TrendsinContemporaryResearchonShamanism
ThomasA.DuBois,UniversityofWisconsin‐Madison
Notforcitationwithoutpermission
Nearlytwodecadesandago,JaneAtkinson(1992)couldexpresssurpriseandcertainsatisfactionatthereinvigoratedresearchonshamanismthatshenotedinherreviewofthefield.ScholarslikeAtkinsonherselfhadbreathednewlifeinatermthatmanyscholarshadconsideredarelicofthehistoryofthedisciplinealone,findingnewcommunitiesandcontextsinwhichtoexploretheintricaciesandnuancesoflocalizedshamanictraditions.Today,attheoutsetof2010,onecanseethatthetrendsAtkinsonnotedhaveonlycontinuedtogrowinimportance,withvaluableresearchongoingwithinanumberofdifferenttheoreticalframeworksandamarkedincreaseinscholarlyandpopularpublicationvenues,includingnewpressesandjournalsandabourgeoninginternetpresenceforshamanictopics.Thefieldhaswitnessedanunabatedethnographicexplorationof“shamanisms”(atermintendedtoreflecttheparticularizingethnographictrendsAtkinsonnoted),withnewandfascinatingresearchonvariousaspectsofshamanichealing,music,materialculture,gender,revitalization,andrelationswiththestate,andincreasingresearchthatattemptstoreconstructpastshamanismsthroughhistorical,ethnographicand/orarchaeologicalevidence.NewtrendswhichwereonlynascentatthetimeofAtkinson’sreviewhavenowblossomedintofull‐fledgedscholarlyenterprises,suchastheveinofresearchIshalltermbelowthe“rhetoricalapproach,”i.e.,thescholarlyexaminationofthedevelopmentofshamanismitselfasascholarlytermandacademicconstruct,particularlyasareflectionofbroadertrendswithintheacademicstudyofreligionandanthropology.Thescholarlystudyofthecognitivescienceofreligion,novelandappealinginAtkinson’searly1990s,hassteadilygrownininfluenceandacceptanceintheacademicexaminationofshamanism.Finally,anareawhichAtkinsoncoveredliterallyasapostscripttoherreview—thestudyofneoshamanismasareligiousmovementandasareflectionoftheroleofethnographicliteratureintheWesternromanticengagementwiththe“primitive”—hasbecomeamajorareaofscholaryinquiry,withinsightfulstudiesbyscholarsbothcriticalofneoshamanicphenomenaand(increasingly)byscholarssympathetictoitsgoalsormotivations.Inthelastdecadeparticularly,scholarsofreligionhavebeguntoexploreneoshamanism’suseofethnographicdata,itsunderlyingphilosophicalpremises,andthepracticesandcommunitiesconstitutedordrawntogetherbyneoshamanicactivities.ThepresentpapersurveysvarioustrendsinshamanicresearchsincethepublicationofAtkinson’sreviewandhighlightssomeoftheproductivedirectionsscholarsaremovingintheirinvestigationofpastorpresentshamanisms,neoshamanisms,andtherelationofsuchphenomenatostateandintellectualinstitutions.
ItshouldbenotedthatpartofwhatIshalldiscussbelowisdrawnfrommyrecentoverviewofpastandpresentstudiesofshamanismAnIntroductiontoShamanism(DuBois2009).Whereasthatvolume,however,presentsthefieldasitdevelopedfromthemedievalperiodtothepresent,withastrongfocusontheevolutionofscholarlyunderstandingsofshamanictraditionsovertime,thecurrentreviewfocusesonlyonthemostrecentdevelopments,someofwhichweretooneworprovisionalforinclusioninavolumedesignedtoserveasanintroductiontothefield.
Particularizedethnographicapproaches
ByadoptingHolmberg’s(1983)useoftheterm“shamanisms”inherreview,Atkinsonsoughttounderscoreakeycomponentoftherenewedanthropologicalinterestinshamanictraditionsinthe1990s:aturningawayfrombroaderexaminationsofshamanismasanoverarching,superorganicphenomenon(Eliade’s“archaictechnique”orvariousotheratemporalandculture‐transcendentapproaches)infavorofcloseethnographicexaminationsoftheexperiencesandperceptionsofparticularshamansinparticularculturalsettings.Bypluralizingtheterm,Atkinsonremindedreadersofthismoredelimitedethnographicfocusandthetheoreticalanddisciplinarydispositionsitreflected.Suchresearchwastoberegardedasa“corrective”toearliersynthetictheories.
Animpressivenumberofculture‐specificethnographieshavethusemergedinthelasttwodecades,aimedatdescribingshamanismwithinparticularculturalsettings.ManyofthesehavefocusedonAsiancommunities(Her2005,Lardinois2007,Nicoletti2004,Omar2006,Ortner1995,Peters2004,PurevandPurvee2004,Riboli2000,Smyers1999);ChilsonandKnecht’santhologyShamansinAsia(2003)isaparticularlyfinepresentationofspecifichistorically‐inflectedethnographiccasestudiesinthisarea.LauraKendall’s(1995)casestudyofasingleKoreanwoman’sinitiationintoashamanicroleprovidesafascinatingglimpseoftheindividualexperiencesandsocialdynamicstoooftenobscuredinbroaderstudies.TheworkShamansandElders:Experience,KnowledgeandPoweramongtheDaurMongols(1996),writtenbyCarolineHumphreywithherDaurMongolcollaboratorUrgungeOnonrepresentsamodelforengaged,complexexaminationofshamanictraditionswithinagivenculturalmilieu.Italsoservesasausefulillustrationofthewaysinwhichscholarsfromoutsideashamanictraditioncanworkwithnativeauthoritiesfromwithintoproduceworksrichinethnographicdetailandhistoricalnuance.Together,thesevariousworksdepicttraditionalshamanismsgrippedinprocessesofchange,asAsiansocietiesnegotiateabalancebetweentraditionalmodesofspiritualityandhealingandthealluresorpressuresofanincreasinglyglobalized,technologicallyadvancedworld.
SpecificorcomparativeethnographiesofshamanisminNorthandSouthAmericahavealsocontinuedtoappearinthelasttwodecadesaswell,althoughtheseareoftenmorefocusedonasingleresearchquestion(e.g.,Cayon2008,
Crepeau2007,Furst2006,Lenaerts2006).AnaMariellaBacigalupo’svariousworks(1998,2001,2004)exploreMapuchemachishamansinChile,attendingtosimilarquestionsofculturalchangeanditseffectsonshamanictraditions.Her2004studyofgendertransgressionrepresentsausefulandevocativecontributiontothediscussionofshamanicgenderdiscussedbelow.SchaeferandFurst’s(1996)volumeonHuicholcultureprovidesafine‐grainedoverviewofHuicholpeyoteritualsandtheroleofthemara’akámeinpastandpresentMexico.NeilWhitehead’s(2002)ethnographyofkanaimàandWhiteheadandWright’s(2004)anthologyofworksonAmazonianassaultsorceryexploreshamanicaggressioninspecificculturaltraditions,tyingsuchritualassaulttothecomplexitiesofAmazonia’scolonialandpostcolonialhistory.AnumberofotherexcellentethnographiesofNorthandSouthAmericanshamanismsarediscussedbelow.
Giventheplethoraofspecificexaminations,anumberofscholarshavesoughttocreateoverarchingworksthathelpreadersaccesstheburgeoningscholarshipinthefield.GrahamHarvey’sIndigenousReligions:ACompanion(2000),Harvey’sShamanism:AReader(2002),NormanBancroftHunt’sShamanisminNorthAmerica(2002),andNambaandFridman’sShamanism:AnEncyclopediaofWorldBeliefs,Practices,andCultureallseektohelpthereadernegotiatethebewilderingarrayofstudiesthathaveappearedinrecentyears.Naturally,suchoverarchingtextscanseldomconveythefullrichnessoftheparticularistresearchdescribedabove;nonetheless,theycanserveasvaluableworksoffirstresorttoresearchersandgeneralistsinterestedinexploringanewtopic.
Particularistsubfields
Inconnectionwiththeethnographicshifttowardsituatedspecificcasestudieshascomeafocusonparticulartopicswithinshamanism,suchashealing,narrative,music,materialculture,gender,andethnobotany.Whilesuchstudiesmaybepublishedinjournalsofreligionoranthropology,theymayalsoappearinthejournalsofotherdisciplines,andreflectthewidenedscholarlydiscussionofshamanismtoday.
Someofthemostexcitingresearchintheparticularistveininthelasttwodecadeshasoccurredintheethnographyofhealing.Althoughscholarsofshamanismhavelongrecognizedtheimportanceofhealingasacontextandpurposeofshamanicrituals,earlierresearchwasoftentingedbyscholarlyskepticismregardingtheefficacyofshamanicritualsandsometimesanopenhostilitytowardpractitionersascharlatansorself‐deludedneurotics.Ashifttowardtheexplorationofshamanichealingasasocially‐negotiatedprocesswithinashaman’swidercommunitywaswellunderwayatthetimeofAtkinson’s1992review,findingexpressioninstudiesofshamanicritualsastherapeuticactsor,inthecognitivesciencevein,exploringthepossiblepsychologicalorphysiologicalmechanismsofsucheventsasinstancesofsymbolichealing,socialbonding,endorphinrelease,orcatharsis(forsummary,seeDuBois2009,133‐150).Inthe
lasttwodecades,theexplorationofshamanichealingastherapyhascontinuedtoattractresearchers,withmanynewstudiesappearinginthefieldofmedicalanthropologyandrelateddisciplines(e.g.,Sasamori1997,Scherberger2005,Sidky2009).ParticularlyenlighteningareLadermanandRoseman’santhologyThePerformanceofHealing(1995)andConnorandSamuel’s(2001)HealingPowersandModernity,bothofwhichcanserveasexcellentintroductionsintotheethnographiccomplexitiesof(shamanic)healingevents.
Theareaofnarrativehasattractedanumberofexcellentstudiesinrecentyears,includingGregoryMaskarinec’s(1995)studyofNepaleseshamanicoratory,MalotkiandGary’s(2001)anthologyofHopinarratives,andCesarino’s(2006)studyofpoeticparallelisminSouthAmericanshamanicutterances.KiraVanDeusen’s(1999,2004)collectionsofcontemporaryshamanicnarrativeswithinpost‐SovietSiberiaarealsonoteworthyandtieinwithwiderdiscussionsofshamanicrevitalizationsandneoshamanismdiscussedbelow,particularlywithreferencetothepost‐socialistworld.
Methodologicallydistinctfromthesestudiesofnarrativeareethnomusicologicalexaminationsofshamanicmusicandmusicalequipment(e.g.,Aubert2006,During2006,Lecomte2006,Lee2004,Potapov1999,Walraven1994,Williams1995).ParticularlynoteworthyasexaminationsofshamanicmusicinacontextofmassiveculturalchangeareMarinaRoseman’svariousstudiesofMalaysianTemiarmusic‐making(1995,2001),extensionsandrefinementsofherearlierHealingSoundsfromtheMalaysianRainforest(1991).Whileallofthesestudiesfocusonparticularshamanictraditionsandtheirassociatedmusicalperformances,variousscholarshaveexaminedthepsychologicalorneurophysiolicaleffectsofmusicmoregenerally(e.g.,Becker2001,Jourdain2006,Levitin2006).Thestudyofmusic’semotionalandphysicaleffectsparallelsthewidercognitivescientificexaminationsofshamanismdescribedbelow.
Likewise,materialculturehasattractedanumberofrecentparticulariststudies,includingBarbaraIliff’sexcellentexaminationsofTlingitshamanickits(1994,1997)andPeterFurst’s(2007)examinationofHuicholshamanicyarnpaintings.AteamofscholarsledbyJuhaPentikäinenassembledafascinatinganddiversearrayofSiberianshamanicitemsformuseumdisplay;thecataloguefromtheexhibitionisagoodsourceforthestudyofshamanicart(Pentikäinenetal.1998).BarreToelken(2003)offersinsightsontheethicsofdisplayingNativeAmericanshamanicart.RobinRidingtonandDennisHastings(In’aska)(1997)exploretheissuesofrepatriationinconnectionwithparticularsacredobjectsbelongingtotheOmahapeopleofNebraska.
Whilematerialculturehasreceivedgreaterattentioninrecentyearsthaneverbefore,thescholarlyexaminationofentheogens—psychoactiveorhallucinogenicsubstancesconsumedforsacredpurposes—remainsofperennialinterest,bothamongscholarsandamongpopularreaders.Overviewworksabound,bothinprintandontheInternet(e.g.,Erowid2007,Ott1993,Pinchback2002,Rätsch2005,Schultesetal.2001).Whileattentiontolongfamiliarentheogenssuch
asopiumandtobaccocontinues(e.g.,Booth1998,VonGernet2000,Westmeyer2004),ayahuascahasattractedconsiderableinterestasanelementoftraditionalAmazonianshamanisms(e.g,Bennett1992),andascross‐overentheogensforneoshamanicmovements(Grob1999,LunaandWhite2000,Metzner1999,Shanon2002).ThecontrastsbetweentraditionalshamanicusesofentheogensisillustratednicelyinStaceySchaefer’s(1996)examinationofHuicholpeyoterituals,whiletheeditedvolumeDangerousHarvest:DrugPlantsandtheTransformationofIndigenousLandscapes(Steinbergetal.2004)exploresthesometimesdevastatingeconomiceffectsthatcanaccompanytheshiftofanentheogenfromritualobjecttolucrativecashcrop.Moresothanvirtuallyanyotheraspectofcontemporaryshamanism,thestudyofentheogenstiesshamanictraditionscloselytowiderdiscussionsofcommunity‐staterelations,globalization,andeconomicnetworks.
Afinallong‐standingelementofearlierscholarshiponshamanism—theexaminationofgenderandsexualityinrelationtoshamaniccallings—hasreceivedmuchneededreevaluationinthelasttwodecades.EspeciallynoteworthyisthelongstandingcollaborativeworkofFrançoiseMorinandBernardSaladind’Anglure,whohavecomparedtwodisparateshamanicculturesovertime,combiningtheparticularisttendencyofmodernethnographicresearchwiththecomparativeandgeneralizingaimsofearlierscholarship.TheircomparisonsofPeruvianShipiboshamansandcounterpartsamongCanadianInuitexplorearangeoftopicsrelatedtospiritualmarriage,genderchange,andsexualizedrelationswithspirithelpers(MorinandSaladind’Anglure1998,2003;Morin2007).ExaminationofgenderperformanceamongNativeAmericanpeopleshasalsoreceivedvaluablereappraisals(e.g.,Hollimon2001,Jacobsetal.1997,Roscoe1998,Lang1998).Inarelatedbutslightlydifferentvein,BarbaraTedlock(2004)hasexaminedthegenderbiasesofpastethnographerstosuggestthatscholarlydescriptionsofpastshamanismshavetendedtotrivializeormarginalizefemalepractitioners,obscuringtherolesofwomenasshamansinvarioustraditionsaroundtheworld.
Whileparticularizingscholarshavesucceededinaddingtremendousnuanceandrefinementtotheuniversalizingpronouncementsofearlierscholarship,theyhavenotsucceededinrenderinginductiveapproachesobsolete,ateitherthescholarlyorthepopularlevel.Infact,giventhatmanyofthespecificethnographiccasestudiesgeneratedinthelasttwodecadesconfirminonewayoranothersomedetailsofearlieruniversalizingmodels,newethnographiescansometimesbuttressratherthanunderminesuperorganiccharacterizations.Further,afocusonspecificelementsofaculture’sshamanictradition(e.g.,itshealingmethods,music,materialculture,orgenderperformances)canreinforcetheassumptionthatthereexistspecifictherapeutic,musical,material,orgenderaspectsofshamanismthatoperatecross‐culturally,perhapsderivingfromasinglepasttraditionorfromaneurologicallyconstitutedprimalsource.Inpractice,then,theparticularistenterprisewithinethnographicstudiesofshamanismhasnotputanendtotheconceptofshamanismasanelementofbothscholarlyandpopulardiscourse.
HistoricizedandPoliticizedapproaches
Theparticularistapproachhasalsospawnedawealthofresearchonpastshamanisms,casestudiesreconstructedonthebasisofethnographic,historical,orevenarchaeologicalevidence.Particularlyinthefieldofarchaeology,asweshallnote,thesereconstructionshavesometimesspurredheateddebate.Fromtheperspectiveofthehistoricalexaminationofcolonialism,manyaccountsofpastshamanictraditionsprovideimportantinsightsintothewaysinwhichindigenouscultureswerealteredandrefiguredbyinvadingregimes.StudiesofthefateofshamanswithinparticularhistoricalsettingshavebeenexaminedparticularlyinconnectionwithNativeAmerica,pastandpresentSiberia,andpost‐warKorea.Thesehistorieshavealsosometimesservedasbackdropsforexaminationsofindigenouseffortstorevitalizediscontinuedshamanictraditions.AndinaseriesofstudieswhichIlabelthe“rhetoricalapproach,”scholarshaveturnedtheirhistoricalscrutinyuponthemselves,examiningthedevelopment,spread,andintellectualimplicationsoftheverystudyofshamanismasatopicofresearch.
HistoricalReconstructions
Thelasttwodecadeshaveseenatremendousincreaseinthenumberofexaminationsofpastshamanictraditions.Previously,suchstudieswererelativelyrare,asethnographicresearchfocusedprimarilyonthesynchronicdescriptionoffast‐disappearingindigenouscultures,andscholarsofotherfields—e.g.,Classics,history,andphilology—wereoftenunawareof,oruninterestedin,thenotionofshamanismasawidespreadculturalpractice.Thus,forexample,wherescholarspriortothe1960sproducedonlyahandfulofstudiesexaminingpossibleshamanictraditionsamongVikingAgeScandinavians,thelasttwodecadeshasseennumerouslengthyanddetailedexaminationsofthetopic(e.g.,DuBois1999;Jolly,RaudvereandPeters2002;Price2002;Solli2002;Tolley2009).Partofthisincreasestemsfromtheriseinprominenceandaccessibilityofethnographicresearchonshamanism,leadingtoitsapplicationtohistoricalcontextsstudiedbyscholarsthatformerlyhadnofamiliaritywiththetheoriesorfindingsofethnographers.Partoftheincreasealsolies,however,intheparticularistethnographicinterestinuncoveringanddocumentingasmanyuniquepastreligionsaspossible,evenonesburiedintheremotepastandreflectedbycrypticormisleadingancienttexts.Thus,examinationsofancientGreek(Athanassakis2001),Sámi(Mebius2003,Rydving1995),Finnish(Siikala2002),andvariousotherpastEuropeantraditionshaveappeared,sometimesspurringethno‐neoshamanicrevivals(seebelow).HarveyandWallis’sHistoricalDictionaryofShamanism(2007)servesasareferenceworkforthestudyofsuchscholarlyreconstructions.
ArchaeologicalReconstructions
Closelylinkedtotheinterestinreconstructingpastshamanismsisamovementwithinarchaeologytoexaminepossibletracesofpastshamanismsinthearchaeologicalrecord,particularlyinrockartdepictionsthatmightbeinterpretedasrepresentingshamanicpractitioners,spirithelpers,oreventrancestateperceptions.Althoughsuggestionsofthiskindweremadeoccasionallybyearlierscholars(e.g.Lommel1967)theenterprisereceivednewimpetuswiththeworkof
DavidLewis‐Williams(2001,2002),whousedpresentethnographicdetailsofSanshamanicritualsandconceptualizationsasabasisforreadingandinterpretingpastSanrockart.Thewiderimplicationsofthistheoryforarchaeologywereexploredinafurtherstudyco‐authoredwithJeanClottes(ClottesandLewis‐Williams2001),pushingthetime‐framedeepintothepast.Althoughanumberofotherscholarsbothwithinandoutsideofthefieldofarchaeologyhaveembracedtheseideasenthusiastically(e.g.,Aldhouse‐Green2005,Brady1994,Coeetal.1996,Freideletal.1995,Pearson2002),othershavevoicedstrongcriticismsofthemethodologyorvalidityofsuchinvestigations(FrancfortandHamayon2001,seeespeciallyBahn2001,Francfort2001;Kleinetal.2002).AcarefulweighingofthepotentialandperilsofsuchresearchispresentedinananthologyeditedbyNeilPrice(2001),particularlytheincludedarticlesbyDevlet(2001)andRozwadowski(2001).SeealsothevariousprintedresponsestoKleinetal.(2002)thataccompanythearticleinpublication.Thevigorousdebate(andoccasionalinvective)surroundingthistopicinarchaeologicalliteratureoverthepasttwodecadesstemsinpartfromthestronglymaterialistapproachofearlierarchaeologistsandtheirskepticismconcerningattributionofreligioussignificancetorecoveredartifactsorart.Asarchaeologistsofrecentdecadeshavebeguntointerpretvarious,oftencryptic,objectsordepictionsasevidenceofpossiblepastculticactivities,itisnaturalthatotherscholarswouldrespondwithcautionorevenalarm.Thecomingdecadeislikelytoseeagooddealmorediscussionofarchaeologicalshamanismsandperhapsthedevelopmentofascholarlyconsensusregardingmeaningfulandaccuratewaysofrecognizingpastshamanicactivitiesinarchaeologicalevidence.Aswiththehistoricalreconstructionsdescribedabove,thesearchaeologicalforayshaveprovenofgreatinteresttogeneralistreadersandhavesometimesfoundenthusiasticresponseinvariousneoshamanicmovements.
StateRelations
Thehistoricalpredilectioninmuchrecentresearchonshamanismhasledtoavaluableandfar‐rangingexplorationoftherelationsofpastshamanswithlargerinstitutions,particularlystates.Shamansoftenbecamesymbolsofindigenousresistancetocolonialpowersandworldviews,andtheirauthoritywasoftendirectlychallengedandunderminedbyincomingreligiousauthoritiesaswellasthesocialdisintegrationandoccasionalepidemicdiseasethatoftenaccompaniedcolonization.RebeccaKugel’s(1994)finestudyofanOjibwecommunity,forinstance,employsamissionary’sdiaryandotherhistoricaldocumentsfromthenineteenthcenturytoexplorethereasonsbehindinitialOjibweresistancetomissionization,andtheculturalfactorsthatcombinedtostigmatizeaparticularAnglo‐Americanmissionary.SimilartopicsareexploredvariouslyinaneditedvolumebyNicholasThomasandCarolineHumphrey(1994),withexaminationsthatrangefromantiquitytothenear‐present.Humphrey’s(1994)modeloftherelationsofshamanismtobroaderstate‐supportedcultsinNorthernAsiaisofparticularinterestandvalue.Otherrecentexaminationsexplorefurthershaman‐staterelationsinAsiancontexts(e.g.,Buyandelgeriyn2007,Ortner1995),andparticularlyinKorea,wheretheattitudesofstateregimestoshamanictraditions
havevariedwidelyoverthecourseofthelastcentury(Kendall2001,Tangherlini1998,Yun2008).ParticularscholarlyattentionhasbeenpaidtothecaseofSiberia,fromtheeraofthepre‐revolutionaryRussianempire(Glavatskaya2001)throughthedevelopmentandeventualbreakdownoftheSovietstate(Balzer1997,1999,Basilov1997),totherevitalizationsandneoshamanicexperimentsofthepresent(Grusman2006,Hoppál1992,Hutton2001,Miller1999,Reid2002,Vitebsky2005).IntheAmericancontext,studiesofstatecooptionandcontrolofindigenoussacredspaces(Burton2002)aswellasvariousexaminationsofshamanictraditionsvis‐à‐visthelaw(e.g.,O’Brien2004)examinethedifficultiesofmaintainingindigenoustraditionsinapostcolonialsituation.Allsuchresearchcontributesintegrallytotheparticularistapproachtoshamanictraditionsdescribedabove,andrevealsthecomplexrelationsbetweenshamanic(orbroaderreligious)traditionsandstateorsocietalpoliticsasdescribedbyFitzgerald(2000).
Revitalizations
Giventherapidandsometimesviolentsuppressionofshamanismsinpastcolonialencounters,itisnotsurprisingthatindigenouscommunitiestodayhaveoccasionallysoughttorevivelapsedormoribundshamanictraditions.Scholarshaveexaminedtheserevitalizationmovementsvariouslyinthepasttwodecades,withmanyfineinsightsintotheroleofshamanismasasymbolordeviceofculturalidentity.ParticularlyvaluableintheNorthAmericancontexthasbeentheworkofRobinRidington(Ridington1997,RidingtonandHastings1997)onattemptstorepatriateandrevitalizeshamaniccultobjectsamongOmahapeopleaswellasRobertSullivan’s(2002)journalisticaccountoftherevivalofMakawwhaling.Post‐SovietSiberianrevitalizationsareexploredinanumberoftheworksdescribedabove,whileMongushKenin‐Lopsan(1997)presentsthematerialsandjustificationforTuvanrevitalizationasaleaderofthemovementinhiscountry.AfascinatingethnographybyVirlanaTkaczetal.(2002)presentsBuryatshamanicrevitalizationthroughthelensofacloseethnographyofasingleritualevent,examiningthecomplexitiesoftraining,ritualperformance,andinterpretationinarevivedtradition.
RhetoricalApproach
AsAtkinsonmadeclearinher1992review,theparticularistinterestincloseexaminationofspecificshamanictraditionswenthand‐in‐handwithananthropologicalcritiqueoftheverynotionof“shamanism”asanoverlygeneralized,empericallyflawedrelicofearlieranthropologicaltheorizing.AtkinsonwasabletociteGloriaFlaherty’s(1992)then‐newlypublishedexaminationoftheintellectualdevelopmentoftheconceptofshamanismineighteenth‐centurylettersandscienceasausefulhistoryoftheconstruct.Flaherty’sseminalworkpavedthewayforagreatmanysubsequentexaminationsofshamanismasaproductofWesterntheorizing,oftenframedintermsofaFoucauldeannotionofdiscourseandreferringtoshamanismasa“construct,”“idea,”“notion,”or“metaphor”—termsthatasserttheexistenceofshamanismprimarilyorevensolelyintheimaginationofWesternscholars(e.g.,Hamayon1993,2001;Hultkrantz1998,2001;Hutton2001;Jones
2006;Leete1999;NarbyandHuxley2001;vonSchnurbein2003;Schröder2007;Svanberg2003;Znamenski2004).Atitsmoststrident(e.g.,Kehoe2000,Noel1997),thiscritiqueofthetermshamanismandthescholarlyenterprisethathaslongemployeditrepresentstheconstructasanunconsciousexpressionofWesternracism,awillfuldenialofthecomplexityof“primitive”religionsandthereductionoftheirdiversitytoasimplisticunitythatcanbeeffectivelycontrastedwithmorefavoredconstructslike“Christianity.”Assuch,critiquesofthissortcanbeviewedaspartofalargercriticaldeconstructionofthestudyofanthropology(CliffordandMarcus1986,Clifford1988)aswellasreligion(Fitzgerald2000,Gold2003,JensenandRothstein2000,Kippenberg2002,McCutcheon1997)inWesternacademe.Withintherhetoricalapproachtoshamanism,however,otherscholars(e.g.,vonStuckrad2002,2003;Znamenski2007)haveadoptedamorebenigninterpretationofscholars’imaginings,onewhichtheyapplyaswelltothephenomenonofneoshamanism(seebelow),regardingitasadirectoutgrowthofWesternscholarlyimaginingsofprimitivereligion,nature,andspirituality.
Thecritiqueofscholarlygeneralizationsregardingshamansandshamanismhasreceivedinterestingexaminationsaimedatteasingoutsomeoftheunderlyingculturalorpoliticalassumptionsatworkinpastorrecentscholarship(e.g.,vonSchnurbein1992,2003).TheviewpointsandblindersofMirceaEliadehavebeenmeticulouslyexamined(e.g.,Allen1998,Berger1994,Tedlock2004,Znamenski2007).LyleDick(1995)deconstructsthepopularacademicconstructof“arctichysteria”inconnectionwithInuitpeople,whileAntoniaMillsandRichardSlobodin(1994)revealthewaysinwhichscholars’unfamiliaritywithconceptsofincarnationledthemtounderreportitasanelementofmanyNativeAmericanindigenousreligions.BothTedlock(2001)andWinkelmanandPeek(2004)havesoughttoraisescholarlyrespectfordivination,anelementofshamanictraditionsagainoftenmarginalizedintheoreticalsynthesesafterEliade.Thecombinedweightofsuchstudiesrevealsthedegreetowhichseeminglyobjectivepastscholarshipwasactuallyoftenlacedwithpolitical,cultural,andsocialagendas,oneswhichscholarswerereticentaboutacknowledgingintheirworkorinthewritingsoftheircolleagues.
TranscendentandCognitiveApproaches
Whiletheparticularistinvestigationofspecificshamanismscontinuedatanunprecedentedrateoverthepasttwodecades,acertainnumberofscholarsworkingwithinthehistoryofreligionsparadigmcontinuedtoexamineshamanismasatranscendentphenomenon(e.g.,HoppálandPentikäinen1992;Pentikäinenetal.1998,2001;Ripinsky‐Naxon1993,SiikalaandHoppál1992,Vitebsky1995).Ilabelthisveinofresearch“transcendent”notbecausetheauthorsinanywayportrayshamanismasatemporal;infact,manyofthescholarslaystressonthefactthatshamanismascharacterizedintheirworksresultedfromspecifichistoricalprocessesoccurringinparticularlocalesoverthecenturies.Rather,by“transcendent”Imeantosuggestthatscholarsfocusonaspectsofshamanismrecoverableatalevelofabstractionbeyondthecloseethnographicdetailsof
particularistresearch.Bycomparingdifferentshamanismsastheyarefoundinvarious,sometimesquitedisparate,locales,itbecomespossibletoarriveatinductivesynthesesthatcanberegardedasindicativeofasourceshamanictraditionthathasdiffusedormigratedovertimetodifferentpopulationsandenvironments.Scholarshavesoughttotestandrefinethemodelsofearlierresearchers,examiningcommonalitiesthatoccurwithfrequencycross‐culturally.Althoughmanyparticularistscholarscriticizesuchresearchasconjecturalorabstract,itremainsafactthatmanyparticulariststudiesrelyintheirbasicconceptualizationsandterminologyonpasttranscendentsyntheses.Scholarswhoemploythetermsshamanorshamanismatallintheirresearchbearwitnesstotheutilityofsuchformulationsasconvenientandusefulmeansofdescribingthestableaswellasthevariableelementsofvariousindigenousreligions.
Whereassuchtranscendentapproachestoshamanismhavebeengreatlyovershadowedwithinanthropologyandotherethnographicsciencesbyparticularistscholarship,scholarsworkingintheburgeoningfieldofthecognitivescienceofreligion(e.g.,Austin2006,Hubbard2002,McKinney1994,Newbergetal.2001,RamachandranandBlakeslee1998,Rossano2007,Tremlin2006,Walsh1997,Whitehouse2004,WhitehouseandMcCauley2005,Winkelman1992,2000)areoftenquitecomfortablewithapproachingshamanismthroughaninductivelyderivedcross‐culturalmodel.Regardingshamanicalteredstateexperiencesandotherelementsofshamanictraditionsidentifiedwithinpastinductivescholarshipasproductsofbrainfunctionandneuralarchitecture,suchscholarscanposittechniquesorexperiencesthatcouldrecurinvariousculturesorlocalesovertimewithoutneedingtoassumehistoricaldiffusionortransfer.Becauseshamanismastheoreticallydefinedcentersonparticularalteredstatesofconsciousness,itoffersaseeminglyidealtestcasefortheexaminationoftherelationofspiritualexperiencesandbrainfunction.Further,becauseofitsapparentantiquityasinductivelyreconstructed,shamanismhasbeenexaminedasastageintheoverallevolutionofhumanreligiousconsciousness(e.g.,Hayden2003,McClenon2002).Whereasmanyoftheresearcherslistedabovewriteaboutreligiousexperiencesingeneral,MichaelWinkelman(e.g.,1992,2000;WinkelmanandBaker2008)focusesonshamanisminparticular,andisregardedastheleadingauthorityinthisarea.Theinsightsofcognitiveresearchhavebeenmetwithinterestinmayscholarlycircles,although,asBulkeley(2008)notes,the“explanatorygap”betweentheprocessesunderfocusincognitivescientificinvestigationofthe“brain‐mind”andthenuancedcomplexitiesoflivedspiritualexperienceremainsformidable.
Neoshamanism
Transcendentviewsofshamanismarealsofundamentaltomostormanyofthepracticesandwritingsproducedintheneoshamanicmovement.Thetermneoshamanism(oralternativeslike“modernWesternshamanism”—vonStuckrad2002)hasariseninscholarlyliteraturetodescribevariousattemptstoreviveorrecreateshamanictraditionsinthelivesofcontemporaryWesterners.Theterm
impliesadistinctionbetweentraditionalshamanismsthathavebeenpasseddownfromgenerationtogenerationwithinspecificculturaltraditions(asdescribedintheworksofparticularistethnographers)andmoreimprovised,provisionalshamanicritualsandexperiencesoftenbornwithinworkshopsettingsandinformedbypast(orrecent)ethnographicliterature.Althoughmanyoftheleadingexponentsofneoshamanism,suchasMichaelHarner(1990)receivedadvanceddegreesinanthropology,scholarlyviewsofneoshamanicadaptationswereinitiallyquitedismissive(e.g.,Johansen2001andvariousoftheothercontributionstoFrancfortandHamayon2001).Astheabovediscussionofpost‐Sovietshamanicrevitalizationsshows,ofcourse,thelinebetween“traditionalshamanism”and“neoshamanism”isnotalwaysclear,eitherintheexperienceofneoshamanistpractitionersorintheanalysisofobservers.Morerecentscholarlyliteratureconcerningneoshamanismhastendedtoadoptamoreneutraltonewhendescribingthetopic,orevendisplayedmarkedsympathyforthemovementoritspractitioners.
Agoodportionofthescholarlyproductionconcerningneoshamanismgrowsoutoftherhetoricalapproachdescribedabove(e.g.,Hamayon1993,2001;Hoppál1992;Hulkrantz2001;Hutton2001;Jakobsen1999;Jenkins2005;Johansen2001;Jones2006;Leete1999;Noel1997;Schröder2007;Svanberg2003,vonSchnurbein1992,2003).ParticularlyilluminatingisAndreiA.Znamenski’sTheBeautyofthePrimitive(2007),whichcarefullytracestheideasthatbecomeimportantinneoshamanicideologyandexaminestheirfurtherdevelopmentortransformationwithinneoshamanicwritingandactivities.AlsoofgreatvalueareKockuvon Stuckrad’s (2002, 2003) as well as Robert Wallis’s (1991, 2001, 2003) investigations of neoshamanic ideologies from a perspective that includes both American and European examples. Ingeneral,scholarstraceneoshamanism’sphilosophicalrootstotheromanticizingornostalgicsensibilitiesofnineteenth‐andtwentieth‐centuryethnographersconcerningspiritualbelief,imagisticormysticalreligiousexperience,idealism,materialism,nature,hunter‐gatherersocieties,andtheappealofimprovised,personalizedritualsaspowerfulenablingdocumentsfortheeventualdevelopmentofneoshamanicpractices.Inneoshamanism,thesescholarssuggest,themusingsofdisaffectedWesterntheoristsaretransformedintoconcreteactionsforincorporatingshamanicpracticesandunderstandingsintopersonalritualrepertoiresasalternativestoWesternculturalcategoriesandvaluesdeemedinsufficientormisguided.
CertainlyintheworksoffigureslikeMichaelHarner(1980,reprinted1990)—ananthropologistwhobegantoteachneoshamanicworkshopsandeventuallycreatedtheFoundationforShamanicStudies(Harner2008)—suchintellectualcontinuityisamplyevidentandexplicitlystated.Otherwritersvaryinthedegreetowhichtheyfollowapurely“technique”‐basedinterpretationofneoshamanismorincorporatemoreelementsofbelieforworldviewintotheiradaptations.Shamanismaspartofawiderself‐helporpersonalrealizationframeworkisincreasinglycommoninNorthAmericaaswellasEurope,asillustratedbytherangeofrecentworksbyneoshamanicauthors(e.g.,Cowan1996;
Ingerman1991,1993;Scott2002;Weatherup2006).HillaryS.Webb’s(2004)collectionofinterviewswithneoshamanicwritersprovidesausefulstartingplaceforresearcherswantingtochroniclethevaryingandevolvingideasofleadingneoshamanicpractitionerstoday,andPetitmenginandBitbol’s(2009)discussionofintrospectiveexperienceandprocessesofvalidationorappraisalwithinmovementscanserveasavaluabletheoreticalbasisforapproachingsuchissuesethnographically.
Richethnographicpotentialresidesininvestigatingshamanictourismandthedevelopmentofvariousayahuasca‐relatedtouristpackages(see,forexampleSalak2006,Souther,andtheadvertisingoftheWorldShamanicInstitute).Muchethnographicworkisneededaswellontheever‐expandingInternetpresenceofneoshamanicresourcesandcommunication,evidencedbysitessuchastheWorldShamanicInstitute,Amazon.com’sTheShamanicCommunity,thewide‐rangingShamanPortal,andShamanicCirclesandthevariousself‐realizationproductsandprogramsofferedbyneoshamanicwriterMartiSpiegelmanthroughthesiteShaman’sLight(Spiegelman).TheinsightsofPaoloApolito’simportantTheInternetandtheMadonna(2002;Englishtranslation2005)orvariousworksbyRobertG.Howard(e.g.,Howard2009a,2009b)offerusefulmodelsthatcanbeadaptedtothestudyofneoshamanicusesofInternetmedia.
Whilemanyscholarshavethusexaminedtheintellectualmooringsofneoshamanicleaders,theconsciousmotivationsofordinaryneoshamanicpractitionershavealsobeguntoattractresearchattention.ScholarssuchasStjepanMeštrović (1997), Robert J. Wallis (2001, 2003), and Joan Townsend (2005)haveofferedavarietyoftheoriesregardingthemotivationsofparticipantsinvariousNewAgeactivities,butcloseethnographicexaminationsofparticularneoshamaniccommunitiesarestillrelativelyrare(e.g.,Lindquist1997,Blain2001).
AndreiA.Znamenski(2007:273ff.)exploresperceptivelytheoccasionalconflictsbetweenneoshamanicpractitionersandNativeAmericans,particularlywhenneoshamanicwritersadoptorhighlightpersonalNativeAmericanheritageasajustificationorenhancementoftheirviewpoints.AndySmith’s(1993)wryresponsetoAnglo‐AmericancooptionofindigenousreligioustraditionsisagoodencapsulationoftheNativecritiquethateventuallydevelopedintothelabel“plasticshamans”forvariousneoshamanicpractitioners.Perhapsinresponsetosuchcritiques,butalsoasanexpressionofpractitioners’desiretorelateonapersonallevelwiththeshamanictechniquesandtraditionstheyembrace,various“ethno‐neoshamanisms”havedeveloped.Suchmovementsfocusonrecoveringapastshamanismonthebasisofspecifichistoricalevidence,sometimescloselyrelatedtothereconstructionofpastshamanismsdiscussedabove.ExamplesincluderevivalsofCelticshamanism(Cowan1993,Trevarthen2007),Sámishamanism(Gaup2005),Jewishshamanism(Winkler2003,2008),andGermanicshamanism(Blain2000;Wallis2001,2003;vonSchnurbein1992,2003).VonSchnurbeininparticularexploresnotonlythedevelopmentofsuchmovements,butalsotheirculturalandsocialunderpinnings.Such movements illustrate the importance of expanded
ethnographic examinations of neoshamanisms, studies which will create a particularist perspective on neoshamanic activities to match the last two decades’ admirable production of particularist studies of traditional shamanisms.
Inthelasttwodecades,then,scholarshavesoughttodescribewithaccuracyandinsightthespecificspiritualexperiencesofindividualswithincommunitiesinrelationtopriortraditions,stateinstitutions,andcomplexprocessesofeconomicandculturalexchange.Theroleofscholarsasobservers,purveyors,andshapersofculturehasbeenperceptivelyexamined,whiletheboundarybetweenpurportedlyobjectiveobserversandsubjectiveparticipantshasbeenproductivelyproblematizedandblurred.Inthisrespect,scholarlytrendsinthestudyofshamanism(s)canbeseenassymptomaticofbroadershiftsinthestudyofreligionasawhole.
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