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GrazSummerSchool,September,2018Intonationandwordorder,Féry

Class2:Toneandintonationinsentences1.IntroductionThetypologyisextendedtotonalstructureandpitchaccentsassignedattheleveloftheΦ-phraseandtheι-phrase,i.e.to‘sentenceintonation’.Inintonationlanguages,alltonesarespecifiedatthelevelofhigherprosodiclevels;noinvarianttonalcontourisassignedattheleveloftheω-word.Thetonesdefiningthesentencemelodyhavetheirowngrammar,andtheyassociateatdifferentpointsinthesentence,animportantanchoringreferencebeingthe(abstract)lexicalstresses.Asaresult,sentencemelodiesareindependentofthetextcarryingthem.Differentmelodiescancarrydifferentpragmaticmeanings.

(1) a.Didyouhearthenews:BaxterwillcomeBACK. b.Isittrue?BaxterwillcomeBACK? c.ItisnotSmithIamtalkingabout:BAXTERwillcomeback.

Alargepartofsentenceintonationisthedirectconsequenceofscalingoftones,e.g.downstep,resetandupstep,whichmustbekeptapartfromtonalassignment.2.TheroleofinformationstructureInformationstructure(focus,topic,givenness)iscrucialforthestudyofsentenceintonation.

(2) Focus indicates thepresenceofalternatives thatare relevant for the interpretationoflinguisticexpressions.

-changeinthephrasingofthesentence-changeinthetonalstructureofalexicalstressorofthesentenceintonation-syntacticandmorphologicalreflexes.-changeofregisterinanentireprosodicdomain–usuallytheonecontainingthefocus,aspre-orpost-focalcompression.

(3) {Whoatealemonpie?}a.[MARY]Fatealemonpie.{WhatdidMaryeat?}b.Sheate[aLEMONPIE]F{Whathappened?}c.[MaryateaLEMONPIE]F

(4) Agivenconstituentisentailedbytheprecedingdiscourse,oritissalient(accessible)inthecontext.

(5) a.Igotonabusyesterdayand[thedriver]Gwasdrunk.

b.IgotonabusyesterdayandIimmediatelynoticed[thedriver]G.

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(6) A topic is a denotation of a referential expression about which the remainder of thesentenceexpressesaproposition.

(7) A:Whatdoyourchildrendo? B:[My[DAUGHTER]F]TOP[studieslaw]COM,and[my[SON]F]TOP[wantstotraveltoBrazil]COM.

3.Tonalstructure × ι × × × Φ × × × × × × ω

(8) [(TheyoungBAKER)Φ(hadtobakeROLLS)Φ(earlyintheMORNING)Φ]ι

× × ι × × × Φ × × ×× × × × ω

(9) [(DiejungeBÄCKERINTop)Φ]ι[(hatinder FRÜH)Φ(schonBRÖTCHENFbackenmüssen)Φ]ι

L*HΦ L*HΦ H*LΦ Lι(10) [(Diejunge BÄCKERIN)Φ( hatinderFRÜH)Φ(schonBRÖTCHENbackenmüssen)Φ]ι × ι × × Φ × × × × × × × ω

(11) [(DiejungeBÄCKERIN)Φ(hatinder FRÜH)Φ(schonBrötchenbackenmüssen)Φ]ι

L*HΦ H*LΦ Lι(12) [(Die jungeBÄCKERIN)Φ(hatinder FRÜH)Φ(schonBrötchenbackenmüssen)Φ]ι

4.Pierrehumbert’stonesequencemodel4.1Discretetones

Fig.1Finitestategrammaroftonesequences(fromPierrehumbert1980:29)

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Fig.2DoesMANITOWOChavealibrary?:L*H–H%(fromPierrehumbert1980:265)

Fig.3Contradictioncontour:That’snotaBOWLINGalley:H%L*L–H%(fromPierrehumbert1980:385)

Fig.4MANNYintwotonesequences,H*L–L%andH*+L–H–L%(fromPierrehumbert1980:273)

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Fig.5FromLadd(1983a)reproducingfourpitchtracksfromPierrehumbert(1980):ThereareMANYINTERMEDIATELEVELSinfourvariantswithdownstep.Thearrowsshowthelocationof[d]ofintermediate.

Fig.6IREALLYdon’tbelieveMARIANNA:downstepofHafterL*+H(Beckman&Pierrehumbert1986:276)4.2Text-toneassociation(13) Phonologicalrulesfortext-to-tuneassociation

a.Pitchaccentsassociatewith(thestrongest)stressedsyllableswithintheirprosodicdomain.b.Boundarytonesassociatewiththeboundaryoftheprosodicdomainforwhichtheyarediacriticallymarked.

× × × × × × × × × × ×

(14) a.(Mary)ω b.((Isa)F(belle)F)ω? c.((Ale)F(xandra)F)ω d.((Aber)F(nathy)F)ω? || |\ | | ||

H*L L*H H* L L*H

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4.3ContinuousphoneticmelodyContext-sensitiverulesassignatoneitsF0valueaccordingtothefollowingthreeparameters(seealsoLiberman&Pierrehumbert1984):

a)Itsrelationtoabottomline(orbaseline),i.e.thedeepestvalueinthespeaker’sregister,whichisfairlyinvariantforeachspeaker.b)Thedegreeofprominencethatthespeakerassignstotheutteranceortoalocalaccent:theF0rangeincreaseswithemphasis.

Fig.7aRealizationsofthewordAnnebythesamespeaker(fromLiberman&Pierrehumbert1984:159)

Comparewithrealizationsofthesamewordbydifferentspeakers

Fig.7bRealizationsofthewordAnnabydifferentGermanspeakers

c)Itsrelationtotheprecedingtones.AccordingtoPierrehumbert,everytoneiscalculatedonthebasisoftheprecedingtone,withthehelpoftheso-calledtonemappingrules,whichcalculatethephoneticvalueofeachtonerelativetotheprecedingone.

Time (s)0 0.5

Pitc

h (H

z)

0

500

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Fig.8ThereareMANYINTERMEDIATELEVELS:interpolationbetweenL–andH*andbetweenH*andL–(fromPierrehumbert1980:329)

Fig.9TheCARDAMONbreadwaspalatable:spreadingofL–(fromPierrehumbert1980:371)4.4Downtrends,resetandupstep

Fig.10Declinationasdownwardtiltandnarrowingonagraph(Pierrehumbert1980:270)

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Fig.11DownstepandupstepbetweenAMANdaandBROWnies

Fig.12Listintonation(fromLiberman&Pierrumbert1984:171)

Amanda is baking brownies

50

250

100

150

200

Pitc

h (H

z)

Time (s)0 2.209

Amanda is baking brownies

50

250

100

150

200

Pitc

h (H

z)

Time (s)0 1.823

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Fig.13Finallowering(fromTruckenbrodt2004:314,adaptedfromLiberman&Pierrehumbert1984:187)

Fig.14PartialresetintheDutchutterance(Merel,Nora,Leo,Remy),en(Nelie,Mary,Leendert,MonaenLorna).FromvandenBerg,Gussenhoven&Rietveld(1992:334)

Fig.15Resetacrosstwointonationphrases5.Alignmentoftones

Fig.16SchematicrepresentationofalignmentofHandLinprenuclearrisesindifferentlanguages(fromAtterer&Ladd2004:187)

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Fig.17CompressioninEnglishvs.truncationinGerman(fromGrabe1998b:139)6.ToBIAnnotationToBI,(TonesandBreakIndices),isanannotationconventionforintonation(Silvermanetal.1992).ToBIhasbeenappliedtoalargenumberoflanguages(seeforinstanceJun2005,2014forareviewofsomeofthem).ToBIisasurfaceorientedrepresentationofintonationintegratingcomponentsofPierrehumbert’smodel.(15) pitchaccents:L*,H*(!H*),L+H*(L+!H*),L*+H(L*+!H),H+!H*

phraseaccents: H–(!H–),L–(obligatorilyplacedateveryBreakIndex=3andhigher) boundarytones:H%,L%(obligatoryateveryBreakIndex=4) %H(marginal,atthebeginningsofsomeintonationalphrasesafterapause)

(16) a.downstep: e.g.!H*,L+!H*,!H– b.uncertainty:*?,–?,%? (uncertaintyaboutoccurrence) X*?,X–?,X%? (uncertaintyabouttonetype) c.delayedtone<;earlytone>

(17) Basicbreakindexvalues:0(verycloseinter-wordjuncture)1(ordinaryphrase-internalwordend)2(astrongerorweakerdisjunctureasexpected,dependingonthelevel)3(intermediatephraseend,withphraseaccent)4(intonationalphraseend,withboundarytone)

ToBI’slabellingtoolsareextremelyusefulforthedevelopmentofsyntheticspeechorforautomatictonalannotationoflargespokencorpora.However,theannotationsurfacecannotdistinguishbetweendifferentkindsofunderlyingtones.Lexicaltones,defaultnuclearaccents,pitchaccentsarisingfromanarrowfocusetc.areallrepresentedasstarredtones.AdevelopmentofToBIcouldbetointegratemetricalstructure,syntacticstructureandinformationstructure,sinceuptonowthereisnopracticalwaytoaddresstheseissuesdirectlyintheannotation.ConclusionforintonationlanguagesInintonationlanguages,tonesareonlyassignedathigherprosodiclevels:Φ-phraseandι-phrase.Starredtonesareassignedtosyllableswiththehighestcolumnofmetricalbeats.

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SinceCulminativityisactive,everyΦ-phraseandι-phrasehasaheadthatistranslatedintoprominence,phonologicallyT*andphoneticallyasahigh(orlow)tone.7.Pitchaccentlanguages 7.1.Germanicpitchaccentlanguages

(18) Swedishhastwolexicaltonalspecifications:Accent1andAccent2a. 1and-en ‘theduck’ 2ande-n ‘thespirit’

1regl-er ‘rule-PL’ 2regl-ar ‘mirror-PL.’b. 1fänrik ‘secondlieutnant’ 2sommar‘summer’ 1ketchup ‘ketchup’ 2senap ‘mustard’

(19) a.Derivation: 2sjukˌdom‘illness’,2underˌbar‘wonderful’ b.Compounding: 2sommarˌdag‘summerday’,ba2nanˌskal‘bananapeel’,2byxˌkjol

‘pant-skirt’

(20) Compoundstressassignment ((σ�)ω()ω)ω

| H*L*

H* L*HΦ(21) a.((2mellanˌmålen)ω)Φ ‘thesnacks’ (compound)

H*L HL*HΦ b.((2mellan)ω(1målen)ω)Φ ‘betweenthemeals’(phrase)Sentenceintonation:additionalsentenceaccentandterminaljuncture,Figure18.

Fig.18Bruce’s(1977:50)modelofSwedishnuclearintonationinadeclarativesentence

(22) Myrberg &Riad2015 Wordaccent(smallaccent) Focalaccent(bigaccent) Accent1 HL* HL*HΦ Accent2 H*L H*LHΦ (H*L*HΦincompounds)

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H*L*HΦ(Lι) H*LHΦ(Lι)

(23) a.2mellanˌmålen‘thesnacks’ b.2blommorna ‘theflowers’

H*L*HΦ(Lι) (24) 2skol-ˌbok-ˌhylla‘schoolbook-shelves’

Bruce(1977)andGussenhoven(2004)distinguishpre-nuclear,nuclearandpost-nuclearcontexts

(25) Pre-nuclearandnuclearpositions

HL*HL*HL*HΦLι | | |

a.[(manvilla1nammanågra1längre1NUMMER)Φ]ι accent1 ‘onewantstoacceptsomelongnumbers’

H*L H*L H*LHΦLι | ||

b.[(manvill2lämnanågra2långa2NUNNOR)Φ]ι accent2 ‘onewantstoleavesomelongnuns’

(26) Nuclearandpost-focalpositions HL*HΦ HL*HL*Lι | | | a.[(manvillA1NAMMA)Φnågra1längre1nummer]ι accent1

H*LHΦ H*L H*L Lι | | | b.[(manvill2LÄMNA)Φnågra2långa2nunnor]ι accent2 Rolletal.(2009)haveasyntacticaccount.Theyproposedaleft-edgeboundarytone,writtenasasuperscriptedH,atthebeginningofamainclause,whichisabsentatthebeginningofanembeddedclause.In(27)a,thewordorderoftheembeddedclauseisthatofamainclause,butnotin(27)b.

(27) a.BerättarenH menaralltså att vandalernaH intog inteGallien av enslump

the.storyteller thinksthus that the.VandalsconquerednotGaul byachance‘ThestorytellerthusthinkstheVandalsdidnʼtconquerGaulbyaccident’ b.BerättarenH menaralltså att vandalernaØinteintog Gallienavenslump the.storyteller thinksthus thatthe.VandalsnotconqueredGaul by achance‘ThestorytellerthusthinksthattheVandalsdidnʼtconquerGaulbyaccident’

(28) [[De2andraskullevara2utˌklädda]Clauseså[2Annaville intevara 1med]Cl]illocCl theotherswouldbe dressed.up so Annawantednotbe with

‘Theothersweregettingdressedup,soAnnadidn’twanttojoin.’

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Myrberg(2013:83)makesadistinctionbetweeninitialityandfocalaccent,bothwrittenwithH,seeFigure19.Ingeneraltopicsalsohaveone,andallnuclearaccentsandusuallypre-nuclearaccentsalsohaveone.ItcanbeinterpretedasaphrasaltoneHΦ

(29) A:‘What’shappening?’ B:[(Maria laserenbok omDATORER)Φ]ι Maria readsa book on computers ‘Mariaisreadingabookaboutcomputers.’

(30) A:‘Whathappened?’ B:[(Väskan medBÖCKER)Φ(harblivitKVARGLÖMD)Φ]ι bag.thewithbooks hasbeenforgotten

‘Thebagwithbookshasbeenforgotten.’

Fig.19FromMyrberg(2013:99).IAstandsfor‘initialityaccent’andFAfor‘focalaccent’.BotharetakentobeHΦhere.Insum,thesentenceintonationofSwedishisderivedcompositionallyfromlexicaltones,phraseaccent(prosodicphraselevel)andfinalboundarytone(intonationphraselevel).Norwegian:Kristoffersen(2000:264),seealsoGussenhoven(2004:217-219)fordiscussion

(31) Accent1 Accent2 σ σ | HPlusapurelyintonationalL*Htonalcontour.

(32) Accent1 Accent2 σ σ σ σ | L*H HL*H

(33) a.1fe:br+1nɑt → 1fe:bәnɑt ‘fevernight’ b.2sɔmmr+1nɑt → 2sɔmmәnɑt‘summernight’

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CentralFranconiandialectsarealsopitchaccentlanguages(seeHermans1985,Schmidt1986,Gussenhoven&vanderVliet1999,Gussenhoven&Peters2004)7.2JapaneseandTurkish7.2.1Japanese

(34) Initialaccent Penultimateaccent Finalaccent Unaccented H*L H*L H*L | | | ínoti kokóro atamá sakana ‘life’ ‘heart’ ‘head’ ‘fish’

H*L H*L

(35) a. hána ‘aname’b.haná‘flower’c.hana‘nose’Wordsare‘accented’or‘unaccented’,havealexicaltoneornot.Anaccentedω-wordcarriesapitchaccentH*L,anditformsaΦ-phrasebyitself,seeGussenhoven(2004)andVance(2008:142-54),a.o.JapaneseassignstonestoΦ-phrases.ThereisaninitialLΦintheΦ-phrase,followedbyHΦ.

LΦHΦ LΦHΦH*L || |||/

(36) a.(garasudama)Φ‘glassbeads’b.(kake-ro)Φ‘break-off’

H*L LΦH*L || |||

(37) a.(hasi-ga)Φ‘chopstick-NOM’ b.(hasi-ga)Φ‘bridge-NOM’Phrasingdependsonthepresenceofanaccentedword:eachaccentedworddefinesaso-calledminorphrase(orminimalΦ-phraseforIto&Mester2012)

(38) (siró-i)Φ (umá-no kubiwa)Φ= a.[[siró-iumá-no]NPkubiwa]NP white-INFL horse-GEN collar ‘thecollarofthewhitehorse’ b. [[siró-i]APumá-nokubiwa]NP ‘thewhitecollarofthehorse’

(39) a.((Náoya-no)Φ(áni-no)Φ (wáin-o)Φ)Φ b.(Naomi-no ane-no wáin-o)Φ

Naoya-GEN big.brother-GEN wine-ACC Naomi-GEN big.sister-GENwine-ACC ‘Naoya’sbigbrother’swine’ ‘Naomi’sbigsister’swine’

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Fig.20Japanese.AAAsequence,left,andUUAsequence,right(fromIshihara2015:572)AsinSwedish,thesentenceintonationofJapaneseisderivedcompositionallyfromlexicaltones,phraseaccentandboundarytone.Additionally,phrasingisbasedonthekindoflexicaltonestonespresentinthesentence.

Fig.21DownstepintheJapaneseΦ-phrase(fromIto&Mester2013:25)

(40) ((náoko-no)Φ(áni-no)Φ(aói)Φ(erímaki)Φ)Φ Naoko’s brother’sblue scarf

Fig.22FourminimalΦ-phrases(fromKubozono1989:53)MinorphraseandmajorphrasecanbereplacedbyrecursiveΦ-phrases. Φ MaximalΦ Φ Φ Non-minimalΦ Φ Φ Φ Φ MinimalΦ(((náoko-no)Φ(áni-no)Φ)Φ((aói)Φ(erímaki)Φ)Φ)ΦNaoko’s brother’s blue scarfFig.23Example(40)intherecursivemodel(Ito&Mester)

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a.Left-branching [[AB]C]→(↑ABC)Φ (↑A B C)Φ

b.Right-branching [A[BC]]→(↑A↑BC)Φ

(↑A ↑B C)ΦFig.24Left-andright-branchingpatterns(adaptedfromIshihara2015:583)

(41) FocusIntonation(FI)inJapanese a.P(rosodic)-focalization:Focusisrealizedintonationallybyaraisedpitchonthefocusedword(oronthefirstwordofafocusdomain). b.Post-focuscompression(PFC):Post-focalmaterialissubjectedtoregistercompression.F0peakislowered.

(42) a.[Aóyama-gaaníyome-nierímaki-oánda]F(blacklineinFigure8) b.Aóyama-ga [aníyome-ni]F erímaki-o ánda(redlineinFigure8) Aóyama-NOM sister-in-law-DAT scarf-ACC knitted ‘Aoyamaknittedascarfforhissister-in-law.’

Fig.25FocusintonationinJapanese(fromIshihara2011)

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(43) FocusIntonation–wh-ScopeCorrespondence ThedomainofFIcorrespondstothescopeofawh-question.

(44) a.Náoya-ga nániko-o nomíya-denónda Naoya-NOM something-ACCbar-LOC drank ‘Naoyadranksomethingatthebar.’ b. Náoya-ga náni-o nomíya-denóndano? Naoya-NOMwhat-ACCbar-LOC drank Q ‘WhatdidNaoyadrinkatthebar?’

Fig.26Anall-newsentence(fromIshihara2004).

Fig.27Focusintonationinawh-questioninJapanese(fromIshihara2004).

(45) a.[Náoya-waMári-ga náni-o nomíya-denóndato ímademoomótteruno?]ι Naoya-TOP MARI-NOMwhat-ACC bar-LOC drank that even.nowthink Q ‘WhatdidNaoyastillthinkthatMaridrankatthebar?’ b.[Náoya-ga [Mári-ga náni-o nomíya-denóndaka]ιímademoobóeteru]ι Naoya-TOP MARI-NOM what-ACC bar-LOC drank Q even.nowremember ‘NaoyastillrememberswhatMaridrankatthebar.’

Fig.28Focusintonationinawh-questionwithmatrixscope(fromIshihara2004).Itisnotthecasethatthepost-focalmaterialisdephrasedandcompressed,compressionissensitivetothescopeofthefocus.

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Fig.29Focusintonationinawh-questionwithscopeintheembeddedclause(fromIshihara2004).7.2.2Turkish(Levi2005,Kamali2011)

(46) Unaccentedwords[év]house‘house’

[ev-lér]house.PL‘houses’ [ev-ler-ín]house.PL.2ND.POSS.SG‘yourhouses’ [ev-ler-in-dé]house.PL.2NDPOSS.SG.LOC‘(theyare)inyourhouses.’ [ev-ler-in-de-kí]house-.PL.2ND.POSS.SG.LOC.PRON‘theoneinyourhouses’ [ev-ler-in-de-ki-lér]house.PL.2ND.POSS.SG.LOC.PRON.PL‘theonesinyourhouses’

[ev-ler-in-de-ki-ler-í]house.2ND.POSS.SG.LOC.PRON.PL.ACC‘theonesinyourhouses’ H*L ||

(47) pásta-cι-lar-ιmιz-da (accentedword) cake-DER-PL-POSS1SG-LOC ‘amongourcakechefs’

(48) ExamplesofminimalpairsfromLevi(2005) Mísir‘Egypt’ misír ‘corn’

bébek‘nameofasuburbofIstanbul’ bebék‘baby’ jázma ‘don’twrite!’ jazmá ‘writing’

(49) a.idiosyncraticallystressedaffixes-Ìyor‘progr’-índʒe‘when’and-érek‘by’ b.pre-stressingsuffixes:-'me‘neg’,-'de‘also’-'mA‘neg’

(50) a.yönlendir-íyor direct-PROG ‘isdirecting’ b.yönlendír-me-meli direct-NEG-NEC ‘shouldnotdirect’

Combinationoftwopre-accentingsuffixes–'mA(verbalnegativemarker)and-'ti(pastauxiliary):theleftmoststresssurvives(seealsoBasque).

(51) a.sinirlen-edʒék ‘s/shewillbecomeirritated’ b.sinirlén-me-jedʒek ‘s/shewillnotbecomeirritated’

c.sinirlen-edʒék-ti ‘s/shewillhavebecomeirritated’

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d.sinirlén-me-jedʒek-ti ‘s/shewillnothavebecomeirritated’

(52) a.fabríka‘factory’+badʒá‘chimney’→ [fabríkabadʒa-sι]Φ ‘factorychimney’ b.ajak‘foot’+ kap ‘cover’ → [ajákkab-ι]Φ ‘shoe‘(lit.footcover)

Bothintonationandpitchaccentlanguagesorganizetheirtonalstructurearoundthepitchaccents,predefinedtonallyinthecaseofpitchaccentlanguages,andassignedpragmaticallyandsyntacticallyathigherlevelsinthecaseofEnglish.Tonelanguageshaveevenmorepredefinedtonesattheω-wordlevel,notonlyonthestressedsyllablesbutalsoontheunstressedones.Theyarethusexpectedtohavelessfreedominaddingsentenceintonation.Mainquestionofthishandout:Dotonelanguageshaveintonation?Duetothedensityoflexicaltones,thereremainslittlespaceforadditionaltonesexpressingpragmaticmeanings.Alltonelanguagesoftenrelyonmorpho-syntacticreflexesorphrasingfortheexpressionofinformationstructure,butnotonpitchaccents.9.Tonelanguages:Asianlanguages•Mandarin:individualtonesmaybestrengthenedorweakened.Cruciallythough,theindividualtonesarenotchanged.Registereffects,post-focalcompression•Cantonese:additionalι-phrasefinaltonalboundariesandassociatedwithadiscourseparticle.Additionoftones,butonlyattheendofι-phrasesandonespeciallyinsertedmorphemes.Here,too,individuallexicaltonesarenotchanged.9.1.MandarinChineseInMC,tonesarelexicalandintrinsictosyllables.Theypresentonlyfewtonesandhieffects,whichapplyinmorpho-syntacticallymotivatedprosodicdomains.Tonesandhiisnotpartofsentenceintonation,butratheritisaω-wordorΦ-phraseeffect.Tonesandhiseemstobeunrelatedtoinformationeffects.SentenceintonationcanbeconcretizedintwowaysinAsianlanguages.Firstbyregisterphenomena:thehightonesofspecifictonescanberealizedwithmoreintensityandwithhigherF0whentheω-wordorΦ-phrasecontainingitisfocused.Theremaybepost-focalcompression.Thetonalcontourofasentenceistheresultofthelexicaltonesandtheirconcatenation,plusphenomenaassociatedwithregisterandphrasing.SomeinstancesoftoneassignmentattheleveloftheΦ-phraseandtheι-phraseFewsyllablesunspecifiedfortonescanbeassignedtoneataphrasalprosodiclevel.•syllableswithneutraltone,in(53)a•modalparticles,in(53)b.Notation:mā1(Tone1,55,H),má2(Tone2,35,RorLH),mǎ3(Tone3,214,L)andmà4(Tone4,51,ForHL).

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(53) a.grammaticalmorphemes:làde‘somethingspicy’,lexicalitem:bōli‘glass’,diminutiveterms:mèimei‘sister(diminutive)’,reduplication:xiángxiang‘tothinkforalittlewhile’

b.particles:-ba‘agreement-soliciting’,-maand-a‘pragmaticparticles’,-le‘verbalsuffix’,-zi‘nominalsuffix’Syllableswithneutraltonesseemtoacquiretheirphoneticvaluefromtheprecedingsyllable(Yip1980,Shih1997,butseeChen&Xu2006foradifferentinterpretation).Aftertone1or2,theyfalltomid-level.Inthecaseoftone3,thefall-riseofthistoneisdistributedoverthelexicallyspecifiedsyllable,thustheonecarryingthistone,andthefollowingunaccentedsyllable.Inthesameway,whenaneutraltonefollows,thefalloftone4isspreadovertwosyllables.Thebehaviourofneutraltonesfollowingtones3and4isthusnotcompatiblewithtoneassignmentperse;ratheritisjustadescriptionofhowsyllableswithouttoneacquiretheirphoneticcontour.However,theadditionofafallingcontourinthecaseoftones1and2maysuggestthepresenceofanLιindeclarativesentences,whichcanonlyberealizedwhenneutraltonesyllablesaretheretocarrythisboundarytone.Particlescanhaveanassignedpragmatictone:(54)canendinahighorinalowtone(Pengetal.2005:248).•hightone,thespeakerisaskingayes-noquestion:ʻ[the]boundarytonesuggestsapresuppositionthatthestoreshouldsellumbrellas.Thus,thiscanconveysurprise,iftheaddresseeissomeonewhowassenttobuyanumbrellaandcamebackempty-handed.ʼ•lowʻboundarytone:statement.Itmightbeproducedbyaspeakertosoftenanexplanationofwhyhecamebackempty-handed.TheEnglishequivalentmightbesomethinglike,“Well,buttheydon’tsellumbrellas.”’

(54) Tāmen bú mài yúsǎn ma do NEG sell umbrellas PRT‘Donʼttheysellumbrellas?’Registerandpitchrangephenomena

Fig.30TheeffectoffocusinMandarininasentenceconsistingofwordswithdifferenttones(fromXu2005:232)Focushasaneffectonthedurationandonthepitchregisterandcontouroflexicaltones(Gårding1987,Y.Chen2010,Jin1996,Shih1988,Xu1999,2005,Y.Chen&Gussenhoven2008).Enhancementofthedistinctivenessofthecontrastsamongthelexicaltones(Y.Chen&Gussenhoven:2008744).Tonequalityiscrucial.

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ConclusionforMandarin:Intonationismaterializedbyneutraltones,tonesonparticlesandregisterchanges.Nopitchaccent,buthyperarticulatedphonemicfeaturesandtones.Post-focalcompressionispresent,butnotonalltones.9.2.Cantonese•Cantonesehas6lexicaltones,andthatnearlyeverysyllableisspecifiedfortone.•Flynn(2003):Lexicaltonesareabletomaintaintheircontrastinspiteofintonation-drivendeclination,because,evenattheendoftheprosodicdomain,roomisstillavailableforgeneratingpitchdifferenceswithrelativeheightswithintheshrinkingpitchrangeintheintonationgroup.AtthebeginningofanewΦ-phrase,F0isoftenreset.•Flynn(2003:45-46)andLin(2002:89):whilestressdoesnotoccurinCantonese,pragmaticcontrastcanbeachievedthroughprominence.Thedurationofaselectedsyllableislengthened,andthisisoftenaccompaniedbyexpansionofpitchrange.•Law(1990:107)suggestedthatCantonesehasboundarytoneswhichcanbeaddedafterthelastlexicaltoneofanintonationphrase.Theseboundarytoneselicitpragmaticmeanings.Dependingonthetoneonthefinalparticle(55=high,11=low,33=mid),thesentencecanbetranslatedindifferentways.In(55),partoftheglossingandtranslationsarefromSybesma&Li(2007),andtherestisfromLaw,i.e.thetonesandsomeofthetranslations

(55) ngo-dei jatcai heoi tai-hei ε we together go see-moviePART ‘Howaboutwegoseeamovieε55?’[whatdoyouthink?] ‘Howaboutwegoseeamovieε11’[wouldbefun] ‘Let’sgoseeamovieε33!’[Iwon’ttake‘no’forananswer]10.ConclusionPitchaccentlanguagesassignedtonesatallrelevantlevels:ω-wordΦ-phraseandι-phrase.EitherCulminativityappliesinallwords(Swedish,Norwegian)oronlyinpartofthevocabulary(Japanese).Thesetonesareinvariable.Othertonesareassignedatthehigherlevels:LΦHΦinJapanese,HΦinSwedishRegisterplaysanimportantroleinphrasingandintheexpressionofinformationstructure(Japanese).InSwedishandNorwegianaswell,buttheselanguagesalsoresembleotherGermaniclanguages.Compositionalityoftonesisclearlyvisibleintheselanguages.

ExerciseRealizethesentenceItwillbecolderinGrazbytheendoftheweekindifferentways,makingitadeclarativeoraquestion,andputtingfirstnospecialfocusandthenanarrowfocuson

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colder,Grazandweek.UsingPierrehumbert’stonesequencemodelprovidealleightrealizationswithatonalstructure.ReferencesBruce,Gösta.1977.Swedishwordaccentinsentenceperspective.Travauxdel'Institutde

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