examined in greater detail, since they provide the
real intention of adapting the treatise of Émilie du Châtelet to the specific needs
of the recipient requiring fast and reliable access to knowledge. It is interesting
to witness both for the historian of science and historian of the era, as empiri-
cal studies were the center of attention for many thinkers of the eighteenth
century. The manuscript Gall. Fol. 150 is one of the many surprises found in the
Berlin Collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow.
Anna Rzepka
A Note on Spanish Drama and Theater in the Berlin Collection in the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow
Among the many Iberian manuscripts belonging to the Berlin collection
housed in the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow, the group of texts pertaining to
Spanish drama is distinguished by both its abundance and diversity. In rela-
tion to the total number of 109 manuscripts included in the ongoing research
project, the group consists of twenty two catalog units bearing the following
catalog numbers: Ms. Hisp. Qu. 10, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 12, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 13, Ms. Hisp.
Qu. 14, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 15, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 16, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 17c, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 18, Ms.
Hisp. Qu. 19, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 22, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 32a, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 35, Ms. Hisp. Qu.
67, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 68, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 69, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 70, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 71, Ms. Hisp.
Qu. 72, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 73, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 74, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 77 and Ms. Hisp. Qu. 78.
The volumes are made up of both individually bound handwritten texts, as
well as those bound together, which combine more than one, or even a dozen
or more texts. In one case (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 78) an old print had been bound to-
gether with a handwritten supplement. The volume Ms. Hisp. Qu. 16 is a par-
ticularly extensive collection including 38 texts.1 Along with volumes Ms. Hisp.
Qu. 14 and Ms. Hisp. Qu. 15 it creates a kind of whole, distinguishable on ac-
count of its binding, which was made in the same style. The first two volumes,
with titles on the covers, respectively, Theatro Español 1 and Theatro Español 2,
contain the comedias, while the third volume, i.e. Theatro Español 3, contains
the so-called teatro breve or teatro menor, such as loa, entremés, baile, baile en-
tremesado, fin de fiesta, sainete or mojiganga. The criterion for the selection of
1 In the case of the above mentioned volume inaccuracies were found in the Siegfried Lemm catalog of 1918, for failing to include three texts, Cf. Mitteilungen aus der Bibliothek Königlichen, Herausgegeben von der Generalver-waltung, IV: Kurzes romanischen Verzeichnis der Handschriften, Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, Berlin, 1918, pp. 103-105.
Ms. hisp. qu. 13
32
handwritten texts in the volume Ms. Hisp. Qu. 18 was probably that they were
all of the same genre - it is in fact a collection of fifteen entremeses. The col-
lection does not fail to include two zarzuelas texts (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 17c and Ms.
Hisp. Qu. 12), which are lyrical and dramatic forms of musical theater originat-
ing from Spain. One of them, an anonymous piece, entitled La ambición en el
gobierno y la esclavitud de España, in the Berlin collection, exists in two copies,
dating from the eighteenth century (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 17c and Ms. Hisp. Qu. 32a).2
These manuscripts, as well as others from this described group can certainly
provide interesting material for studying Spanish theater and drama, primarily
from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This is shown by the works
and the names of their authors, mainly from this period. For example, in the
volume Ms. Hisp. Qu. 14 there is a manuscript of the play entitled El mejor repre-
sentante, San Ginés. Comedia famosa de tres ingenios de la corte, an adaptation
of Lope de Vega’s Lo fingido verdadero, written in co-authorship with Antonio
Martínez de Meneses (1608-1661), Jerónimo de Cáncer (¿1599? -1655) and Pe-
dro Rosete Niño (in the first half of the seventeenth century). Other examples
of manuscripts of plays from this period are: Loa para la comedia El defensor
de su agravio by Agustín Moreto (1618-1669) from the volume Ms. Hisp. Qu.
13, and El encanto del Olvido by Juan de la Hoz y Mota, who lived in the years
1622-1714 (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 15). The Berlin collection also includes the work of
one of most esteemed Spanish playwrights of the eighteenth century, Ramón
de la Cruz (1731-1794), a handwritten version of the Spanish farce play sainete,
entitled Las castañeras picadas (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 35).
Codicological, historical and texual studies carried out within the frame-
work of the project, realized in particular stages, allow for a more comprehen-
sive collection of data necessary to indicate where the texts from the Berlin
2 In the collection of Biblioteca Nacional de España, there are three zarzuela manuscripts from the eighteenth-century with the same title, the volume marked with catalog number Mss / 17074 contains a note most probably made by the author of the work: “Dicen que el author de esta comedia fué D.N. Ledesma, consejero de hacienda, a quien descubrió un Paje y dieron muerte dos enmascarados que entraron en su cuarto,” Cf. Catálogo de las piezas de teatro que se conservan en el Departamento de Manuscritos de la Bib-lioteca Nacional, Blass, Tipográfica SA, Madrid, 1934, p. 21 Other manuscripts of the zarzuela from Biblioteca Nacional de España, bear the catalog number: Mss / Mss 16320 and / 15365.
Anna Rzepka
A N
ote on Spanish Dram
a and Theater in the Berlin Collection in the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow
34
collection belong as far as the tradition of manuscripts of Spanish drama is
concerned. It seems these findings may be of particular importance due to the
fact that to a large extent we are dealing with the works of authors who are
now all but forgotten. This is the case with Antonio Benito Vidaurre y Orduña
(1724-1780): it is presumably his name which is signed on seven manuscripts
scattered in the volumes of Ms. Hisp. Qu. 12, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 15, Ms.. Hisp. Qu. 16,
and Ms. Hisp. Qu. 18. As has been ascertained, five of the aforementioned texts
which were signed with the name Vidaurre were probably written by the same
hand, and the characteristic initials and signatures repeated on the leaves sug-
gest that we are dealing with autograph manuscripts. Only the manuscripts
Ms. Hisp. Qu. 16al and Ms. Hisp. Qu. 15d are written in the hand of another
scribe, but even these bear the recognizable signature of a shape known from
the other manuscripts. Concise information on the biography and works of
this author is delivered in a work from 1791, prepared by Joseph Antonio Álva-
rez y Baena.3 In it we learn that Vidaurre, in his time, distinguished himself as a
poet, and in the field of drama “[...] he always tried to imitate the style of Pedro
Calderón, with great success [...]. [He wrote] various loas, sainetes and other
lyrical works, though only a few of these have survived since before his death,
he ordered that they be burned.”4 If confirmed, this information can increase
the value of the preserved manuscripts of Vidaurre in the Berlin collection
housed at the Jagiellonian Library. They represent genres such as the comedia,
zarzuela, sainete, loa, baile and entremés, yet none of these titles of manuscripts
in the Berlin collection are among those specified in Álvarez’s study.
Not only the names of the authors of individual works are valuable in terms
of information that can lead to significant findings, but also other members of
the circle of people involved in theater can be relevant, such as the names of
actors included in the titles of certain manuscripts, often in conjunction with
the date of the artistic season in which the acting troupe staged its play. In the
3 Hijos de Madrid: Ilustres en santidad, dignidades, armas, ciencias y artes. Dic-cionario histórico por el orden alfabético de sus nombres, que consagra al Illmo. y Nobilísimo Ayuntamiento de la imperial y Coronada Villa de Madrid su Autor D. Joseph Antonio Álvarez y Baena vecino y natural de la misma Villa. Tomo Quarto, M. N. P. R. S. T. U. V. Z con aumentos e índices, Madrid: en la Oficina de D. Benito Cano, Año de MDCCXCI, pp. 396-397.
4 Ibidem, p. 397.
manuscript Ms. Hisp. Qu. 16, in this context, two names appear several times,
that of Manuel Guerrero (second half of the eighteenth century), Madrid’s fa-
mous actor, acclaimed author of dramatic works and poetry,5 and María Hidal-
go (1700-1797), his wife, who had gained acclaim for her outstanding beauty
and talent for drama, but above all for creating works for the stage, rather than
interpreting them.6 A member of their acting troupe was the actor Teresa Gar-
rido (died 1761), distinguished as a precursor of tonadillas in comedies.7 As an
example it is worth citing these selected titles from this volume: Introducción
de empezar para el baile de la S.ra Theresa Garrido (manuscript u), Loa para em-
pezar la compañía de Manuel Guerrero, año de 1753 (manuscript ai) or the piece
dated a year later Loa para empezar la temporada en la compañía de la Sra. María
Hidalgo, año de 1754.
An anonymous manuscript entitled Jerusalen Libertada. Comedia Famosa
(Ms. Hisp. Qu. 22) is especially intriguing in light of research examining the
presence and influence of Tasso’s epic poem Jerusalem Delivered (La Gerusa-
lemme liberata) in Spanish literature. Among other scholars, Stefano Arata
became interested in this theme, in relation to the play discovered in the Bib-
lioteca del Palacio Real in Madrid, entitled La Conquista de Jerusalén por God-
ofre de Bullón, he took into consideration the likely attribution of authorship to
Miguel de Cervantes.8 The controversy surrounding this issue remains vibrant,
as evidenced by the recently published article by Máximo Brioso Sánchez and
Héctor Brioso Santos.9 A comparison of the text of the manuscript from the
Berlin collection Jerusalen Libertada with the Madrid manuscript discovered by
Arata,10 leaves no doubt that in both cases we are dealing with different works.
In addition, further textual research has pointed towards evidence that the
manuscript from Königliche Bibliothek in Berlin is copy of the drama connect-
5 Huerta Calvo, Javier; Peral Vega, Emilio; Urzaiz Tortajada, Héctor, Teatro Espa-ñol de la A a la Z, Espasa Calpe, Madrid, 2005, p. 356.
6 Gómez García, Manuel, Diccionario del Teatro, Ediciones Akal, S. A., Madrid, 1997, p. 406.
7 Ibidem, p. 351.8 Arata, Stefano, “La Conquista de Jerusalén, Cervantes y la generación teatral
de 1580”, Criticón, 54, 1992, pp. 9-112.9 Brioso Sánchez, Máximo; Brioso Santos, Héctor, “De Heliodoro a Tasso y a
¿Cervantes?”, Philologia Hispalensis 21 (2007), pp. 161-177.10 La Conquista de Jerusalen por Godofre de Bullón (atribuida a Miguel de Cer-
vantes), Edición de Héctor Brioso Santos, Cátedra, 2009.
Ms. hisp. qu. 77
Anna Rzepka
A N
ote on Spanish Dram
a and Theater in the Berlin Collection in the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow
36
ed with the figure of Antonio Enríquez Gómez (1600-1660). Lemm’s catalogue
of 1918 confirmed that authorship, however, not without a question mark.11 In
turn, the codicological and historical data indicate that this is probably a copy
made in the eighteenth century.
The works of two of the finest dramatists of the Spanish Golden Age the-
ater, Lope de Vega (1562-1635) and Pedro Calderón de la Barca (1600-1681),
are also present in the Berlin collection, though not in great numbers. Due to
the importance of both playwrights and the prominent place they occupy in
the history of Spanish theater, the Berlin manuscripts bearing their names or
related to them in any way should be given greater attention, a closer analysis
is currently in progress. In this article, we are above all pointing out their pres-
ence in the collection, situating them against a wider backdrop of the entire
group of manuscripts representing Spanish drama.
In the case of Lope de Vega, the Berlin collection housed in the Jagiellonian
Library includes four manuscripts of his plays, grouped together in volumes Ms.
Hisp. Qu. 77 and Ms. Hisp. Qu. 78. The first volume contains the handwritten
copies (manuscripts) of three works: La mayor virtud de un rey, El guante de doña
Blanca and Sembrar en buena tierra. The latter volume, consists of Lope de Vega’s
manuscript entitled Amar, servir y esperar binded together with seven old prints
- all of the texts are comedies by Spanish playwrights who lived and worked in
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.12 The old prints come from a Spanish
printing house in Seville and Madrid: the typographers’ names were, among oth-
ers, Juan de San Martin en Madrid, and Doña Theresa de Guzman en Madrid, and
the name of the print shop, among others, Imprenta Real Casa del Correo Viejo en
Sevilla. The date 1743 and 1748 appearing on the old prints allows us to assume
that the accompanying manuscript was probably from the same period.
Moreover, in the Berlin collection, in the volume bearing the helfmark Ms.
Hisp. Qu. 15 figuring as manuscript d, there is a copy of a play entitled De
donde tienen su origen los Monteros de Espinosa. In his catalog, Lemm had attri-
11 Jerusalen libertada comedia famosa de Antonio Henriquez Gomez, the old print is available in a digital version analized in the collection of Biblioteca Histórica de la Universidad de Valencia (catalog number: BH T/0095(02)).
12 La Crueldad por el honor by Juan Ruíz de Alarcón, La española de Florencia by Pedro Calderón, Abogar por su ofensor y varon del Pinel by José de Cañizares and others.
Anna Rzepka
A N
ote on Spanish Dram
a and Theater in the Berlin Collection in the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow
38
buted this text to Lope de Vega, referring to the work “Catálogo bibliográfico
y biográfico del teatro antiguo español: desde sus orígenes hasta mediados
del siglo XVIII” by Cayetano Alberto de la Barrera y Leirado. This Spanish author
points to a play of a similar title, namely Los Monteros de Espinosa as “comedia
inédita (¿perdida?)” in the legacy of Lope de Vega.13 Moreover, Lemm was famil-
iar with H.A. Rennert’s study on, “The Life of Lope de Vega (1562-1635),” where
he also mentioned the drama entitled Los Monteros de Espinosa as a work by
Lope de Vega.14 However, some of the data in these studies, though certainly
valid at the time the German catalogue was being written, have undergone
some clarification. Also, the long-lasting controversy surrounding the issue of
authorship and dating of Los Monteros de Espinosa has presumably reached
a compelling resolution: it is currently considered that this is an anonymous
theater play of the eighteenth century, probably written in 1780, though this
date is still questionable.15 This doubt concerning the work’s date seems justi-
fied in light of the materials studied by J.E. Varey and Charles Davis, who in
the repertoire of Madrid’s Teatro del Príncipe of June 1718 drew attention to a
drama entitled Donde tienen su origen de los Monteros Espinosa, a play with an
apparently similar title to the manuscript appearing in the Berlin volume Ms..
Hisp. Qu. 15. In their study, Varey and Davis wrote a concise description of this
work claiming “it is more likely an anonymous adaptation”16 than a drama writ-
ten by Lope de Vega. In turn, Irene Vallejo González analyzing a review which
appeared in a magazine issued in Valladolid called “Diario Pinciano” referring
to the theatrical season of 1787-1788 also mentions a play entitled “Donde
tienen su origen los Monteros de Espinosa - comedia anónima del s. XVIII.”17
13 Catálogo bibliográfico y biográfico del teatro antiguo español: desde sus orígenes hasta mediados del siglo XVIII por D. Cayetano Alberto de la Barrera y Leirado, Imprenta y estereotipia de M. Rivadeneyra, Madrid, 1860, pp. 431, 433 and 865.
14 Rennert, Hugo Albert, The life of Lope de Vega (1563-1635), Glasgow, London, Philadelphia, 1904, pp. 481 and 520.
15 Williams, Harry F., “Los Monteros de Espinosa: Comedia anónima del siglo XVIII by William P. Cooke”, Hispanic Review, vol. 44, No. 2, 1976, pp. 189-191.
16 Varey, J. E., Davis, Charles, Los libros de cuentas de los corrales de Madrid: 1706-1719. Estudios y documentos, Tamesis Books Limited, London, 1992, pp. 335 and 409.
17 Vallejo González, Irene, “La vertiente literaria en el «Diario Pinciano» (1787-1788)”, Castilla: Estudios de literatura, no 1, 1980, p. 127.
In summary, based on these reports it can be assumed that in the case of the
manuscript from Königliche Bibliothek in Berlin, we are dealing with a copy of
that anonymous Spanish work from the eighteenth century. It is possible that
new information will arise in the course of a comparative analysis of the text in
the Berlin collection with its modern edition, such as the edition prepared by
William P. Cooke, Los Monteros de Espinosa: Comedia anónima del siglo XVIII.18
This analysis will be conducted within the framework of the ongoing project,
consisting of textual research.
The Berlin collection also contains a handwritten copy of the work of Calde-
rón, bearing the title of Auto sacramental alegórico: La protestación de la Fee
de Don Pedro Calderon de la Barca, in the volume Ms. Hisp. Qu. 13.19 The same
volume also includes a copy of the printed version of Carta que Don Pedro
Calderón de la Barca escrive al publico de la Corte de Madrid, desde el Retiro de
la sepultura, dando cuenta como el auto titulado Protestación de la fe, no es obra
suya es, aunque se la aproprian [...]. Combining these two texts within a single
volume is not accidental; the autograph manuscript: La protestación de la fe,
held in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid,20 is accompanied by two versions
of Carta, one is a manuscript and other is a print. As Gregory Peter Andrachuk
points out, Carta played an important role in the controversy concerning the
authorship of La protestación de la fe, which in present times no longer raises
any doubt among scholars.21 Furthermore, the discussed manuscripts also in-
clude the text entitled Loa Sacramental El juego de el Soldado Para el auto de la
Protestación de la Fee, figuring in the same volume and seems intriguing in light
of the information contained in the study “Manual bibliográfico calderoniano”
about “Loa sin título Va de juego el soldado”22 and certainly requires further
18 Los Monteros de Espinosa: Comedia anónima del siglo XVIII. Estudio y edición crítica [por] William P. Cooke, Playor, Madrid, 1973.
19 Auto sacramental alegórico, La protestación de la fe de Don Pedro Calderón de la Barca is also one of the old prints in volume Ms. Hisp. Qu. 78. (ff. 96r-109v).
20 Catalog number:RES/10521 La protestación de la fe. Edición crítica de Gregory Peter Andrachuk, Universidad
de Navarra, Pamplona, Edition Reichenberger, Kassel, 2001, pp. 9-10.22 Reichenberger, Kurt and Roswitha, Bibliographisches Handbuch der Calderón-
Forschung/Manual bibliográfico calderoniano. Sekundärliteratur zu Calderón 1679-1979: Fronleichnamsspiele, Zwischenspiele und Zuschreibungen. /Estudios críticos sobre Calderón 1679-1979: Autos sacramentales, obras cortas y obras supuestas, Kassel, Edition Reichenberger, 2003, vol. II , p. 1019.
Anna Rzepka
A N
ote on Spanish Dram
a and Theater in the Berlin Collection in the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow
40
41
Ms. hisp. qu. 78
analysis. There is also other data found in the same work that may prove useful
in the course of studying the two remaining manuscripts in the Berlin collec-
tion associated with the name Calderón: Auto sacramental alegorico El Lirio y La
Espiga, y Triumphos de Amor Divino de Don Pedro Calderon de la Barca (Ms. Hisp.
Qu. 13i) and El Lucero de Castilla y Privado Perseguido (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 72).23
Apart from works of leading dramatists in the history of Spanish theater, the
Berlin collection also contains copies of works created for the stage by many
other authors, mainly from the period from the eighteenth to the early twen-
tieth century, which by today’s criteria are assigned various levels of impor-
tance, ranging from: the significant and distinctive, to the completely unheard
of or forgotten. For example, it is worth mentioning a few names and titles: El
Viting by Cándido María Trigueros (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 74), Comedia nueba intitulada
El valor sin ambición y El Amor afortunado by Santos Díez González (Ms. Hisp.
Qu. 73), La mujer del Tremendo: diálogo en verso original de Gabriel Briones (Ms.
Hisp. Qu. 70), Tares en Lesbos by Manuel Hernando Pizarro (?) (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 69),
Malos amores by Julián R. del Villar (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 68) or Estado Actual. Tragi-
comedia original de costumbres by Ángel González Carbajo (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 71
– autograph manuscript?)
For a more complete understanding of the group of Berlin manuscripts from
the circle of the Spanish theater, it should be added that it includes not only
the texts of plays, but also a number of documents connected to the theme of
Spanish theater. One of the documents is a copy of the memorandum of the
bishop of the diocese of Orihuela-Alicante, addressed to King Philip V of Spain
(1759-1788), with a request to issue a prohibition of theatrical performances
and operas (Ms. Hisp. Fol. 7c). The date of 1774 contained in the text allows us,
in all likelihood, to identify its author as José Tormo, Bishop of the Diocese of
Orihuela-Alicante in the years 1767-1790. While in volume Ms Hisp. 25 there
are two texts written in verse referring to the aforementioned Teresa Garrido:
the first praising her for talent for acrostic poetry followed by a letter written to
her in verse, signed with the name María Ladvenant y Quiriante (1741-1767),
the prematurely deceased, famous actress, known as la divina (“divine”), who
had led a turbulent life in Madrid’s theater circle.
23 Ibidem, vol. III, pp. 814 and 828.
Anna Rzepka
A N
ote on Spanish Dram
a and Theater in the Berlin Collection in the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow
42
The Berlin collection of manuscripts housed in the Jagiellonian Library in
Krakow, considered in its entirety, certainly constitutes a valuable source of
material, for it is still virtually untouched by researchers, which can contribute
to the enrichment of what is currently known about the legacy of the Spanish
drama manuscripts, as well as many other aspects associated with it.
Watermarks in Romance-language manuscripts from the Berlin Collection at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow – Part 2
Watermarks that we reproduce on the following pages come from Romance-
language manuscripts from the Berlin collection presently held at the Jagiel-
lonian Library in Krakow. This collection is not an archive. The cases in which
we can precisely determine the date and the place of a manuscript’s execution,
thus also about the paper on which the manuscript is made, are not numer-
ous. Among the oldest paper manuscripts, there are a dozen or so in which
the watermarks are identical to the reproductions available in the Briquet and
Piccard repertories. We were also able to find some of the later watermarks in
other repertories. We do not reproduce here those watermarks that already
have been identified and dated in other collections. As we lack comparative
tools, especially when it comes to the papers dated after the sixteenth century,
we decided to progressively publish in Fibula examples of various watermarks
that we were able to date.
We have started with Italian manuscripts (Fibula 3), now we continue with
French ones. There is a connection between two parts (Italian and French) in
the manuscript gall. fol. 145, written in French but in Italy, mostly on Italian
papers.
The reproductions will be listed according to their catalogue number and
according to their format: in folio, in quarto, in octavo. To make searching easier,
an index of motifs appearing in the watermarks will be provided, with referen-
ces to the relevant catalogue numbers.
44
WATERMARKS
Call number Year PlaceGall. Fol. 137 1686 FranceGall. Fol. 141 1607 FranceGall. Fol. 141 1596 FranceGall. Fol. 145 1747 FranceGall. Fol. 145 8 July 1784 GenoaGall. Fol. 145 April 1747 GenoaGall. Fol. 145 April 1747 GenoaGall. Fol. 145 1747 GenoaGall. Fol. 145 30 May 1748 GenoaGall. Fol. 145 2 February 1747 GenoaGall. Fol. 152 1783Gall. Fol. 152 1783Gall. Fol. 204 20 November 1707 SantorinGall. Fol. 221 1795 FranceGall. Fol. 231 1756 FranceGall. Qu. 118 1652 FranceGall. Qu. 150 1789 LondonGall. Qu. 157 1632 ErbachGall. Qu. 43 1764 FranceGall. Qu. 88 1806 FranceGall. Qu. 89 1807Gall. Qu. 89 1807Gall. Qu. 96 1794-1811 FranceGall. Qu. 96 1794-1811 FranceGall. Oct. 8 1765 Suerin (Schwerin)Gall. Oct. 9 1756-1757 FranceGall. Oct. 9 1756-1757 FranceItal. Fol. 134 30 September 1492Ital. Fol. 135 1819 Padova ?Ital. Fol. 135 1819 Padova ?Ital. Fol. 146 16 May-12 December 1772 RomeItal. Qu. 13 1752-1755 TrevisoItal. Qu. 13 1752-1755 TrevisoItal. Qu. 13 1752-1755 TrevisoItal. Qu. 13 1752-1755 TrevisoItal. Qu. 19 1835-1840 VeniceItal. Qu. 29 1746 RomeItal. Qu. 57 1697 Vienna ?Ital. Qu. 57 1697 Vienna ?Ital. Qu. 77 1455 RomeItal. Oct. 2 1760 Berlin
Gall. Fol. 137, 1686, France
46
Gall. Fol. 141, 1607, France
Gall. Fol. 141, 1596, France
Gall. Fol. 145, 1747, France
48
Gall. Fol. 145, 8 July 1784, Genoa
Gall. Fol. 145, April 1747, Genoa
50
Gall. Fol. 145, April 1747, Genoa
Gall. Fol. 145, 1747, Genoa
52
Gall. Fol. 145, 30 May 1748, Genoa
Gall. Fol. 145, 2 February 1747, Genoa
54
Gall. Fol. 152, 1783
Gall. Fol. 152, 1783
56
Gall. Fol. 204, 20 November 1707, Santorin
Gall. Fol. 221, 1795, France
58
Gall. Fol. 231, 1756, France
Gall. Qu. 118, 1652, France
60
Gall. Qu. 150, 1789, London
Gall. Qu. 157, 1632, Erbach
62
Gall. Qu. 43, 1764, France
Gall. Qu. 88, 1806, France
64
Gall. Qu. 89, 1807
Gall. Qu. 89, 1807
Gall. Qu. 96, 1794-1811
66
Gall. Qu. 96, 1794-1811
Gall. Oct. 8, 1765, Suerin (Schwerin)
68
Gall. Oct. 9, 1756-1757, France
Gall. Oct. 9, 1756-1757, France
70
Ital. Fol. 134, 30 September 1492
Ital. Fol. 135, 1819, Padova?
Ital. Fol. 135, 1819, Padova?
72
Ital. Fol. 146, 16 May-12 December 1772, Rome
Ital. Qu. 13, 1752-1755, Treviso
Ital. Qu. 13, 1752-1755, Treviso
74
Ital. Qu. 13, 1752-1755, Treviso
Ital. Qu. 13, 1752-1755, Treviso
76
Ital. Qu. 19, 1835-1840, Venice
Ital. Qu. 29, 1746, Rome
78
Ital. Qu. 57, 1697, Vienna ?
Ital. Qu. 57, 1697, Vienna ?
Ital. Qu. 77, 1455, Rome
80
Ital. Oct. 2, 1760, Berlin
INDEX OF WATERMARKS
1805 Gall. Qu. 89ADC Ital. Qu. 13ALMASSO Gall. Fol. 204Amsterdam Gall. Oct. 9Anchor Ital. Qu. 29Anvil Ital. Fol. 134Circles (three) Gall. Fol. 145CR Gall. Qu. 118Deer Gall. Oct. 8Eagle Ital. Oct. 2Eagle (double-headed) Gall. Qu. 157Emperor Ferdinand Ital. Qu. 19F Ital. Qu. 29F Cusson Fin Auvergne Gall. Fol. 145Flower ? Ital. Fol. 146FS Ital. Qu. 57G PIKE Gall. Qu. 89GIUSTO Gall. Fol. 145GM Gall. Fol. 204, Gall. Qu. 96GR Gall. Fol. 152Gryphon Gall. Fol. 145, Gall. Qu. 43Hand Gall. Qu. 118, Gall. Fol. 141Horn Gall. Fol. 145, Gall. Fol. 231, Gall. Oct. 9, Gall. Qu. 96I (heart) C Gall. Fol. 137IGI Gall. Fol. 231Lilly Gall. Fol. 145, Gall. Fol. 141, Ital. Qu. 13Lione Ital. Qu. 57Londres F Hennessy Gall. Qu. 150Moons (three) Ital. Fol. 135NP Gall. Fol. 145Patriarchal cross Gall. Fol. 221Pro Patria Gall. Fol. 152Scissors Ital. Qu. 77SNDB Gall. Fol. 145SP Gall. Fol. 145SP2 Gall. Fol. 145VAS Ital. Qu. 13VFC Ital. Fol. 135VG Ital. Qu. 13WR Gall. Oct. 9
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