THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

THE RELIGIOUS ICONOGRAPHY OF CAPPADOCIAN GLYPTIC IN THE ASSYRIAN

COLONY PERIOD AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE IN THE HITTITE NEW KINGDOM

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO

THE FACULTY OF THE DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES

IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

DEPARTMENT OF NEAR EASTERN LANGUAGES AND CIVILIZATIONS

BY

GRACE KATE~SUE WHITE

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS

DECEMBER 1993

TABLE OF CONTENTS

VOLUME ONE

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii

LIST OF TEXT FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix

LIST OF PLATES X

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION

Purpose of Study Definition of Term Cappadocia Brief Summary of the Relative Chronology of Kiiltepe

Textual Evidence Level II Level Ib

Archeological Evidence Level II Level Ic Level Ib Syrian Parallels

Glyptic Evidence Historical Overview Evidence for the identification of deities

Textual Evidence Iconographic Evidence

Problems Using previously Published Line-Drawings

II. STYLISTIC GROUPS REPRESENTED WITHIN CAPPADOCIAN GLYPTIC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28

Old Assyrian Level II Level Ib

Old Babylonian

11

Syrian Groups Syrian Colony Style Old Syrian Style

Local Anatolian Groups as Assigned by Reilly Saluwanta Style Ilewedaku Style Rab-hattim

Problems with later Designations of Seals to Reilly Groups Anatolian Groups as Assigned in this Work

Group 1-A Group 1-B Group 2 Group 3 Group 4

Anatolian Impressions dated to Kiiltepe Karum Level Ib through Old Hittite

III. THEMES AND PARTICIPANTS ON LOCAL GLYPTIC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68

Introduction to Themes and Participants Themes Participants

Sumerian Pantheons Pantheon of the southern marsh Herder's pantheon Southern orchard pantheon Farming region pantheon

Akkadian Pantheons Assyrian Pantheon

Themes and Participants on Local Glyptic Themes

Presentation or Worship Scenes with one Focal Deity Normal presentation scenes Adoration scenes Libation scenes

Procession Scenes Procession to focus of seated deity Processions without focus Meeting processions

Dual Scenes Participants

Deities that always Appear as Focus Ea Marduk Principal local deity Seated goddess

iii

Bull with cone on its back Deity in a horse-drawn chariot

Major Deities that Appear in Processions Weather-god with round hat Weather-god with "cone and arrows" Weather-god on a bull and mountain Local diety standing on a lion Hunting-god Deity in a wagon drawn by boars Usmu

Deities that are Never the Focus of Presentations or Processions Adad standing on his lion-dragon Shamash with "saw" Shamash with "flames" Local war-god Goddess opening her robes Goddess holding her breasts Nude Goddess with mountain-sheep Goddess on a stag Deity standing on a couchant gazelle Weather-god with a sword Weather-god with a plant Deity on a donkey Nude Goddess on a donkey Couple seated on a donkey Conqueror god Deity slaying a bull War-like Ishtar

Functionaries Interceding deity Worshipper Human functionaries

General Comments and Conclusions Occurrence of Participants in Local Groups of level II Participants in Ib-Old Hittite Period

IV. ANIMALS AND SUN-DISKS AS SUBSIDIARY/FILLING MOTIFS

Motifs Motifs Adopted from Old Babylonian Tradition

Nude-hero and bull-man Anteolope being attacked by lion or lion-dragon Fish-man Lion-headed demon Double-headed eagle Monkey

IV

135

Sun-discs Sphinxes and griffins

Local Anatolian Motifs Atlantid figures File of men

General Comments and Conclusions

V. EQUIPMENT. PART I--FURNITURE ......................... 173

Platforms Glyptic Texts

Tables Glyptic Texts

Fruitstand Altar Glyptic Texts

015labbura 015BANSUR AD.KID buwa~i

Conclusions on Fruitstand Altar

VI. EQUIPMENT. PART 2--POTTERY

Incense Stand Glyptic Texts

Hydria Vase Glyptic Excavated Relief and Decorated H ydria Vases Texts

The Elixir Vase Glyptic Texts

"Teapot" Glyptic Texts

VOLUME TWO

Beak-spouted jug with pointed base Glypic Texts

Beak -spouted vessel with footed base Glyptic Texts

v

218

Rhytons Glyptic Texts

Cups Glyptic Texts

Bowls Glyptic Texts

Lion Lion sphinx Steer Bull Antelope

VII. TEXTUAL EVIDENCE FOR THE IDENTIFICATION OF THE ANATOLIAN DEITIES OF THE COLONY PERIOD . . . . . . . . 305

Development of the Hittite Pantheon Treaties, Rituals, Prayers, etc.

Family relationships within the Kiiltepe Pantheon Cult Statue Texts

Sun-god Sun-goddess Chief weather-god Weather-god of Nerik Telipinu War-god Hunting/protector god Perwa

VIII. SYNTHESIS OF EVIDENCE FOR INDIVIDUAL DEITY IDENTIFICATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 336

Deities in Local Style Group 1-B Principal local deity and seated goddess Weather-god in round hat Weather-god on a bull and two mountain peaks

Deities in Local Style Group 1-A Principal deity and seated goddess Weather-god in round hat Weather-god with "cone and arrows" Deity portrayed with the atributes of Enki/Ea Ea/Enki's spouse Hunting-god on a stag War-god Two-faced deity standing on a boar

vi

IX.

X.

Deities in Local Style Groups 3 & 4 Deity in a horse-drawn chariot

REPRESENTATIONS OF THE NEW KINGDOM ...................

Themes and Participants Themes

Presentation Scenes Adoration Deity embraces worshipper Libation

Processions Processions to a focus deity Meeting processions

Banquet Scene Dual Scene Individual Representations

Nature of Participants Deities that appear as Focus

Weather-god of heaven Other weather-gods Sun-goddess or Hepat Moon god Sun-god of heaven Stag-god Ishtar-Sausga

Deities that never appear as Focus Telipinu Mezulla Ea War-god Goddess opening her robes

Summary

CONCLUSIONS . ~ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Sun-disks and their Association with Cities and Pantheons Sun-disks and Cappadocian Pantheons

The Pantheon Represented by the Multi-pointed Star The Pantheon Represented by the Predecessor to the "Signe

Royale": Kiiltepe/Kanish Pantheon with the Cross Design Sun-Discs Pantheon Represented by teh Dot Enclosed in a Circle

Pantheons with West Semitic Deities Sun-disk with Four-Pronged Star and Wavy Lines

Sippar Mari

Vll

355

383

Old Assyrian Seals Syria Deities Associated with Four-Pronged Star/Wavy Lines--non Anatolian

Appearances The pantheon with the spoked wheel design

Possible Hurrian Element at Kiiltepe Pantheon represented by the four-pointed star

Anatolian Pantheons and their Distriubtion in Local Stylistic Groups Anatolian Pantheons of the Colony age and the Hittite New Kingdom Historical Significance of Deity Identifications Significance of Specific Equipment Usages related to Local Pantheons Summary

APPENDIX A. Plates 429

APPENDIX B. Sources of Illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 503

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 508

viii

1993 Grace K-S White

urbanTypewritten TexturbanTypewritten Textgskwink@yahoo.com urbanTypewritten TexturbanTypewritten TexturbanTypewritten Text

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author is especially indebted to the following academicians:

H. G. Giiterbock and H. J. Kantor for the scope of this study

H. A. Hoffner for thought-provoking comments on Hittite language and history

McGuire Gibson for serendipitous mentorship and special assistance

ii

LIST OF TEXT FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Comparison of Line Drawings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25

2. Comparison of Line Drawings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

3. Comparison of Line Drawings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

4. Saluwanta Style according to N. Ozgii

20. Local Seated Goddess . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91

21. Deity in Chariot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94

22. Weather-god in Round Hat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96

23. Local Weather-god/"Cone and Arrows" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97

24. Local Weather-god/Bull and Mountain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99

25. The Hunting-god . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101

26. Two-faced Deity, "Usmu" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102

27. Adad/Lion-Dragon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105

28. Shamash with "Saw" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107

29. Shamash with "Flames" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108

30. Local War-god . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110

31. Deity slaying a Bull . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

32. The Interceding Deity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118

33. Nude Hero . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137

34. Bull-man . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138

35. Atlantid Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161

36. Reconstructed Cult Statue of the Local Anatolian Seated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176

37. Reconstruction of Two-tiered Platform for Bull Statue ................................................ 177

38. Reconstructed Cult Statue of the Principal Local Deity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178

xi

LIST OF PLATES

Plates Page

1 - 10. Presentation Scenes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 430

11 - 23. Adoration Scenes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 440 1

24- 38. Libation Scenes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 453

39-49. Processions to Focus of Seated Deity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 468

50- 53. Interrupted Processions to Focus of Seated Deity ............................................. 479

54-58. Processions with no Focus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 483

59-60. Meeting Processions or Meeting Deities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 488

61 - 62. Chariot Scenes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 490

63-64. Single Deities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 492

65. Seal Impression Fragments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 494

66-68. Hunting Scenes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 495

69-70. Battle Scenes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 498

71 - 72. Contest Scenes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 500

73. Frieze .............................................. 502

xii

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Motifs of Reilly Groupings 51

2. Groups 1-A, 1-B, 2, 3, 4 and Akkadian/Old Babylonian Elements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64

3. Groups 1-A, 2, 3, 4 and Assyrian Elements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65

4. Comparison of the Popularity of Enthroned Deities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124

5. Chart of Worshippers/Worshippees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125

6. Participants by Local Anatolian Group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128

7. Popularity of Participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131

8. Sun Disk Designs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146

9. Occurrence of Subsidiary Motifs in Local Anatolian Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169

10. Change in number of Occurrences of Subsidiary Motifs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171

11. Pottery on seals, excavated examples, and Identifications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 300

12. Deities by Ethnic group and Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 310

13. Deities at Yazilikaya and Colony Age ............................ 362

14. Identification of Y azilikaya Deities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 363

15. New Kingdom Deities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 371

16. Sun-disk Designs by Local Style Group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 422

xiii

To my mother Kathryn Julia Johnson (1913 - 1984)

and Ginger C. White (1973 - 1993)

with love, honor, and respect

The consistent use of definite groupings, attitudes and attributes is the very language of all religious art, which would be incomprehensible without it.

Henri Frankfort Cylinder Seals: A Documentary Essay on the Art and Religion of the Ancient Near East

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Purpose of Study

The purpose of the present study is to analyze the themes and motifs on native Anatolian

seal impressions representative of the Cappadocian glyptic of the Assyrian Colony period.

The analysis will be made from many points of view and on many levels. The local glyptic

will be studied in the context of other glyptic styles, such as Old Babylonian, Old Assyrian,

Middle Assyrian, and Mitannian. Precise identification of objects utilized ori the local

Anatolian glyptic will be attempted, using textual evidence and giving archeological parallels

for pottery types, etc. The general character of the deities represented on the local glyptic

will be formulated and comparisons will be made with later written evidence. The

composition of the local glyptic is analyzed with regard to the scenes of Presentation,

Adoration, etc. An attempt will be made to relate these themes to the worship of Wurusemu,

Telipinu, dLAMA.LfL, Hatepinu, Sulinkatti, Pirwa, dGAL.ZU, dZA.BA4.BA4, and other gods

described in the written texts and shown on the art of the Old Hittitei and later periods,

especially those to whom performances are given by the "Kanish singers."

1Wurusemu, Telipinu, Hatepinu, Sulinkatte, dGAL.ZU, and dZA.BA4.BA4 are attested in Old Hittite texts. dLAMA.LIL is not mentioned. The deity's Hattie or Hittite name underlying the Sumerogram is not definitely known. (A possibility is Habandali found in Old Hittite texts--see Emmanuel Laroche, Recherches sur les noms des dieux Hittites, Librairie Orientale et Americaine [Paris: Maisonneuve, 1947], 22). For deities in Old Hittite ritual texts see Erich Neu, Glossar zu den althethitischen Ritualtexten, Studien zu den Bogazkoy-Texten, vol. 26. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1983), 337-352. Pirwa is attested in theophorous names in the Colony period--see Emmanuel Laroche, Les noms des Hittites, Etudes Linguistiques, vol. 4 (Paris, Klincksieck, 1966), 288.

1

The popularity of the deities in the different periods will be studied by counting the

number of occurrences, for example in Kiiltepe level II compared to level lb. The

occurrences of certain deities will be compared with possible historical and religious

reconstructions; and the sub-groups of local Anatolian glyptic will be analyzed in order to

ascertain whether the divisions help in our understanding of the heterogeneous Anatolian

population (Hattian, Indo-European, etc.). 2 The use and modification of deities and themes

will be traced from the beginning of the Assyrian Colony period through the Neo-Hittite

period.

Definition of Term Cappacodia

The term Cappadocia is traced to the Persian name of the satrapy Katpatuka;3 During the

Roman period, Cappadocia referred to a geographical region south of the Black Sea and the

Pontic mountains along the southern section of the Cappadox or Del ice, a tributary of the

Ktzll Irmak. Today the term Cappadocia is defined as the area in the valley of the upper

Kiztl lrmak whose capital is Kayseri or ancient Caesarea Mazaca,4 and is used by some

scholars to refer to the central plateau of Anatolia.5 As such, it is bounded on the south by

the Taurus mountains, on the east by the Anti-Taurus, and on the West more or less by the

2See below in chapter 10 for correlations of stylistic groups with possible usage or connections with ethnic groups.

3A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948; repr. 1970), 39; and reference to Xen. Cyrop. i I 4.

2

411 Pronouncing Gazeteer, 11 in Webster's Seventh New collegiate Dictionary: Based on Webster's Third New International Dictionary, Springfield, Massachusetts: Merriam (1963), s. v. IICappadocia, II 11 Caesarea Mazaca, 11 and 11 Kayseri 11

5See Louis Orlin, Assyrian colonies in Cappadocia, Studies in Ancient History, Vol. I (The Hague: Mouton, 1970), 23; and W. W. Rallo and W. K. Simpson, The Ancient Near East: A History (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovic, 1971), 93-94.

3

KIZtl Irmak River. Thus Cappadocia comprises the basin of the Ktzll Irmak and the plain

north of the Taurus mountains and includes the region around Tuzgolii or Salt Lake. This

geographical area includes sites such as Alaca Hoyiik, Bogazkoy, Ali~ar, Nerik, Kiiltepe,

Acemhoyiik, Nigde, and Fraktin.

Brief Summary of the Relative Chronology of Kattepe

Textual evidence

Levell/

Level II contains the first evidence of Assyrian occupation. The textual evidence for

establishing the chronology of level II has been gathered by Louis Orlin.6

Levellb

On the basis of eponym-names (limus) collected from the tablets of level II, it may be concluded that Level II lasted at least sixty-two years, but probably no more than eighty. This agrees well with the fact that no more than three generations of traders are attested at Kanis.

The materials from which the relative chronology of Level II may be determined are as follows:

(a) A seal impression on a Cappadocian tablet mentioning a son of the Old Assyrian King, Ikunum, who is almost certainly Sargon I, though K. Balkan reads the name as AN.LUGAL.(X), or "Ilum-sar-x".

(b) A direct reference to Puzur-Assur (II) called mera' ruba'im, or "son of the prince," in 0/P, 27 58:24. The father is clearly Sarru-ken I.

(c) the so-called "lrisum Inscription," found at Kiiltepe in 1948, and recording some building activities of Irisum in the Temple of Assur in Assur.

It seems reasonable to assert that the end of Level II inhabitation occurred no later than the end of Puzur-Assur II's reign, but we may feel free to move up its last days into the reign of Sargon I. As for the beginning of the Level, it seems reasonable to agree with Balkan that the first Assyrian inhabitants may have arrived in Anatolia during the last years of the reign of Irisum I.

A tablet reported to have been found in Karum lb mentions the name of Kanis Kings lnar

and Warsama as well as the name of the Anatolian conqueror, Anitta. A dagger bearing

6Louis Orlin, Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia, 209-209.

Anitta's name as "prince" was found in the corresponding level on the city-mound?

From a study of the limu-names recovered from Ib tablets at Kanis, and from tablets at Alishar Hiiyiik and Bogazkoy-Hattusa, it is possible to date Level lb to the period of Samis-Adad I of Assyrian ... and his successor, ISme-Dagan. 8

Archeological Evidence

Excavated material from Kiiltepe, both pottery and metal can be compared with

excavated material from Syrian sites such as Amuq, Hama, U garit, Alalakh and Byblos and,

together with certain glyptic styles, used for dating purposes.

Level II

Kiiltepe Level II shows parallels with Amuq L, U gar it Moyen 2, and Qatna tomb 1.

North Syrian painted ware known from Amuq L, etc. has parallels in pottery found in

Kiiltepe Karum II; some is of Cilician manufacture and Cilician MB II type, while some is a

local imitation. 9 Syrian painted ware is not found in Kiiltepe (Kanis) after Level 11. 10

7Tahsin Ozgii9, "The Dagger of Anitta," TUrk Tarih Kurumu Belleten 20177 (1956), 29-32, 33-36. See also Albrecht Goetze, Kleinasien, Kulturgeschichte des Alten Orients, 3d part, 1st sub-pt., Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft, 3d division, 1st pt., 3d vol. (Munich: Beck'sche Verlagbuchhandlung, 1957), p. 172, note 5; and Orlin, Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia, 213.

4

80rlin, Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia, 213; see also Heinrich Otten, Die Altassyrischen Texte aus Bogazktiy, Mitteilungen Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1957), 71.

~achteld Mellink, "Anatolian Chronology," Chronologies in Old World Archaeology, ed. R. W. Ehrich (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1965), 120; and Tahsin Ozgii9, Tark Tarih Kurumu Tarafindan Yapilan Kaltepe Kazisi Raporu, 1948: Ausgrabungen in Kaltepe: Bericht aber die im Auftrage der Tarkischen Historischen Gesellschaft, 1948 durchgeftlhrtes Ausgrabungen, Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Yayinlarindan series 5, no. 10 (Ankara: Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1950), pl. LXXIX, no. 616 and pl. LX, no. 328, p. 198 for sherd of Cilician manufacture. Hereafter called Ausgrabungen in Kaltepe 1948. See also Tahsin Ozgii9, "Excavations at Kiiltepe 1954. Level II Finds," Tark Tarih Kurumu Belleten 19176 (1955): p.460, fig. 29.

100zgii9, "Excavations at Kiiltepe 1954. Level II Finds," 460.

5

Pedestalled bowls appear at Kiiltepe level 11. 11

In Kiiltepe Karum II a group of pottery occurs which has north Syrian shapes, but was

manufactured in native techniques. These include trefoil-mouthed pitchers with a pointed base

in burnished and plain domestic pottery (these can be compared with red lustrous and plain

juglets from Ras Shamra Ugarit Moyen 2.)12 The Ras Shamra red lustrous example very

closely resembles in form the trefoil mouth pitcher kt e/k 74 illustrated by Emre. 13 Variants

at Kiiltepe include a pitcher with a quatrefoil rim; 14 a pitcher with a ring base and a spout

which pours over the handle. The latter is stated by Ozgii~ to correspond to pitchers in a

different technique from Ras Shamra. 15

Tripod footed jars which Ozgii~ says were brought by the Assyrian merchants have been

compared to vessels from Tell-Jidle. 16 An example of a teapot with a fixed lid, now in the

Kayseri Museum (attributed to level II), is said to be an imitation of the type found at Til-

11Kutlu Emre, "The Pottery of the Assyrian Colony Period According to the Building Levels of the Kani~ Karum," Anatolia: Journal of the Institute for Research in Near Eastern Civilization and Lanugages 7 (1963): 89.

12lbid., 91; and Fischer, Die Hethitische Keramik von BogazktJy. Bogazkoy-Hattusa: Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts und der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, val. 4. Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichung der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, val. 75. (Berlin: Verlag Gebr Mann, 1963), 47.

13Emre, "The Pottery of the Assyrian Colony Period," fig. 10, kt e/k 74.

1~ahsin Ozgu~, Ktiltepe-Kanis: New Researches at the Center of the Assyrian Trade Colonies, Turk Tarih Kurumu Yayinlarindan Series 5, no. 19, (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1959), p. 111, and Pl. XXXVIII, 3 and fig. 80.

150zgu~, Ausgrabungen in Ktiltepe, 1948, 174; see Fischer, Die Hethitsche Keramik von BogazktJy, fig. 7, no. 4, p. 49--a pitcher from level IB with parallels cited from Troy.

1~ahsin Ozgii~, "Die grabungen von 1953 in Kiiltepe," Ttirk Tarih Kurumu Belleten 19 (1955): p. 383, fig. 15 and reference to M.E.L. Mallowan, "Excavations at the Balih Valley, 1938" Iraq 8 (1946): 148-9.

Barsib. 17 A two-handled jar painted in a checkerboard design is also mentioned by Emre as

being an imitation of north Syrian pottery. A large pitcher type with a ring neck and base

present in level II continues into Level lb with a "signe royal" impressed on it. This pitcher

has a kidney-shaped handle on the shoulder. 18

Represented from the pottery of tomb LVII of U garit Moyen 2 in Ras Shamra is a large

jug with a beak spout very similar to those of Kiiltepe level II. 19

Metal objects found in Karum II are of only minimal aid in assigning relative

chronologies. A duck-bill axehead was found in a cist-grave which can be compared to that

type of axehead found, for example, at the Temple of Obelisks at Byblos.20 A spearhead

parallels a type found in tomb 1 at Qatna. 21

Alisar levels 11 Tb, and Bogazkoy levels 4, Vb,c, as well as part of IVd correspond to

Kiiltepe Karum II.

Level Ic

Level Ib at Kiiltepe Karum (dated by textual evidence to ca. 1813-1741 during the reigns

of Samsi-Adad I and lsme-Dagan I) is separated from Level II by Level Ic; a one and a half

17Emre, "The Pottery of the Assyrian Colony Period," fig. 11, kt/m/k 56; Ozgii

meter thick burned stratum. Various scholars estimate a period of twenty, 22 thirty, 23 forty

to fifty, 24 and eighty25 years for a hiatus of occupation between Kiiltepe levels II and lb. A

short gap seem likely.

The evidence for a gap in occupation is as follows: the remains of Level lb show that

this phase of Assyrian inhabitation was as flourishing as Level II, but buildings were oriented

in a different way from those in the previous stratum.26 Recent reports show that the karum,

as well as the citadel-mound, were welled during the lb period. Compared with Level II, the

pottery of Ib shows great differences in many respects. New kinds of slip-techniques appear;

painted pottery, in color and motif, is also quite different from painted pottery from Level II.

Many forms came down from the Level II period without undergoing any changes, but a

number of new forms appear for the first time in Level lb. In 1955, K. Balkan outlined the

chief characteristics which distinguished level Ib tablets from those of Level II:

1. Beginning of the omission of the rigid mimation rules of the Old Assyrian dialect.

2. The appearance of new ways of expression. 3. The appearance of new forms of contracts. 4. The absence of any trace of import-ware. 5. The non-occurrence of limu-names of the period in Level II. 27

22Nimet Ozgii

Further evidence of a gap in occupation exists in that rich objects were found intact in

the ruins of Level 11--it has been thought that the Assyrians who inhabited the karum during

the subsequent period of Level Ib were unfamiliar with the circumstances of the catastrophe

which engulfed that settlement, perhaps not of the same generation. As was noted above, the

buildings of Level Ib were oriented in a different way from those of level 11--the foundations

of buildings in Ib appear to have been laid atop the destruction stratum of Ic, and nowhere

penetrate it. 28

Levellb

Excavated material from Kiiltepe Karum Ib shows parallels with Syrian material of the

Middle Bronze II B period, represented partly by Ras Shamra Ugarit Moyen 2 and 3, tomb

XIV at Ruweise, and Chagar Bazar. In Alishar levels 10 Tc and in Bogazkoy city mound 4

and Biiyiikkale IV d correspond to the period of Karum Kiiltepe level lb.

Syrian Parallels

In the MB liB period of Syria, Shamshi-Adad I (1813-1781 B.C.) reestablished

commercial activity at Kiiltepe, Bogazkoy, and Alishar, and strengthened relations with Qatna

through the marriage of his son Iasmakh-Adad, the viceroy of Mari to the daughter of Qatna's

ruler, Ishki-Adad. 29

Burnished, red-slipped "Schnabelkannen" found in Kiiltepe Ib, and Alishar can be

280rlin, Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia, 210.

2~enjamin Mazar, "The Middle Bronze Age in Palestine," Israel Exploration Journal, 18 (1968): 78-79.

8

9

compared to the pitcher from Rash Shamra U garit Moyen 2. 30 The Alishar, Ras Shamra

examples have protuberances or bosses; the Kiiltepe examples have decoration in the form of

thin grooves just below or above the handle. A fragment of a "Schnabelkanne" found at Ras

Shamra has a long neck, pronounced beak spout and sharp carination and compares to the

type found in Kiiltepe Ib and Bogazkoy 4. 31

As a general rule the "Syrianized" group of vessels of level Ib are quite different form

those of Level II. Small jars with basket handles are found in Tarsus, Kiiltepe Ib and MB II

B tomb XIV at Ruweise. 32 The small trefoil mouthed pitchers are quite different from those

in Level II which had pointed bases. Examples now from Kiiltepe Ib and Alishar 10 Tb show

a globular body with a long or short neck. Those with a short neck compare to an example

~ahsin Ozgiic; and Nimet Ozgiic;, TUrk Tarih Kurumu Tarajindan Yapilan Kaltepe Kazisi Raporu, 1949; Ausgrabungen in KUltepe: Bericht tiber die im Auftrage der Tarkischen historischen Gesellschaft, 1949, durchgejahrten Ausgrabungen, Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Yayinlarindan, series 5, no. 12, (Ankara: Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1953), pl. XXIII, 92 and p. 156. Hereafter called Ausgrabungen in Kaltepe 1949. See also Fischer, Die hethitische Keramik von BogazkiJy, p. 39; Ozgiic;, Kaltepe-Kanij: New Researches, pl. XXIX, 2 and p. 103--the author claims this form is unknown in Level II. See also Hans Henning Von der Osten, The Alishar Hayak Seasons of 1930-32, Part 2, Researches in Anatolia, val. 8. Oriental Institute Publications, val. 29 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1937), pl. V and fig. 185 e 877 pp. 138, 187--this is the vessel which T. Ozgiic; in KUltepe-KaniF New Researches, p. 103 claims is illustrated with a wrongly restored base. See also Schaeffer, Ugaritica, val. 2, fig. 102:19.

31Schaeffer, Ugaritica, val. 2, fig. 103B (left), p. 244 and Fischer, Die hethitische Keramik von BogazkiJy, fig. 2, nos. 1, 2, p. 37.

32Hetty Goldman, Excavations at Gozlu Kule, Tarsus: From the Neolithic through the Bronze Age, val. 2, plates (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1956), fig. 306, no. 1046, p. 196; Emre, "The Pottery of the Assyrian Colony period," fig. 12, kt g/k 55 and p. 91. See also Claude F. A. Schaeffer, Stratigraphie comparee et chronologie d'l'Asie occidentale (!Ir et Ir milleenaires) Syrie, Palestine, Asie Mineure, Chypre, Perse et Cacase, (London: The Griffith Institute Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, 1948), fig. 76, no. 10. Hereafter called Stratigraphie comparee.

10

from Ras Shamra in U garit Moyen 2. 33

A goblet of gray clay from Kiiltepe lb compares to other objects found at Ras Shamra and

Bogazkoy (level 4). 34 Also from Kiiltepe Ib comes a small geometrically decorated jar

which Emre states is a local imitation of north mesopotamian pottery from Chagar Bazar. 35

Vases of Khabur ware were found at Kiiltepe lb. The closest examples in form cited by

Hrouda come from Assur. 36 The presence of Khabur ware in Kiiltepe lb is a major factor in

fixing the relative chronology of that stratum. According to Kemal Balkan the limu-name

Adad-bani occurs in the tablets from Alishar (similar to those of Kiiltepe lb) and Chagar

Bazar. 37 At Chagar Bazar many of the tablets were resting on potsherds of coarse Khabur

ware (painted in red stripes) which had served as trays. "It therefore follows that some of the

Khabur ware cannot be dated later than the lifetime of Iasmakh Adad (son of Samsi Adad I)

330zgii

11

who, from the tablets appears to have been governor of the district. "38

The metal work of Kiiltepe lb again provides some chronological links. Copper pins

with decorated or "fluted" shanks occur there and in the "Tresor du Liban" dated by the

pectoral of Amenemhet III (1842-1797 B.C.). They are also known from Middle Ugarit II

levels at Ras Shamra. 39 A flanged axe with ribbed handle was found at Chagar Bazar in a

grave of Level L which parallels exactly an axe found in Level Ib of Kiiltepe.40

Glyptic Evidence for Relative Chronology

From the analysis of Old Babylonian style cylinder seal impressions found in Kiiltepe

level Ib, that period can be said to end somewhere within the reign of Samsuiluna of Babylon,

since the style of Old Babylonian seals present in the reigns of Ammiditan, Ammisadaqa, and

Samsuditana was not found in Kiiltepe level lb. The span of level lb is approximately 70

years.

The Old Syrian style of glyptic, which includes Frankfort's First Syrian Group found in

Kiiltepe Karum level lb, is known at other sites. The so-called second Syrian group postdates

Samsu-Iluna. This stylistic group is not found in Level lb at Kiiltepe, but is typical of

Alalakh level VII.

38M. E. L. Mallowan, "Excavations at Brak and Chagar Bazar," Iraq, 9 (1947): 82.

3~ahsin Ozgii

12

Historical Overview

Chronologically this thesis is concerned with the Assyrian Colony period through the

Hittite Empire period, and to some extent, the Neo-Hittite states. What follows is a survey of

some relevant historical points.

In the Assyrian Colony period, the Assyrian trading settlements were distributed in an

area from Assyria to the Plain of Konya in the southwestern part of the Anatolian Plateau.

The settlements were termed karum or wabartum. The wabartum was a settlement which had

legal and commercial jurisdiction over the Assyrian traders, but which was subordinate at

least in importance to the karum.41

The Cappadocian texts attest to eleven colonies of the karum-type and ten of the

wabartum-type in Anatolia.42 The Karum Kanes at Kiiltepe can be described as the chief of

the Assyrian colonies and collected taxes from the other settlements for payment to Assur.43

"Its own messengers, the sipru sa Karim Kanis, traveled back and forth between Kanis and

individual colonies on official business." "And it was empowered to enter diplomatic

negotiations with Anatolian princes. "44 Kiiltepe was at the center of a network of roads that

led to other settlements, Karum Wahsusana, to the south (probably modern Nigde), and

Karum Burushattum directly southwest of Tuzgolii ("Salt Lake. "t5 Karum Burushattum was

Hittite Puruskhanda; among the Anatolian Principalities Puruskhanda held a prominent

410rlin, Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia, p. 27, no. 12.

42Ibid.' p. 26.

43Ibid., p. 62-63, and n. 101.

44 Ibid.' p. 65.

45Ibid., p. 36 and note 37. Probably to be found in an area defined by the modern towns of Obruk, Konya, Kadinhani, and Cihanbeyli.

13

position, and its ruler was called a 'Great Prince. '46 The road going south from Kiiltepe

Kanis passed through Washania (near lncesu), Nenasna (at Akasray), and Ulama. Also south

of Kiiltepe Kanis were Wahsusana and Salatuwar.

In the area north and northwest of Kiiltepe-kaniS lay karum ijattus at Bogazkoy.

Somewhere near Bogazkoy and Alishar lay the karum Zalpa and karum Tawinia. 47 An

Assyrian colony existed at Alishar but it is unclear what name the site bore during the

Cappadocian period.48

In the eastern part of the Ktzil Irmak basin lay Durhumit (somewhere between Alishar

Hiiyiik and Sivas). Also in the same general area was a wabanum named Tuhpia.

Other karum and wabanum settlements such as Hahhum, Hurama, Nihria, Ursu, Batna,

Hanaknak, Mama, and Samuha, were located in the mountainous region on the routes from

Syria to Anatolia.49

... entrance of Indo-European elements into Anatolia produced a period of unsettling conditions for a few centuries (?ca. 2300-2000B.C.). During this period as a whole the general outlines of conflict between the newcomers and the indigenous Anatolian (Hattian) principalities may at first have resembled that between semi-nomadic groups and urban centers, which easily could have disrupted urban life everywhere, or in specific regions from time to time. Not all the evidence of violence associated with the end of the Early Bronze Age need be attributed to the Indo-Europeans. Many of the destroyed sites may have suffered at the hands of their own traditional city-rivals, who could exploit the generally upsetting conditions to their own advantage. It may even be thought that some may have acted in consort with the more mobile groups of foreigners, who, it must be remembered, might not be so considered a few generations after their appearance in an area50

The Old Assyrian tablets of the nineteenth century still show us a basically

460. R. Gurney, The Hittites (Baltimore, Maryland, Penguin, 1966), 19.

470rlin, Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia, 38.

48/bid.' p.37.

49/bid. 39-44.

50/bid. p. 233.

14

Hattian system of political centers within which, indeed, at least some Indo-European centers ... also existed. 51

The rivalries between local principalities did not bring an end to trade with Assur.

The end of the profitable trade with Cappadocia coincided with a major upheaval in Assur. The dynasty of Puzur-Assur I ended with Puzur-Assur II. Assyria was incorporated briefly in the empire of Eshnunna, which grew to its greatest extent under its last rulers, especially a certain Naram-Sin ... But this interegnum was destined to be cut short from another quarter, Terqa on the Middle Euphrates.52

The reference to Terqa is to Samsi-Adad (1813-1781). "The last Assyrian caravan to Kanish

is attested in letters to Zimri-Lim of Mari" toward the end of the reign of Samsi-Adad 1.53

The Cappadocian tablets of Level Ib deal with "different articles than were previously

traded. "54 During the Ib period the Hittites continued their rise to power; centers at Alishar

and Hattusha in the north rivaled for power with the previous Anatolian centers of

Puruskhanda (Karum Burushattum) and Kanish-Nesa to the south.55

The struggle for power is illustrated by changes at Kiiltepe. Kiiltepe has been identified

by some scholars with Nesa. 56 The archeological record of Kiiltepe fits into the historical

reconstruction of the city of Nesa given by Louis Orlin. In that reconstruction, Level II was

destroyed by Uhna, king of Zalpuwa/Zalpa resulting in the destruction of layer Ic. During

the Karum level of Ic the city of Kanish-Nesa existed as a small and defenceless with no city

51/bid.

52Hallo and Simpson, The Ancient Near East: A History, 96.

53/bid. ' 96.

54/bid., 96.

55/bid., p. 96.

560rlin, Assyrian colonies in Cappadocia, p. 242, n. 69; and reference to Hans G. Giiterbock, "Kanes und Nesa: Two Forms of one Anatolian Place Name?" Eretz-Israel5 (1958): 46-50; and references to E. Forrer, and Balkan.

15

city wall. Nesa's king was then a vassal of Zalpuwa.57 A statue of a goddess, ijalmasuit,

called "our god" by Anitta was carried off to Zalpuwa.

This deity, goddess of the throne dais, was the personification of the political idea of

kingship for the Hittites; and Zalpa and Nesa struggled for power and possession of

ijalmasuit.58 If Starke is correct in saying that ijalmasuit was conceived by the Hittites, then

we would not necessarily expect to find a depiction of that deity on the glyptic of level II. As

we shall see later, the pantheon of Kiiltepe in the Colony period was a mixture of Luwian and

Hattian.

The kings Inar and Warsama of Kanis represent the rulers of Kanis-Nesa of period Ib

who were the vassals of Zalpuwa when the city had a diminished political influence. Pithana,

ruler of the kingdom of Kussara, attacked the city of Nesa by night, captured its king but

treated the population as "mothers (and) fathers" i.e. as elderly people to be respected--and

570rlin, Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia, 244-245.

58See Starke, Frank, "ijalmasuit im Anitta-Text und die hethitische Ideologie vom Konigtum," Zeitschriftftir Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archaologie 69, (1979): 96.

In the 13th century B.C. the Sumerogram 015DAG was used to refer to the throne as cult object and may be considered the name of a concrete object while ijalmasuit is the personification of an idea. (See Ibid., 113). The throne as a cult object is depicted on Mitannian glyptic dated form 1392 to 1366 B.C. (see Edith Porada, "Standards and Stools on Sealings of Nuzi and other Examples of Mitannian Glyptic Art," chap. in Le temple et Ie culte, eds. E. van Donze!, Pauline H. E. donceei-Voute, A. A. Kampman, and Machteld J. Mellink, Compte rendu de la vingtieme rencontre assyriologique intemationale, Uitgaven van het Nederlands Historische-Archaeologische Institut te Istanbul Publications, vol. 37 [Nederlands Historische-Archeologisch Instituut te Istanbul, 1975]: 170-171 and note 19). The stool or throne is held by heroic figures, bull-men, or griffin-headed demons. The stool or throne is depicted beneath the winged sun-disk; below the throne is often a male figure on one knee. In the 13th century Middle Assyrian glyptic the throne that supports the winged sun-disk is itself unsupported; "after that time the winged disk was no longer represented in such a tangible manner but was shown floating in the sky ... " (Ibid., p. 171). Here, then, on the glyptic of the Mitannians, who were Indo-Europeans, is depicted the idea of the throne supporting the winged sun-disk. Possibly on the Mitannian glyptic the winged sun-disk symbolized the king, just as the winged sun-disk in Hittite hieroglyphics means "my sun," a title of the king. (see Emmanuel Laroche, Les hieroglyphes Hittites, part 1, L'ecriture, Paris, Editions due centre national de la recherche scientifique, no. 190 [Paris, 1960]).

16

did them no harm; nor did he leave a destruction level at the city of Nesa/Kanis. The rulers

of level II, overthrown by Uhna of Zalpuwa, are not identified; however the deity after whom

the vassal Inar is named would appear to be a non-European, 59 and probably Ratti an. The

rulers of level II Kiiltepe-Kanis/Nesa were probably also Hattian.

Anitta, Pithana's successor also ruled in Nesa/Kanis in level Ib, fortifying the city.

The archaeological report of the 1963 excavations reveals apparently that both the Kiiltepe citadel-mound and the kilrum-terrace were walled for the first time during the period of lb. Also the increase in population inferred by the excavators from the size of the Karum Ib area is compatible with the importance of Ne!a under Pithana and Anitta. 60

Anitta fought an alliance "involving most likely the chief vassals of ... kingdoms within the

inner Halys Basin," but "this victory was indecisive in that Anitta did not yet destroy the

cities of Rattus or Zalpa. "61 In a second encounter with the alliance of the north-central

plateau, 62 Anitta imprisoned the king of Zalpa who was brought to Nesa. Anitta restored the

statue of the deity called "our deity." Anitta, according to events described in the

Proclamation of Anitta,63 built a temple for both "our deity" and the weather-god of Heaven

who was the god of his dynasty.

59Probably Hattian, see Laroche, Recherches sur les noms des dieu.x Hittites, pp. 82-83 with notes 2 and 3; and reference to Hattian goddess Inara by 0. R. Gurney, Some Aspects of Hittite Relgion. The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy 1976 (Oxford, Oxford University Press (1977), 14.

600rlin, Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia, 245.

61lbid., p. 243.

62Erich Neu, Der Anitta Text,Studien zu den Bogazkoy-Texten, vol. 18 (Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 1974): lines 41 f. p. 12.

63The latest edition of the text is : Erich Neu, Der Anitta Text, Studien zu den Bogazkoy-Texten, vol. 18 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1974).

17

Starke has shown that the temple to ijalmasuit was the palace of Anitta.64 ijalmasuit did

not displace any deity previously in the pantheon or represented on the glyptic. However, the

weather-god of Heaven probably already appeared on the glyptic of level II Kiiltepe under the

guise of Adad. On that glyptic he appears with a type of sun-god and the sun-goddess of the

Hattian pantheon, identified in this dissertation as Sulinkatte and Wurusemu. In the Anitta

text and an Old Hittite ritual for the erection of a new palace, 65 the deities diSKUR (the

weather-god), ijalmasuit, and dUTU are present. 66 The dUTU of the Old Hittite texts is the

Sun-goddess of Arinna, Wurusemu, not the male 1Stanus.67 Mrs. Bin-Nun has stated that the

dUTU, or sun-goddess, and the weather-god are very similar in early texts. 68

Thus, when Anitta became king of Nesa, a male form of the sun was no longer head of

the pantheon there as had been the case on the level II glyptic; and the weather-god of Heaven

and the sun-goddess are similar in characteristics. A male sun-god does not appear at the

head of the list of deities in treaties until the middle Hittite period and the treaty of

Arnuwanda I (ca. 1420 B.C.)69 There the sung-god is IStanus, the Sun-god of Heaven,

"almost a replica of the Akkadian Shamash. "70 On the level II glyptic we shall see that the

Akkadian Shamash and the sun-god at the head of the pantheon were two entirely different

64Starke, "ijalmasuit im Anitta-Text," 99-100.

65Emmanuel Laroche, Catalogue de textes Hittites, Etudes et commentaires, vol. 75 (Paris: Klincksieck, 1971): no. 414 = KUB XXIX 1.

66Starke, "ijalmasuit im Anitta-Text," 49-50.

67/bid., pp. 66-67, note 39.

68Shoshana R. Bin-Nun, The Tawananna in the Hittite Kingdom, (Heidelberg: Winter, 1975): 119 and Gurney, Some Aspects of Hittite Religion, 11.

69Gurney, Some Aspects of Hittite Religion, 7.

70/bid., 6.

18

deities. Therefore, after the accession of Anitta, the level II sun-god Sulinkatte never regains

his position as the head of the pantheon.

Anitta, having later conquered Hattusa, destroyed the city and cursed any of his own

successors who might rebuild it. 71 When Pi thana and A nitta shifted their center of power to

Kanis-Nesa it is likely that the government of Kussara continued in local hands. A falling out

may have taken place between Anitta and a new power system building up with Kussara as its

center. Anitta's loss of power to another dynasty was witnessed by the "destruction of

Kiiltepe level Ib and the subsequent inauguration of level Ia, "72 the beginning of the Hittite

period. The state of affairs is fairly clear in that the Hittites, who established the Old

Kingdom (1740-1400 B.C.), "identified themselves with the city of Nesa and called their

language nasili or nesumnili. "73

The Hattian culture was not obliterated by the Indo-European speaking Hittites.

So pervasive is Hattian influence in the civilization of the Hittite Old Kingdom, that the question has more than once been raised whether the nucleus of the Old Kingdom state was not in fact Hattian rather than Indo-European. The Hittite rulers from Hattusili to Suppiluliuma II with few exceptions bore Hattian throne names ... The dynastic titles of the king (Labarna or Tabarna) and queen (Tawananna) are non-Indo-European. It is most likely, although it remains to be proven, that they are Hattie. The principal deities in the state religion until well into the New Kingdom were Hattian deities: a storm-god named Taru; his consort, the Sun-goddess of the city of Arinna, named Wurusemu; their daughter Mezzulla, the granddaughter Zintuhi; a son of the Storm-god named Telepinu; a warrior-god Wurunkatte; a moon-god Kasku; and a sun-god Estan. All the local gods of the Hattians were properly venerated and their cults maintained. Native priests and priestesses presided over the cults, and the spoken language of the festivals continued to be Hattie ... The Hattian cultural legacy seems to have consisted chiefly of the religious (i.e. cult and

71Heinrich Otten, "Zu den Angangen de hethitischen Geschichte," Mitteilungen der deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 83 (1951): 44-51. See also Heinrich Otten, "Anitta Text," Mitteilungen der deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 83 (1951): 41.

720rlin, Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia, 245.

73Hoffner, "Hittites and Hurrians," Peoples ojthe Old Testament Times, ed. D. J. Wiseman (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), 199.

mythology) and the artistic. 74

The one deity whose name is genuinely Hittite, the god Shiushmish (literally 'their god'), is of secondary importance; he appears as the local god of the conquered city of Nesha, the very home of the nasili language, and it is only after his conquest of Nesha that Anitta acknowledges allegiance to him. 75

Around 1650 B.C. the "Hittites" became "men of Hatti" after they moved their capital to

19

Bogazkoy-Hattusa (level 3 city, and IVc Biiyiikkale). The Old Kingdom of the Hittites lasted

until about 1400. The New Kingdom was ushered into Bogazkoy with level 2 of the lower

city and level IVb of Biiyiikkale. The New Kingdom (ca. 1400-1190 B.C.) was quite

different in character from the Old Kingdom. Gurney says:

It is a well-established fact that the New Empire shows many significant changes in the character of the monarch. The peculiar democratic (or oligarchic) institutions of the Old Kingdom are no longer found; the authority of the king appears to be absolute, conforming to a more oriental pattern. Above all, it has now been demonstrated that the dynasty exhibits strongly Hurrian characteristics. The gods of the (royal) house appear in a Hurrian context and with a Hurrian singer. The interpretatio hurritica of the Anatolian pantheon so strikingly and uniquely embodied in the sculptures of Yazilikaya and the proliferation of the Hurrian cults under the later kings can be attributed to the same cause. . . These features seem rather to point to a Hurrian origin for the dynasty itself.16

After the fall of the Hittites in 1190 B.C., the "Neo-Hittite" states in the eastern and

southern provinces survived until ca. 709 B.C. "It would appear that part of its (Kizzuwatna)

population, together with refugees who had left Hattusas and the central provinces after the

invasion of 1190 B.C., formed the nucleus of the population of the Neo-Hittite Kingdoms. "77

74Hoffner, "Hittites and Hurrians," 197-198.

750. R. Gurney "Anatolia c. 1750-1600," chap. 6 in The Cambridge Ancient History, 3d ed., vol. 2, pt. 1, History of the Middle East and the Aegean Region c. 1800-1300 B. C., ed. I. E. S. Edwards, C. J. Gadd, N. G. L. Hammond, and E. Sollberger, (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1973), 255.

76Gurney, "Anatolia c. 1600-1380 B.C.," 18-19.

77Maurice Vierya, Hittite Art 2300- 750 B.C. (London: Tiranti, 1955), 9.

20

The Neo-Hittites left numerous monuments, reliefs, steles, and rock carvings.

Evidence for the Identification of Deities

Textual Evidence

Textual evidence will be brought to bear upon the identification of the deities illustrated

on the seal impressions. For example, a comparison can be made between the elements and

scenes from the local Cappadocian glyptic and the attributes assigned to deities in inventory

texts and festival texts.

Early Hattian deities are known from Kiiltepe documents. The names of deities Anna,

Higisha, Kubabat, Parka, Nippas occur in connection with worshippers, priests and

theophorous names. 78 Other deity's names occur in the onomastic of the pre-Hittite Assyrian

colonies. They include Pirwa, an equestrian form of Ishtar, Ilali, Tarwaw, and Assiyat. 79

In the earliest Old Hittite texts such as the Proclamation of Anitta, a saga about the first

passage through the Taurus, and a ritual for the erection of a palace, there are references to

Hattian deities: ijalmasuit, the goddess of the throne dais; lnara, goddess of Hattusa;

Telipinu. 80 Other Hattian deities mentioned in the rituals of the Old Kingdom are 1)

Wurunkatte, the War-god; 2) Tasimmet, the Weather-god's concubine; 3) and in an

Underworld context, Lelwani (a god here, not a goddess as later); 4) Istustaya and Papaya,

the goddesses who spin the threads of fate; 5) Kait, the grain goddess; 6) Hasammeli, the

smith; Zilipuri; Hapantalli, the Sun-god's shepherd; 7) Kasku, the Moon-god; 8) and the

78Nimet Ozgiic;, The Anatolian Group of Cylinder Seal Impressions from Kaltepe, Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Yayinlarindan, series 5, no. 22 (Ankara: Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1965), 63. Hereafter called The Anatolian Group.

79Gurney, Some Aspects of Hittite Religion, 12-13.

80/bid., 8, 9, 11.

21

goddess Kattahzipuri. 81

The Sun-goddess of Arinna makes her first textual appearance in the annals of Hattusili I

(ca. 1650-1620). 82

"Hattian myths, which occasionally served as cult legends for particular festivals to be

celebrated by the Hittite royalty, were committed to writing early in the Old Kingdom. "83

The texts of the Hittite empire period mention that singers from Kanish sing in honor of

deities like Ilalia, Halki, Asshiyat, Pirwa, Ishput, Innara, Tarava, and perhaps Shivat.84

Also from the Hittite empire period we have the Bildbeschreibung texts or descriptions of cult

statues.

The cult inventory texts, some of which date to Tudhaliya IV, 85 list and frequently

describe images, symbols, tables, stands, and offering materials and other components of the

cult of a town. The festival texts of the empire period allude to such particulars also, in the

description of the festival "at such places in that description where said items are instrumental

to and necessary for the execution of some phase of the festival described. "86 The cult

inventory texts mention such deities as the Storm-god of Nerik, the Storm-god of

Zippalanda, 87 lnara, 88 Sun-god of heaven, 89 Pirwa, 90 the Sun-goddess,91 the Sun-

81/bid.' 12-13.

82Ibid.' 11.

83Hoffner, "Hittites and Hurrians," 198.

840zgiic;, The Anatolian Group, 63.

85W. Carter, "Hittite Cult-Inventories" (Ph.D. diss., University of chicago, 1962), 21.

86Ibid.' 11.

87 Ibid., 85, 86, 120.

88Ibid., 60, 84.

22

goddess of Arinna,92 and Telipinu. 93

Nerik was an ancient Hattian center and

the newly reconstructed rituals and myths of Nerik are concerned with Hattian deities. Many even contain passages in Hattie with Hittite translation. It is not always easy to distinguish these late texts from those of the Old Kingdom with their predominantly Hattian colouring. 94

Further evidence that these texts may be relevant to the Assyrian colony period of

Anatolian religion and the cultic practices revolving around the Hattie deities may be found in

the religious continuity that existed in Anatolia from the seventh millennium to the

introduction of Christianity.

Indeed, there is ... continuity between the shapeless statuettes of a masculine divinity standing on a bull, like the ones found at (:atal Hiiyiik on level VI (ca. 6000 B.C.), the representations of the storm god from the Hittite period and the statues of jupiter Dolichenus, worshipped by the soldiers of the Roman legions; ... between the goddess with leopards from (:atal Hiiyiik, the Hittite goddess Hebat, and the Cybele of the classical period.95

As Mircea Eliade says,96 "in the Hittite pantheon, divinities of Sumero-Akkadian stock stood

side by side with Anatolian and Hurrian divinities ... The Indo-European heritage proves to

89/bid.' 83, 113.

90 Ibid. , 97.

91/bid., 97.

92/bid., 113.

93 Ibid. , 173 .

94Gurney, Some Aspects of Hittite Religion, 19.

95Maurice Vieyra, "La religion de I' Anatolie antique," in Histoire des religions 1 (1976): 258, quoted in Mircea Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, vol. 1, From the Stone Age to the Eleusianian Mysteries trs. by W. R. Trask, (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1978), 139.

96Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, vol. 1, pp. 139-140.

23

be the least significant."

Iconographic Evidence for the Identification of Deities

The seal engravers of the local Anatolian glyptic chose to equate local deities with

Mesopotamian deities in addition to portraying purely local non-borrowed attributes. They

chose the Mesopotamian equivalents with care, and the Mesopotamian attributes and motifs as

well, but with judicious changes. Particular motifs might have a Syrian, Mesopotamian, or

local origin.

The Mesopotamian religious iconography must start with the Sumerian pantheons with

such deities as An, Enlil, Ninhursag, Nanna, Nergal, Enki, and Ninurta. But the pantheons

of Mesopotamia underwent their own changes through time, with Akkadian deities such as

Adad, Erra, and Ea becoming identified with earlier Sumerian deities.

A review of the Sumerian and Akkadian pantheons is found in the section on the

participants of the local seals (Chapter 3).

Problems of Drawing Seal Impressions, and Using previously Published Line-Drawings.

The seal impressions illustrated in this work are line drawings copied directly by

photographic processes. Transparencies have been taken of previously published photographs.

The transparencies, when projected, allow an image to be traced which accurately depicts the

nature of the cylinder seal impressions. In this manner details have been double checked.

Thus the loop at the end of the "elixir-vase" on (Plate 6A) can be seen to be in the hand of

the worshipper. The long side loops of this vessel make it very different from Old

Babylonian examples. 97 Differences in style have been noted within the local Anatolian

970zgii((, The Anatolian Group, pp. 75, 67, 29, 52. See also Henri Genouillac Ceramique Cappadocienne: Inventoriee et decrite avec une introduction, Musee du Louvre, Department des antiquites orientales serie archeologique, vol. 1 (Paris: Librairie Orientalistie Paul

24

group and will be discussed in the next chapter.

Certain rules were employed as to the cut-off point or division line chosen for the

cylinder-seal impressions. In general, for single scene impressions the enthroned deity is the

division point; see Plates 43A, 41A, and 28A, etc.98 This rule was modified when all the

life-size characters except one or two face in one direction. In that case the figure facing in

the opposite direction became the division point. See Plates 25A, 24A, and 54 B. 99 The

same rule was applied to processions without focus. When a small-size human figure or

animal faces a procession, that procession is broken at that point. 100 Other processions were

separated at the deity accompanied by a sun-disc and crescent. 101

Previously published line drawings are difficult to use since in many cases no attention

was paid to details such as facial features. Variations within the local Anatolian group cannot

be detected by style alone; but must be made on the basis of the iconography established from

those seal impressions published in photograph form. Compare the drawings previously

published in Lewy, Tablettes Cappadocienne/02 Hrozny and Matous, Inscriptions

Cuneiformes du Kaltepe, vols. 1 and 2103 with new drawings of the same seal from

Geuthner, 1926), D3 Hereafter referred to as Ceramique Cappadocienne. In this work see plates 31A, 41B, 25A, 27B and 18B.

980zgii

photographs in Ozgii

26

Fig. 2 Comparison of Line Drawings. Left: Lewy, Tablettes Cappadocienne 92; Matous, Inscriptions Cuneiformes du Kultepe, vol. 2, Ka 609A and Ka 662. Right: Author's drawings from Genouillac, Cerami que Cappadocienne C3; To sun, "Styles in Kiiltepe Seal Engraving," no. 13/16; Eisen, Ancient Oriental Cylinder and Other Seals with a Description of the Collection of Mrs. William H. Moore 128. See also plates 29A, 7A, and 4B.

Fig. 3 Comparison of Line Drawings. Left: Lewy, Tablettes Cappadocienne 74; Matous, Inscriptions Cuneiformes du Kultepe, vol. 2, Ka 270, Ka 280. Right: Author's drawings from Ozgiic;, The Anatolian Group 58, 14; Kienast, Die altassyrischen Text des orientalischen Seminars der Universitat Heidelberg und der Sammlung Erlenmeyerm, fig. 3 seal 23. See also here plates 51A, 22, and 2A.

27

CHAPTER II

STYLISTIC GROUPS REPRESENTED WITHIN CAPPADOCIAN GLYPTIC

The term Cappadocian, as explained above in the introduction refers to a geographical

area. The terminology of Cappadocian glyptic does not refer to the local Anatolian glyptic

alone, but to all styles found on Assyrian trading colony tablets which became known as

Cappadocian tablets. The glyptic found on these Cappadocian tablets consists of Old

Assyrian, Old Babylonian, Old Syrian together with the local Anatolian styles.

In the 1930's E. B. Reilly, a student of B. Landsberger, collected unpublished and

published photographs of available Cappadocian seal impressions. Most of the Cappadocian

tablets and envelopes from museums and private collections which he used were clandestinely

dug from Kiiltepe before the excavations there began in 1948. Reilly began a stylistic

classification of the Cappadocian seal impressions. He classified this material into the style

categories of Old Assyrian, Provincial Assyrian1 connected with Assur, Old Babylonian, and

Syro-Anatolian2 connected with Syria. The seal impressions that could not be assigned to the

1Nimet Ozgii

29

above categories were considered to belong to the local inhabitants, rather than to the

Assyrian merchants. By patiently comparing these local seatings with the names of the

witnesses on the Cappadocian tablets, Reilly attempted to assign a sealing to its owner.

Eventually he designated at least three local Anatolian styles and classified them as Saluwanta,

Ili-wedaku, and Rab-hattim after the owner of a seal representative of that style. 3 Although

never published, his classification of the local Anatolian groups has been influential and is

mirrored in the classification utilized by Nimet Ozgii

Karum II period. Seals of the Old Assyrian group have a deep angular engraving,4 and

angular lines are used wherever possible. The style is designated Old Assyrian on the

following evidence. A few seals showing a similar angular engraving have been found at

Assur. 5 But

it was mainly comparison with the seal of King Sarrum-kin of Assyria, rolled on documents dispatched from Assur and found in Kanis, that led to the recognition of the Assyrian style. 6

As long as the material from Assyria proper is so scarce, any distinction between an Assyrian-Assyrian and an Anatolian-Assyrian style is hypothetical. 7

Although the Old Assyrian style in level II is a fuller style than the deteriorated

schematic Old Assyrian of Level lb, both may be described as follows. The nose of humans

30

often forms a triangle within which a dot represents the eye; or the eye may be represented by

a lozenge and a dot. Sometimes the nose makes up the entire face. The hands are formed by

a three-pronged fork, or the thumb and fingers form a triangle (as in the situation of the chief

god holding a small cup or dish in his right hand.)8 The arms and shoulders of the seated

deity very often are formed by right angles; the arms of the tutelary deity or worshipper

delineate a V-shape. The flounced robe of the chief god is represented by vertical hatching.

Worshippers are shown, wearing a costume with a fringed end (seen as a line from the left

4Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, vol. 1, pp. 107-108.

5 Anton Moortgat, Vorderasiatische Rollsiegel: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Steinschneidekunst (Berlin, 1940; repr., 1966): nos. 505, 508.

IYJ'osun, "Styles in Kiiltepe Seal Engraving," 1=85; See the Silulu seal from Kemal Balkan, Observations on the Chronological Problems of the Karum Kanij, Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Yayinlarindan, series 7, no. 28 (Ankara: Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1955), 14 ff. and Tosun, "Styles in Kiiltepe Seal Engraving," pl. VI, no. 4.

7Tosun, "Styles in Kiiltepe Seal Ingraving," 186.

80zgii

31

elbow to the feet), in a suppliant posture--holding the left arm by the waist and the right arm

raised.

In the Old Assyrian style of level II tradition, scenes of worship are the basic subject.

Here in contrast to the Old Babylonian style, the worshipper is led to the main god (usually

seated on a quilted throne) by a god instead of a goddess. In some of the worship scenes four

little men are inserted. The bull with conical projection is rendered in an angular and

schematic fashion. Other Old Assyrian motifs include the pair of heraldic animals and the

bird on a table-altar. Various deities are shown in the Old Assyrian style, notably Adad, on a

lion-dragon holding thunderbolts in this left hand, and the nude goddess holding her breasts.9

Level lb

As distinguished by N. Ozgiic;, the Old Assyrian style in level Ib includes Old Assyrian

style seals connected with level II, the schematic Old Assyrian, and a group which E. Porada

termed "Provincial Babylonian. "10

The schematic Old Assyrian style of level Ib has stylistic peculiarities such as "horizontal

striations on the bodies of the figures and the exaggerated simplification of the faces of human

being. "11 Also characteristic are the geometric contours given to animal bodies. 12

9Nimet Ozgiic;, Seals and Seal Impressions of Level Ib from Karum Kanish, Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Yayinlarindan, series 5, no. 25 (Ankara: Tiirk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1968), 47-49. Hereafter referred to as Seals and Seal Impressions of Level lb.

10Porada, Seal Impressions of Nuzi, pp. 98-99, and Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, vol. 1, pp. 108-112.

110zgiic;, Seals and Seal Impressions of Level Ib, p. 48, pl. XXVII 1, 2.

12Ibid., for example see pl. XXVII: 1, 2. See Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nos. 848, 852, 854. Compare with level II seals in Ozgiic; and Ozgiic;, Ausgrabungen in Kaltepe 1949, no. 683 and Lubor Matous, Inscriptions Cuneifonnes du Kultepe, vol. II (Praque: Czechoslovakian Academy of Sciences, 1962), no. Ka 3758. See also Bedrich Hrozny, Inscriptions Cuneijonnes du Kultepe, vol. I (Prague: Statni Pedagogicke

32

Schematic Old Assyrian is different from the Old Assyrian of level II with innovations in the

execution of details and in motifs. 13 Costuming consists of garments with horizontal

stripes14 in addition to the vertically hatched long flounced robeY

Like the schematic Old Assyrian, the "Provincial Babylonian" sub-group of Old Assyrian

in level lb is radically different from the Old Assyrian of level II. The "Provincial

Babylonian" sub-group of Old Assyrian employs the engraving style outlined above for Old

Assyrian level II, i.e., deep angular lines, the nose of humans forming a triangle and the

hands formed by three-pronged forks. However, in this sub-group, many features typical of

the Old Babylonian style are employed. The interceding deity is a goddess following the Old

Babylonian tradition/6 and many other deities with Old Babylonian prototypes are employed:

lshtar, Adad on a bull rather than on a lion-dragon,17 Shamash with saw, 18 and the god

with a mace. 19 Old Babylonian subsidiary motifs such as the kneeling human being attacked

by a lion or lion-dragon appear. 20

The costuming in this sub-group differs in some instances from the other groups of Old

Nakladatelstvi, 1952), nos. 34aA, 38aC.

130zgiic;, Seals and Seal Impressions of Level Ib, p. 47.

14/bid., pl. XXVII:4, XXVIII:2,3. See also Proada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nos. 855-858, 846 etc.

15Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nos. 849, 844, etc.

16/bid., nos. 865, 879.

17/bid., no. 867.

18/bid., nos. 862, 863, 864.

19/bid., nos. 867, 866.

20/bid., nos. 880, 882, 883, 884. See also the two goats flanking a tree on no. 884.

33

Assyrian. Like the Old Assyrian of Level II the long flounced robe is depicted with vertical

hatching and the pleated skirt, which is open in front and held in place by a girdle, is used.21

But the worshipper as well as some deities wears a garment on which two shoulder straps

converge at the waist. 22 The worshipper does not wear the garment with a fringed end.

Old Babylonian subsidiary motifs appear on a frieze or second register below the main or

adoration scenes. 23 Animals are rendered in a row below the scene of worship, a

characteristically Old Assyrian motif. 24

To sum up, the Provincial Babylonian sub-group differs from the other Old Assyrian

groups in the type of deities depicted, some subsidiary motifs, and costuming; but shares a

common style of engraving, manner of representing facial features and hands, and the animal

frieze with the Old Assyrian style.25

Old Babylonian

In general in the Old Babylonian style, in contrast to the Old Assyrian, figures are

naturalistically represented and rounded lines are used. 26 A separation between Neo-

21Ibid., no. 868.

22Ibid., nos. 862, 876, 874.

23Ibid., no. 884.

240zgii

34

Sumerian and Old Babylonian glyptic is primarily dependent on motives.27 The Old

Babylonian glyptic is characterized by a revival of some Akkadian/Sargonic motives. For

example there is the reappearance of deities known from the Akkad period such as Shamash

assuming a mounting posture and holding a "saw." Indeed, in scenes where a standing deity

is worshipped, that deity is most frequently Shamash. 28 The winged-dragon is revived from

the Akkad period, but is dissociated from the weather-god, Adad.29 The idea of a

worshipper presenting a lamb offering to a deity is also a descendent from the Akkadian

period.30 The nude hero with flowing vase, the bull-man, and crossed animals are other

motives derived from the Akkadian period. However, Frankfort specifically notes that

"crossed lions are shown with their heads seen from above, as was normal in Early Dynastic

but not in Sargonid glyptic. "31 The human-headed bull is revived. 32 On the Old

Babylonian antithetical contest scene between bull-man and human-headed bull, the human-

headed bulls have their bodies back to back and their heads turned to meet each other. 33 In

contrast, in the Old Assyrian style discussed above, these human-headed bulls appear in the

27Moortgat, Vorderasiatische Rollsiegel, p. 35.

28/bid., p. 39.

2~enri Frankfort, Cylinder Seals: A Documentary Essay on the Art and Religion of the Ancient Near East (London: Macmillan and Co., 1939; repr. 1965), pp. 163-174. Hereafter referred to as Cylinder Seals.

30Moortgat, Vorderasiatische Rollsiegel, p. 34.

31Frankfort, Cylinder Seals, p. 148; pl. XXV g, XXVI h. See also Moortgat, Vorderasiatische Rollsiegel, no. 463.

32Frankfort,Cylinder Seals, p. 148.

33Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nos. 34 7, 348-353.

35

same position, but much closer together and without the contest motif. 34

The weather-god standing on a bull is a motif which appears for the first time on glyptic

in the Old Babylonian period. Previously, there was no connection between the bull and the

weather-god.35 The concept of a weather-god standing on a bull is probably of Anatolian

origin. 36

The forked lightning does not occur on Akkadian cylinders, but rather a deity, in a

winged-dragon drawn chariot, cracks a whip. The goddess, in accompaniment, can be said to

carry rain.37 However, Boehmer claims that the weather-goddess of the Akkadian period

carries lightning and that this lightning is transferred to Adad on the bull in the Old

Babylonian period.38 It is important to note that Adad mounted on a winged-dragon is

shown during this period in the Assyrian sphere of influence, whereas Adad on a bull

34/bid., nos. 844, 845.

35Hassan S. Haddad, "Baal-Hadad: A Study of the Syrian Storm-god" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1960), p. 69.

3~is motif is said by Frankfort and Moortgat to have Syrian origins, however Haddad in "Baal-Hadad" gives substantial evidence why that statement cannot be justified. The association of weather-gods on bulls is however documented on local Anatolian glyptic. See Frankfort, Cylinder Seals, pp. 163, 344; Moortgat, Vorderasiatische Rollsiegel, p. 34; Haddad, "Baal-Hadad", pp. 75 -77. See also the Syrian Colony Style glyptic on a seal in Henri de Gennouillac, Ceramique Cappadocienne: lnventoriee et decrite avec une introduction, Musee du Louvre, Department des antiquites orientales serie archeologique, vol. 1 (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1926), no. ~ where there is a weather-god on a bull. See also seal in Julius Lewy, Tablettes Cappadocienne, Musee du Louvre, Department des antiquites orientales, Textes Cuneiformes, vol. 21, 3d series, 3d part (Paris: 1935-37): no. 12, 2. This collection of seals hereafter referred to as Tablettes Cappadocienne. See also Ozgii9 and Ozgii9, Ausgrabungen in Kaltepe 1949, nos. 695, 691; and Hrozny, Inscriptions Cuneiformes du Kultepe, vol. 1, no. 30 a A.

37Frankfort, Cylinder Seals, p. 125.

38Rainer Michael Boehmer, "Glyptik von der Alt- bis zur Spatbabylonischen Zeit," in Der Alte Orient, ed. Winfried Orthmann, PropyHien Kunstgeschichte, vol. 14 (Berlin: Propylaen, 1975), p. 337.

36

becomes the norm in the Babylonian sphere of influence. 39

Ea's goatfish seen on a seal of the Third Dynasty of Ur continues to be represented in

the Old Babylonian period. Ea is rarely represented; but as Frankfort mentions, Adad was

considered a fertility god and appears once mounted on a bull holding a vase of flowing

water. 40 The goat or gazelle is associated with Amurru.

Filling motives play an important role in Old Babylonian glyptic. Among theses are

monkeys, masks, and the "scales, "41

Old Babylonian glyptic can be arranged into four chronological groups: seals that

continue the glyptic tradition of Ur III and that were used during the early part of level II of

Kanish Karum; Old Babylonian seals dated to the reign of Sin-muballit found in the Kanish

Karum Level II; Old Babylonian seals dated to the reigns of Hammurabi and Samsu-IIuna

found in level Ib of the Kanish Karum; and Old Babylonian seals in the drilled technique used

during the reigns of AmiDitana through Samsu-Ditana (not found in the Karum Kanish).42

Syrian Groups

Before the excavations of Alalakh and Kiiltepe were published, the lack of stratified

examples of Syrian glyptic caused its analysis to be based on intrinsic iconographic and

stylistic evidence. Frankfort used the extent of Babylonian influence visible on the Syrian

cylinder seals to differentiate two consecutive groups: 1) the first Syrian group (dated from

the reign of Hammurabi to the fall of the First Dynasty of Babylon), and 2) the second Syrian

3~oehmer, "Glyptic von der Alt-bis zur Spatbabylonischen Zeit," p. 337.

40Frankfort, Cylinder Seals, pp. 126, 164.

41/bid., p. 148, and Boehmer, "Glyptic von der Alt- bis zur Spatbabylonischen Zeit," p. 337.

42Chgii9, Seals and Seal Impressions of Level lb, p. 59.

37

group (dated to the period after the First Dynasty of Babylon and contemporary with the

Kassite dynasty through approximately Kurigalzu 1). 43

Now the abundant and stratified sealings from Kiiltepe, supplemented by those from

Alalakh, provide a firm basis for distinguishing and dating Syrian glyptic. The categories as

proposed by N. Ozgii~_! are as follows:

Syrian Colony Style

This style dates to the Level II period and consists of the group of seals previously called

Syro-Cappadocian and Syro-Anatolian by E. Porada and M. Tosun.44

The characteristics of the Syrian Colony style include a linear style of engraving. Motifs

include the "Syrian woman" with hair falling to the shoulders; the "naked goddess" depicted

in an extremely long-waisted fashion; the woman withdrawing her garments, often with the

assistance of bull-men; Shamash as a conqueror god; the herma, or column with one or two

43Frankfort, Cylinder Seals, Chronological index. Ursula Moortgat-Correns concluded in 1955 ("Neu Anhaltspunte zur zeitlichen Ordnung syrischer Glyptik," Zeitschrift jar Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archtiologie, New Series, vol. 17 [1955]) that the two Syrian groups were not consecutive, but characteristic of different cultural centers of Syria. That view has been refuted by Helene J. Kantor ("Syro-Palestinian Ivories," Journal of Near Eastern Studies, vol. 15 [1956]: p. 160, n. 22) and Edith Porada ("Syrian Seal Impressions on Tablets dated in the Time of Hammurabi and Samsu-Iluna," Journal of Near Eastern Studies, vol. 16 [1957]: 192, 193). Porada points out that the differentiation between the First and Second Syrian groups should be based on the style of engraving rather than the subject matter. The heavy borders of the garments are characteristic of the second Syrian group, whereas patterned borders on garments are characteristic of the first group. The First Syrian group with its influence from Babylon originated before the reign of Hammurabi according to Porada (Ibid, p. 195, 196). This first Syrian group can now be said to have existed for a short period of time contemporary with the Kiiltepe Karum Ib period. See Kantor, "Syro-Palestinian Ivories, II p. 160 n. 22. See also Pierre Amiet, "Notes sur les repetoire iconographique de Mari a l'epoque du palais," Syria: Revue d'art oriental et d'archeologie 37 (1960): 215-232.

44Porada, Seal Impressions of Nuzi, pp. 98-99; and Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, pp. 114, 115. Mebrure Tosun, "Styles in Kiiltepe Seal Engraving as Expressions of Various Cultural Influences, "Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger on his Seventy-Fifth Birthday: April21, 1965, Asssyriological Studies, No. 16 (1965): 186.

38

human heads; costumes such as the "fish-scale" cloak, and headgear with a tassel. 45

Old Syrian Style

This style dates to the Karum level Ib period and later. It has been divided by N. Ozgii

veil)/3 nude goddess withdrawing her veil, 54 goddess on a bull/5 and possibly the

weather-god with a mace. 56 Some motifs disappear: Shamash as conqueror-god, 57 human

figures inside bull platforms or shrines, 58 and bull with cone which had been extremely rare

52For the Syrian Colony style see Lewy, Tablettes Cappadocienne, nos. 1, 7, 9, 8. For Old Syrian style with Old Babylonian traits see Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nos. 926, 929. For seals with predominantly Syrian traits see Ozgiic;, Seal and Seal Impressions of Level Ib, pl. VIII A, XXVI3 For Old Syrian after Samsu-lluna see Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nrs. 94 7, 963, 973, 995.

39

53For Syrian colony style see Lewy, Tablettes Cappadocienne, no. 2 which is the same as Hrozny, Inscriptions cuneijormes du Kultepe, vol. 1, no. 12aA; see also Matous,Inscriptions Cuneijormes du Kultepe, vol. 2, no. Ka 626. For "First Syrian" see Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nos. 915, 194; and Lewy, Tablettes Cappadocienne, no. 13. For "Second Syrian" see Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, no. 946.

54For Syrian Colony style see Lewy, Tablettes Cappadocienne, no. 2 = which is the same as Matous, Inscriptions Cuneijormes du Kultepe, vol. 2, no. Ka 281E and Genouillac, Ceramique Cappadocienne, no. C2; see also Tosun, "Styles in Kiiltepe Seal Engraving," no. 9 and Ozgiic; and Ozgiic;, Ausgrabungen in Ktiltepe 1949, nos. 690, 692. For "Second Syrian" see Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nos. 942, 943. The garment has changed by the end of the Level lb period (Second Syrian) from its winglike appearance in Syrian Colony style to a semi-circle, or rope like appearance.

55For Syrian Colony style see: Hronzy, Inscriptions du Kultepe, vol. 1, no. Kiiltepe 30 a A, and Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, no. 909. For First Syrian see Frankfort, Cylinder Seals, pl. XLI k and pl. XLe. For "Second Syrian" see Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nos. 942, 943, 944, 967 (now appears withdrawing her veil standing on bull).

56For Syrian Colony style possible weather-god with mace see Lewy, Tablettes Cappadocienne, nrs.2, 12. For First Syrian see Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, no. 925. For Second Syrian see Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nos. 964, 967, 968.

57For Syrian Colony style see Lewy, Tablettes Cappadocienne, nos. 7, 8; Matous, Inscriptions Cuneiformes du Kultepe, vol. 2, no. Ka 395; and Hrozny, Inscriptions Cuneijormes du Kultepe, vol. 1, no. 21aE.

58For Syrian Colony style see Lewy, Tablettes Cappadocienne, nos. 7, 8. Notice banquet outside shrine appears in Old Syrian: for "First Syrian" see Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, no. 914; for Second Syrian see Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nos. 944, 946.

40

in the Syrian Colony style.59 New elements such as the guilloche60 and winged griffin61

appear. Also, as will be discussed, the garments and other costuming are different in this

style.

Old Syrian or "First Syrian" seals with Babylonian traits often show one set of deities in

Old Babylonian costume and another in Syrian attire. Subsidiary motifs separated by the

guilloche are Syrian. 62

The Old Syrian seals of predominantly Syrian traits display different proportions from

the earlier Syrian Colony Style; the long hair of the Syrian woman often merges with one

arm. 63 Garments have a fringed hem64 rather than the fringed edge that was seen in the

preceding group (with Old Babylonian traits). 65 Headgear changes from the tasseled

headdress in some cases to a spiked helmet. 66

The seals of the "Second Syrian" group, dated after Samsu-Iluna, display figures with

59for Syrian Colony Style see Hrozny, Inscriptons Cuneiformes du Kultepe, vol. 1, no. 21aE.

60por Old Syrian with Babylonian traits see Ozgiic;, Seals and Seal Impressions from Level Ib, pls. XXIX2 , XVD, XXII1a. For seals with predominantly Syrian traits see Ozgiic;, Seals and Seal Impressions from Level lb, pl. XXI A.

61For "First Syrian"see Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nos. 923, 924, 926, 929, 931, 936, 932. For "Second Syrian" see Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nos. 949, 961.

620zgiic;, Seals and Seal Impressions of Level Ib, p. 54

63/bid.

64/bid., pl. VIllA, XXIX1

65/bid., pl. XXIX2

66Syrian Colony style, tasseled headgear: "first Syrian": spiked helmet: Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, no. 925 continues into "Second Syrian," also Ibid., nos. 967, 964, 966, 968.

41

cylindrical hats, oval headgear, and garments with thick borders. The winged sun-disc

frequently appears with or instead of the disc-and-crescent. 67 The nude woman is shown

withdrawing her veil or robe, but bull-men no longer assist her, and she now often stands on

a bull as did the totally naked woman of the Syrian Colony style.68

Some Syrian cylinder seals remain unclassified. These seals show Cappadocian motifs

such as a procession toward an animal, 69 drinking from a hydria type vase/0 a bull statue

on or in an altar type platform, 71 and a bull with q shrine on top. 72 The seals are deeply

engraved as is the Old Assyrian group, but the figures are more rounded than those of the Old

Assyrian.

The bull statue on or in an altar reminds one of the Syrian Colony style seals/3 as well

as a cylinder seal whose style is difficult to determine. This seal drawn in ICK I as Kiiltepe

16 a A, shows a hull's statue on a platform which has a canopy type top. The bull appears

67Frankfort, Cylinder Seals, pl. XLII e, f, i; for crescent see Frankfort, Cylinder Seals pl. XLIIg; for both winged disc and crescent and disc see Frankfort, Cylinder Seals pl. XLIIK. The winged disc also appears on "First Syrian," see Porada Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, no. 910.

68Compare "Second Syrian" seen on Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nos. 942, 943 with Syrian Colony style on Hrozny, Inscriptons Cuneiformes du Kultepe, no. 30aA, and Lewy, Tablettes Cappadocienne, no. 12.

69porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, no. 1092.

7Frankfort,Cylinder Seals, pl. XL f, XLI d, XL k; Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, nos. 1092, 1093, 1094.

71Frankfort, Cylinder Seals, pl. XL k; and Porada, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, no. 1094.

72Frankfort, Cylinder Seals, pl. XL f from Tell Judeideh.

73See seals: Hrozny, Inscriptions Cuneiformes du Kultepe, vol. 1, no. 21aE, 41 a A; and Lewy, Tablettes Cappadocienne, nos. 7, 8, 11, 14. For Old Syrian style see Lewy, Tablettes Cappadocienne, nos. 9, 1