dogma and ritual in kitÀb al-ma'Àrif

DOGMA AND RITUAL IN KITÀB AL-MA'ÀRIF BY THENUÍAYRÌ THEOLOGIAN ABÙ SA'ÌD MAYMÙN B.

AL-QÀSIM AL-ˇABARÀNÌ (D. 426/1034-35)*

MEIR M. BAR-ASHER AND ARYEH KOFSKY

À la mémoire de notre amiFrançois P. Dreyfus, o.p. (1918-1999)

AbstractThe study presents and analyzes Kitàb al-ma'àrif by Abù Sa'ìd Maymùn b. al-Qàsim al-ˇabarànì (d. 426/1034-35), an outstanding Nußayrì leader and a prolific author in theformative period of the Nußayrì religion. Inner knowledge (ma'rifa) constitutes the con-ceptual core of the treatise, whose twenty-three chapters deal with esoteric knowledgeof various aspects of religion. The article focuses on the central theological issues discussedby al-ˇabarànì, such as manifestations of the deity, in human form and in the histor-ical ”ì'ì Imams, and knowledge of God through visual perception. It further discussescertain ritual issues—such as the antinomian stance toward Muslim law, especially regard-ing the five pillars of Islam, as well as al-ˇabarànì’s uncommon view of taqiyya.

T study aims to present and analyze Kitàb al-ma'àrif by Abù Sa'ìdMaymùn b. Qàsim al-ˇabarànì (d. 426/1034-5), one of the outstand-

ing Nußayrì religious leaders and a prolific author in the formative periodof the Nußayrì religion. Al-ˇabarànì was a prominent figure in the goldenchain of Nußayrì learning. He played an eminent role in the transitionof the Nußayrì community from Aleppo—where it had settled followingthe emigration from its cradle in Irak—to the north-Syrian coast, which hasremained ever since the physical and spiritual heart of the Nußayrì sect.1

* An earlier version of this study was read in a seminar of the research group on“Exclusivity and Universality in Shì'ì Islam,” held at the Institute for Advanced Studiesof The Hebrew University of Jerusalem in winter 2002-2003. We are grateful to ourcolleagues Professors Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, Etan Kohlberg and Wilferd Madelungfor reading this article and for their instructive comments.

1 See e.g. Mu˙ammad Amìn ˝àlib al-ˇawìl, Ta"rì¢ al-'alawiyìn, Beirut, n.d., pp.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2005 Arabica, tome LII,1Also available online – www.brill.nl

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Al-ˇabarànì is also reported to have led the struggle against the Is˙àqiyya,the rival sister sect headed by Ismà'ìl b. ›allàd al-Ba'labakkì, betterknown as Abù Duhayba.2 Al-ˇabarànì’s nisba indicates his connectionwith the town of Tiberias in northern Palestine. This connection, hithertouncorroborated, is now attested by al-ˇabarànì’s own words in Kitàb

al-ma'àrif, reporting a tradition concerning the affinity between prayerand theodicy that he heard from his master Abù al-Óusayn Mu˙ammadb. 'Alì al-]illì (d. ca. 384/984) in Tiberias in the year 392/1002.3

Al-ˇabarànì is credited with numerous writings, most of which havenot come down to us. In his Kitàb al-bàkùra al-sulaymàniyya fì ka“f asràr

al-diyàna al-nußayriyya,4 Sulaymàn al-A≈anì, the renowned nineteenth-century Nußayrì apostate, specifically mentions three of them and refersgenerally to others; and Massignon in his list of Nußayrì works enu-merates the titles of seventeen treatises ascribed to al-ˇabarànì.5 However,the attribution of some of these titles, such as Kitàb al-haft and Risalàt

al-taw˙ìd, to the latter seems questionable. Al-ˇabarànì is particularlyknown in modern scholarship through his book on Nußayrì festivals—Kitàb sabìl rà˙at al-arwà˙ wa-dalìl al-surùr wa-l-afrà˙ ilà fàliq al-aßbà˙, betterknown as Ma<mù' al-a'yàd.6

The treatise Kitàb al-ma'àrif forms part of the collective Nußayrì man-uscript Or. 304 in the Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg Carlvon Ossietzky, folios 1a-126b. The colophon, which is silent regardingthe place of copying, is very specific about its date. The copy of thistreatise was completed on Friday, 27 February 18877/15 Jumada II1304. It further states that this copy was transcribed from a manuscript

262-265; H. Halm, Die islamische Gnosis: Die extreme Schia und die 'Alawiten (Zurich, 1982),pp. 297-298; idem, Shiism, translated by J. Watson, Edinburgh, 1991, p. 159.

2 On him, see ˝àlib, Ta"rì¢ al-'alawiyìn, pp. 262-264; M.M. Bar-Asher and A. Kofsky,The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion: An Enquiry into Its Theology and Liturgy (Leiden, 2002), pp. 17-19.

3 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 59b, lines 8-10.4 Beirut, n.d., pp. 17-18; new edition (Cairo, 1410/1990), p. 28; Óasan Dìb 'Alì,

A'làm min al-ma≈hab al-<a'farì al-'alawì (Beirut, 1998), vol. 1, pp. 20-21.5 L. Massignon, “Esquisse d’une bibliographie nusayrie,” Mélanges syriens offerts à Monsieur

René Dussaud (Paris, 1939), pp. 913-922, at p. 917 (reprinted in idem, Opera Minora,edited by Y. Moubarac, vol. 2 [Beirut, 1963], pp. 640-649). See also J. Catafago’s listof Nußayrì works in his letter to Journal Asiatique 8 (1876), pp. 523-525.

6 A critical edition, based on three manuscripts, was published by R. Strothmann inDer Islam 27 (1946). For a discussion of the Nußayrì calendar based mainly on al-ˇabarànì’s Ma<mù' al-a'yàd, see e.g. M. Moosa, Extremist Shi'ites: The Ghulat Sects (NewYork, 1988), pp. 382-397; 'A. al-Du<aylì, Kitàb ma<mù' al-a'yàd wa-l-†arìqa al-§aßìbiyya, inMa<allat al-ma<ma' al-'ilmì al-'iràqì 4 (1956), pp. 618-629; Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 111-151.

7 This date is according to the Julian calendar, corresponding to 11 March in theGregorian calendar.

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copied in 1295/1878, which was in turn copied from a manuscriptcompleted in 1275/1858-9. The frequent copying of this treatise nat-urally attests to its importance.

Our manuscript also includes al-ˇabarànì’s Kitàb al-dalà"il fì ma'rifat

al-masà"il (folios 141a-207b), mentioned in al-A≈anì’s list. These twoworks are so far available only through this manuscript and, apart froma few excerpts published by Rudolph Strothmann, have not attractedany scholarly attention.8 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, not mentioned in al-A≈anì’slist, is cited in the thirteenth-century Nußayrì polemical treatise entitledMunàΩarat al-“ay§ Yùsuf ibn al-'A<ùz al-Na““àbì tata∂ammanu a§aßßa 'aqà"idi-

him bi-l-taw˙ìd,9 discussed by us in an earlier study.10

Al-ˇabarànì’s acquaintance with earlier Nußayrì literature is wellattested in Kitàb al-ma'àrif, though the author does not mention specifictitles. He refers, for example, to certain works of Abù 'Abd Allàh al-Óusayn b. Óamdàn al-›aßìbì11—perhaps the actual founder of theNußayrì religion—and the tenth-century Abù al-Óusayn 'Abd Allàh b.Hàrùn al-Íà"i©.12 Verbatim passages are adopted from the proto-Nußayrìwork Kitàb al-haft wa-l-aΩilla,13 and parallel sections appear in Kitàb al-ma'àrif and in al-ˇabarànì’s other work, Ma<mù' al-a'yàd, raising thequestion of interdependency between the two works. Dates of specifictraditions appearing in both works and said to have been transmittedin Tripoli (Syria) on 28 ˛ù al-˙i<<a 398 (3 September 1008) furnisha terminus post quem for the writing of both works.14

The title Kitàb al-ma'àrif may appear somewhat ordinary; in Nußayrìparlance, however, it seems to bear a special connotation. Whereaselsewhere the same title simply denotes general knowledge of various

8 R. Strothmann, “Seelenwanderung bei den Nußairì,” Oriens 12 (1959), pp. 89-114.9 See Ms. Paris (Bibliothèque Nationale), fonds arabe 1450, fol. 67-155, at fols. 94a,

line 5, 135b, line 2. Cf. Massignon, “Esquisse d’une bibliographie nusayrie,” p. 917.10 Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 7-41.11 See e.g. Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 21a, lines 6-7 (referring to an unspecified risàla of al-

›aßìbì), and fol. 30a-b (citing one of his odes dedicated to an allegorical interpretationof the pilgrimage commandment).

12 Ibid., fols. 102a, lines 3-5. On al-Íà"i© and two of his theological treatises, see Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 89-109.

13 See Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fols. 37b-39a, and cf. Kitàb al-haft wa-l-aΩilla (attributed to al-Mufa∂∂al b. 'Umar al-]u'fì, edited by 'A. Tamer [Beirut, 1969]), pp. 34ff. For a sim-ilar employment of these passages by al-ˇabarànì, see Kitàb al-dalà"il fì ma'rifat al-masà"il,fol. 186a-b (question 142).

14 Ma<mù' al-a'yàd, p. 4, lines 16-18, and Strohmann’s note in his introduction to thework, p. 7; Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 52b. lines 6-7. See also Massignon, “Les «Noseïris» deSyrie: Leurs origines; répatrition actuelle de leurs clans,” Revue du monde musulman 38(1920), pp. 271-280, at p. 273 (the date 1002 is a misprint and should be 1008).

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topics recommended for the educated—as in the case of Ibn Qutayba’srenowned book—in al-ˇabarànì’s treatise the title clearly alludes tognostic knowledge being the core of the Nußayrì faith.

The importance of ma'rifa (gnosis) as the inner meaning of worshipis emphasized by the author in his introduction. Commenting on theQur"ànic verse 51 (al-≈àriyàt)/56: “I have not created jinn and mankindexcept to worship Me (wa-mà §alaqtu al-<inna wa-l-insa illà li-ya'budùni ),”al-ˇabarànì interprets the worship of God as gnosis.15 Inner knowledgethus becomes the conceptual axis of Kitàb al-ma'àrif, whose twenty-threechapters deal with the esoteric knowledge of various aspects of religion.These chapters treat a spectrum of thematically unrelated topics, suchas theology, liturgy, ethics, psychology, and transmigration. The over-all impression is that the author may have intended the book to serveas a compendium of Nußayrì doctrine. This appears to be in line withal-ˇabarànì’s didactic motive manifest in the three of his works thathave come down to us: Ma<mù' al-a'yàd, which presents the sectariandimension of the Nußayrì calendar; Kitàb al-ma'àrif, which covers somegeneral liturgical aspects only partially discussed in Ma<mù' al-a'yàd aswell as other themes; and Kitàb al-dalà"il fì ma'rifat al-masà"il, the earliestequivalent of a Nußayrì catechism known to us, which presents in anuneven and unsystematic manner a series of questions and answers ona wide range of religious topics.

Some of the topics treated in Kitàb al-ma'àrif, such as transmigrationand ethics, are familiar from other Nußayrì writings. In this book, how-ever, they seem to be rather marginal and contain little that is inno-vative. We therefore focus in the present study on those theologicaland liturgical themes that appear to carry more weight and innovationwithin the overall import of the book.

Theological Issues

One of the central dogmas of Nußayrì theology is the manifestation ofthe deity in human form in various historical cycles, through historicalor mythical figures.16 The manifestation of the hierarchic Nußayrì trin-

15 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fols. 3a, line 11-3b, line 1. For a similar notion of ma'rifa in Imàmì”ì'ism, see Abù ]a'far Mu˙ammad b. al-Óasan al-Íaffàr al-Qummì, Baßà"ir al-dara<àt(Tabriz, 1380H), pp. 2-12.

16 On the doctirne of divine manifestation in historical cycles, see e.g. Risàlat al-taw˙ìdby al-›aßìbì, in ms. Paris (Bibliothèque Nationale), fonds arabe 1450, fols. 42-48; NußayrìCatechism, in Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, p. 171 (question 5); S. Lyde,

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ity—in the figures of 'Alì as the first person (ma'nà), Mu˙ammad as thesecond (ism), and Salmàn the Persian as the third (bàb)—sets the theo-logical principle for these cyclical revelations.17 These manifestationsamount to a revelation in history of the whole divine realm of ema-nation identified with a gallery of human figures.18

The doctrine of the manifestation of the deity in human form, cur-rent already in early ”ì'ì circles,19 was undoubtedly influenced by theChristian theology of incarnation. Nußayrì theology, however, was unhin-dered by some of the Christological postulates that determined thedevelopment of Christology. Yet the theological ramifications of anydoctrine of incarnation cannot be too dissimilar. We thus find that withthe development of the Nußayrì theological discourse in its formativestages, many problems arose reminiscent of those of early Christianity.20

The Christian theology of incarnation is rooted in the famous scrip-tural pronouncement that God, the Logos, “became flesh and dweltamong us” ( John 1:14).21 This gave rise to the inherent theologicaldifficulty of the deity becoming human. Nußayrì theology, however, wasbound neither by Christian scriptural dogma nor by the doctrine thatit was the Son-Logos who was incarnated in Christ. It could thereforefreely adopt the notion that the supreme aspect of the deity—namely,the first person of the trinity—also appeared in human form.

This concept, however, is not alien to the history of Christian dogma.It was known in early Christianity under the various titles of Sabellian-ism, Monarchism, and Patripassianism.22 It stemmed from the inherentdifficulties in reconciling the doctrines of the divine Son and the trin-ity with the monotheistic creed. Unfettered by a strict dogma of incar-nation, Nußayrì theology could also opt for various docetic solutions in

The Asian Mystery: The Ansaireeh or Nusairis of Syria (London, 1860), p. 118; Moosa, Extremist

Shi'ites, pp. 352ff.17 On the Nußayrì hierarchic trinitarian concept, see Lyde, The Asian Mystery, pp. 118-

119; R. Dussaud, Histoire et religion des Noßairîs (Paris, 1900), pp. 46-72; Moosa, Extremist

Shi'ites, pp. 50-56, 342-351. See also Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp.14-42; M.M. Bar-Asher, “Sur les éléments chrétiens de la religion Nußayrite-'Alawite,”Journal Asiatique 289 (2001), pp. 185-216, esp. 191-199.

18 See Nußayrì Cathechism, in Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 176-185(questions 22-42).

19 See M.A. Amir-Moezzi, “Aspects de l’imàmologie duodécimaine I: remarques surla divinité de l’Imàm,” Studia Iranica 26 (1996), pp. 194-216.

20 See e.g. Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 28-33; Bar-Asher, “Surles éléments chrétiens de la religion Nußayrite-'Alawite,” pp. 199-208.

21 For the general development of early Christology, see A. Grillmeier, Christ in Christian

Tradition (Atlanta, 1975), vol. 1.22 See J.N.D. Kelly, Early Christian Doctrine (San Francisco, 1978), pp. 115-126.



its theological interpretation of the appearance of the deity in humanform23—similar in principle to various forms of docetism known fromearly Christianity, Manicheism, the Qur"àn, and early ”ì'ism.24 Moreover,whereas in Christianity the incarnation was perceived as a unique sin-gle event, in Nußayrì doctrine it is perceived as cyclical. But here too,some Christian theologians have promoted the concept that the Logoshad appeared to chosen people in human form—albeit not in the flesh—in previous generations, prior to the incarnation of the Logos.25 A typeof crude cyclical revelation of an aspect of the deity in human form isalso known in Manicheism.26 It is therefore almost inevitable to find inNußayrì trinitarian and incarnation theology inherent difficulties andvarious solutions similar to those encountered in early Christianity.

A peculiar development of the Nußayrì doctrine of divine manifes-tation in human form is its application to the historical Imams ofTwelver ”ì'ism.27 This concept manifestly has its roots in the deificationof the holy family and in the special status accorded to the Imams inearly ”ì'ism. As Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi has convincingly argued,the doctrine of the divine light, passing through the line of the Imams,developed among certain ”ì'ì circles into a belief in the actual deificationof the Imams.28 This notion was further accentuated in Nußayrì theol-ogy and extended to include not only the twelve Imams, but also promi-

23 On the concept of docetism in Nußayrì theology, see e.g. Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The

Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 51-52, 56-57; Bar-Asher, “Sur les éléments chrétiens de lareligion Nußayrite-'Alawite,” pp. 202-208.

24 For the doctrine of docetism in Manicheism and its possible influence on theQur"àn and early ”ì'ism, see I. Friedlaender, “The Heterodoxies of the Shiites accord-ing to Ibn Óazm,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 28 (1907), pp. 1-80, 29 (1909),pp. 1-183, at pp. 29-30; idem, “Jewish Arabic Studies,” The Jewish Quarterly Review 2(1912), pp. 481-516, 3 (1912), pp. 235-300, esp. 507-515; G. Widengren, Mani and

Manicheism (New York, 1965), p. 66. On this doctrine in the Qur"àn and its Christianbackground, see also G. Parrinder, Jesus in the Qur"àn (London, 1965), pp. 110ff; T. ›alidi, The Muslim Jesus: Sayings and Stories in Islamic Literature (Cambridge, Mass.,2001), pp. 12-13.

25 See e.g. Justin, Dialogue with Tryphon 56, edited by G. Archambault (Paris, 1909);Eusebius of Caesarea, Eclogae Propheticae 1,3 (PG 22); idem, Ecclesiastical History 1,2, 7-8,edited by K. Lake (London 1926); Philoxenus of Mabbug, Commentary on the Prologue of

John, edited by A. de Halloux (Louvain, 1977), pp. 7-8.26 Widengren, Mani and Manicheism, pp. 76-77.27 See Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 30-33.28 See M.A. Amir-Moezzi, “Aspects de l’imàmologie duodécimaine I: remarques sur

la divinité de l’Imàm,” Studia Iranica 26 (1996), pp. 194-216; idem, “L’Imàm dans leciel. Ascension et initiation: Aspects de l’imàmologie duodécimaine III,” in Le voyage ini-

tiatique en terre d’Islam: Ascensions célestes et itinéraires spirituels, edited by M.A. Amir-Moezzi(Louvain-Paris, 1996), pp. 99-116.

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nent leaders in later Nußayrì history until modern times.29 It was not,however, shared by all Nußayrì theologians and did not pass withoutinternal polemics.30 Al-ˇabarànì, for his part, prounounces an explicitposition in favour of the deification of the Imams. He does not delveinto the difficult question—familiar from other sources—as to whetherthe appearance of the deity in human form involves real incarnationor a certain form of docetic appearance.31 He likewise avoids the ques-tion of the exact manner in which the supreme deity reveals itself inhuman form—an issue developed in later texts.32

Al-ˇabarànì opens his work with the recurrent Nußayrì injunctionto attain the gnostic mystery of divinity.33 Moreover, according to atradition ascribed to the Imam al-Óasan al-'Askarì—on whose authoritymany traditions in Kitàb al-ma'àrif are transmitted—God in fact exemptedHis creatures from worshiping Him through religious commandmentsand only “wanted them to know Him, for gnosis is the worship ofGod” ( fa-mà aràda minhum illà al-ma'rifa wa-hiya al-'ibàda).34 This tradition,reflecting basic Nußayrì radical antinomianism, epitomizes the gnosticcharacter of the Nußayrì religion.35

Al-ˇabarànì is nevertheless unequivocal in establishing—through tra-ditions ascribed to the Imam Ja'far al-Íàdiq—the theological principlethat knowledge of God is dependent on visual perception.36 This con-cept can be viewed against the broad discussion of the human cognitionof God through sensual perception, widely debated in Muslim theology.37

29 On this, see e.g. Strothmann, “Esoterische Sonderthemen bei den Nusairi: Geschichtenund Traditionen von den heiligen Meistern aus dem Prophetenhaus,” Abhandlungen der

deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (Berlin, 1958), pp. 5-23, ms. Hamburg 303,at pp. 9 and 11.

30 Various positions regarding the doctrine of divine manifestation in human formare debated in al-Na““àbì’s MunàΩara. For an analysis of this debate, see Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 14-28.

31 In his Kitàb al-Dalà"il fì ma'rifat al-masà"il (fols. 159a-160b, questions 80-83) al-ˇabarànì, however, unequivocally advocates a clear stance of incarnation theology.

32 See e.g. Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 28-30, 50-57.33 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 5b, lines 3-5. This concept forms the core of one of al-Íà"i©’s

theological treatises published in Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 89-97. See also al-›aßìbì’s Risàlat al-taw˙ìd and the study on it by T. Ra<ab, “The NußayrìTheology of the Epistle of Unity by 'Alì b. 'Ìsà al-]isrì” (unpublished M.A. thesis, TheHebrew University of Jerusalem, 2001 [Hebrew]).

34 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 7b, lines 4-5.35 On Nußayrì antinomianism, see Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp.

47-48, 66-67, 82-83, 114-115, 154-159.36 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 10a, lines 7-9.37 On this concept, see e.g. M. Allard, Le problème des attributs divins dans la doctrine



Al-ˇabarànì’s radical view, conditioned by the dogma of divine reve-lation in human form, is further spelled out in the following statementascribed to al-Íàdiq:

He who claims to have an invisible god has no Lord. He who claims to have agod beyond cognition is from the party of the devil of devils. He [= al-Íàdiq]then said: “He who seeks God, who is present among His creatures and has neitherrival nor opponent—indeed I am He”38 (wa-man za'ama anna lahu ilàh là yurà, fa-là rabba lahu; wa-man za'ama anna lahu ilàh là yu'rafu, fa-innahu min ˙izb iblìs al-abàlisa;∆umma qàla: 'man aràda llàha al-maw[ùd fì ¢alqihi alla≈ì là ∂idda lahu wa-là niddan—

fa-anà huwa).39

According to al-ˇabarànì, then, there must be some mode of sensualperception of the deity in order to obtain gnosis. God must somehowbe visible, “for the existence of whoever is concealed and invisible isdoubtful” (li-anna man ©àba fa-lam yurà (!) yu“akku an là yakun “ay"an).40 Itis therefore a sign of the wise that he worships only a revealed being(min ßifat al-˙akìm an là ya'bud illà maw[ùdan Ωàhiran).41 God thus revealedHimself to His creatures in the primordial luminary world and later inHis cyclical human appearances in the material world.42 Divine reve-lation is therefore a postulate for a knowledge of God. Moreover, thisrevelation must be a manifestation of the deity in its totality througha human form.43 This apparently follows the familiar principle of divinecondescension, adapting to the limited human spiritual faculties. Thegeneral dogma of divine revelation through a visible human form ishere combined with a didactic existential context: knowledge of thedeity is not possible without sensual perception. This implies the con-stant need for divine revelation. It sets the theological foundation for

d’Al-A“'arì et de ses premiers grands disciples (Beirut, 1965), pp. 264-269; G. Vajda, “Le prob-lème de la vision de Dieu (ru"ya) d’après quelques auteurs “ì'ites imâmites,” in Le Shi'isme

imâmite, edited by T. Fahd (Paris, 1970), pp. 31-54 (reprinted in Variorum Reprints,London, 1986); J. Van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert Hidschra: eine

Geschichte des religiösen Denkens im Frühen Islam, (Berlin, 1991), vol. 4, pp. 411-415; D.Gimaret, “Ru"yat Allàh,” EI 2, vol. 8, p. 649; M.A. Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide in

Early Shi'ism: The Sources of Esotericism in Islam, translated by D. Sreight (New York, 1994),pp. 47ff.; See also B. Abrahamov, “Fa§r al-Dìn al-Ràzì on the Knowability of God’sEssence and Attributes,” Arabica 49 (2002), pp. 204-230, at p. 207.

38 These word have a similar ring to some ecstatic exclamations (“a†a˙àt) ascribed toal-Íàdiq in ”ì'ì literature and resembling those of the Sufis. See Amir-Moezzi, The Divine

Guide in Early Shi'ism, pp. 180-181, note 277.39 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 8b, lines 7-11.40 Ibid., fol. 9b, lines 9-10.41 Ibid., lines 8-9.42 Ibid., fol. 9b, lines 10-11.43 Ibid., fol. 10b, lines 2-6.

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the divine appearance in human form as a precondition for salvationthrough gnosis and thus establishes the dogma of divine manifestationin the figures of the historical Imams. Al-ˇabarànì, however, does notdeduce from these assumptions the general rule that this principle is,in fact, essential for gnosis in every generation, or that it postulatesperennial incarnation.

Al-ˇabarànì expounds the dogma of divine incarnation in ”ì'ì Imamsthrough a series of accounts about some of them, notably al-Íàdiq.One of these traditions recounts a pertinent dialogue between the ImamMu˙ammad al-Bàqir and his disciple Íàli˙ b. 'Uqba:44

Abù Ja'far [= Mu˙ammad al-Bàqir], peace be from him,45 said: “God is revealedbut not seen, near but not tangible.” I [= Ibn 'Uqba] said: “Praise to God whohas not concealed Himself from us.” [al-Bàqir] answered: “Do you indeed knowthat He has not concealed Himself from you?” I answered: “Yes, my master.” Hethen asked: “Who is He?” I answered: “You are He” (Qàla Abù ]a'far minhu al-

salàm: 'inna llàha Ωàhiran (!) là yurà wa-qarìb là yu˙àssu.’ Qàla qultu: ‘al-˙amdu lillàhalla≈ì lam ya©ib 'annà.’ fa-qàla li: ‘wa-qad 'alimta annahu lam ya©ib 'anka?’ qultu: ‘na'am,

yà mawlàya.’ qàla: ‘man huwa?’ qultu: ‘anta huwa’ ).46

In another account al-Bàqir discloses to his disciple Dàwud b. Ka∆ìral-Raqqì (d. ca. 200/815)47 the chain of 'Alì’s revelations in mythicaland historical figures, identifying himself as the deity revealed in thesefigures.48 More explicit pronouncements of the belief in the divinity ofthe Imams are connected with al-Bàqir’s son, al-Íàdiq. In one of thesetraditions al-Íàdiq is said to have revealed to a certain visitor that hewas the manifestation of God on earth and that this secret might bedivulged only to the initiate.49

44 He may probably be identified with Íàli˙ b. 'Uqba b. Qays, mentioned by Abù'Abbàs A˙mad b. 'Alì al-Na<à“ì, Kitàb al-Ri<àl (Qumm, 1407H), p. 200.

45 This idiom (in Arabic: minhu al-salàm) is characteristic of Nußayrì texts as a vari-ant of the more common expression 'alayhi al-salàm (peace be on him).

46 Ibid., fol. 9a, lines 6-10.47 One should note that Ibn Ka∆ìr, who is known to have been a disciple of al-Íàdiq

and his son Mùsà al-KàΩim, is unlikely to have transmitted directly from al-Bàqir.According to al-Na<à“ì (Kitàb al-Ri<al, p. 156), Ibn Ka∆ìr was considered a somewhatweak authority (∂a'if ), whose tranditions were transmitted mostly by extremist ”ì'ìs.From al-Ki““ì’s entry on him, however, Ibn Ka∆ìr emerges as a more credible source.Al-Íàdiq is reported to have expressed his appreciation of Ibn Ka∆ìr, stating that thelatter’s rank in relation to him was similar to that of al-Miqdàd in the eyes of theProphet; see Abù 'Amr Mu˙ammad b. 'Umar al-Ki““ì, Kitàb al-Ri<àl, edited by A. al-Óusaynì (Na<af, n.d.), pp. 243-244.

48 Ibid., fols. 106b-108a.49 da§ala ra<ul 'alà al-Íàdiq minhu al-salàm fa-qàla lahu al-Íàdiq: ‘yà fulàn, là ta“ukka bi-

lla≈ì taràhu “ay"an’; fa-qàla al-ra<ul: ‘a'ù≈u bi-llàh an u“rika bihi’. fa-qàla lahu al-Íàdiq: ‘inna



Another cluster of traditions cited by al-ˇabarànì associates the self-pronouncement of al-Íàdiq’s divinity with Abù al-›a††àb (d. ca. 138/755),a leading figure of the Kufa ©ulàt and the eponym of the ›a††àbiyyaextremist sect.50 Here al-Íàdiq claims Abù al-›a††àb to be the “belovedand chosen among my creatures” (awliyà"ì wa-¢àßßatì min ¢alqì).51 Abùal-›a††àb is said to have taught his disciple Yùnus b. ¸abyàn52 thatGod reveals Himself to His creatures in their own form, and whoeverwishes to know Him, knows Him according to His appearance. Thisgeneral principle soon becomes concrete as Abù al-›a††àb explains thatthe god Yùnus had seen—apparently referring to al-Íàdiq—had beenGod in His totality (huwa huwa bi-kulliyyatihi ).53 These traditions, associatedwith Abù al-›a††àb, conform to the notion of the deification of al-Íàdiq characteristic of the various ›a††àbiyya groups. These traditionsalso claim a supposed kinship in Nußayrì doctrine between the ›a††àbiyyaand the Nußayriyya, Abù al-›a††àb being regarded as bàb of the seventhImam Mùsà al-KàΩim.54 Abù al-›a††àb, as well as other conspicuous˝ulàt figures—e.g. ]àbir b. Yazìd al-]u'fì, Mufa∂∂al b. 'Umar, and'Umar ibn al-Furàt—have come to represent people of great merit andquasi-Nußayrì ancestry. They were further incorporated into the Nußayrìsystem and were identified as bàbs of various Imams of the Twelver ”ì'a.55

Moreover, Kitàb al-ma'àrif is marked by its detailed discussion of thesebàbs and their role in the Nußayrì reconstruction of Nußayrì pre-his-tory. With the development of the doctrine of the apotheosis of theImams, the role of their bàbs has received special emphasis, with asense of divine presence being attributed to the historical figure of the

alla≈ì taràhu fì-l-samà" huwa alla≈ì taràhu fì-l-ar∂.’ fa-qàla al-ra<ul: ‘a“hadu annaka anta huwa

yà sayyidì’. fa-qàla [al-Íàdiq]: ‘ra˙imaka llàh, uktum hà≈à wa-là tu˙addi∆ bihi a˙adan ©ayra ahlihifa-yuriyannaka allàh maràrat ˙arr al-˙adìd’ (Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fols. 9a, line 11-9b, line 6).

50 On this sect, see e.g. B. Lewis, The Origins of Isma'ilism (Cambridge, 1940), pp. 32-43;Halm, Die Islamische Gnosis, pp. 199-217; F. Daftary, The Ismà'ìlìs: Their History and Doctrines

(Cambridge, 1990), pp. 88-89, 96-100; W. Madelung, “‡a††àbiyya,” EI 2, vol. 4, pp.1132-1133.

51 Ibid., fol. 9a, lines 3-4.52 On this renowned extremist ”ì'ì, see al-Ki““ì, Kitàb al-Ri<àl, pp. 310-311; Halm,

Die Islamische Gnosis, p. 217.53 Ibid., fols. 10a, lines 8-10b, line 9.54 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 78b.55 On these and other disciples of the twelve Imams, their roles as bàbs, and mira-

cles reported to have been performed by them, see Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fols. 74a-95b (chaps.17-18). See also the tradition in praise of Abù al-›a††àb in ibid., fols. 49b-50b. For sto-ries on the miraculous powers of Abù al-›a††àb and his loyalty to the Nußayrì cause,see ibid., fols. 88b-89b.

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bàb. The special status of the bàbs is here expounded through storiesof miracles performed by them. One may readily note the kinshipbetween historical figures, identified as bàbs of the Imams, and Salmànthe Persian, the original bàb of 'Alì in his role as the first Imam. Alist of quasi-historical bàbs was thus constructed to accompany the firsteleven ”ì'ì Imams.56 To this list were drafted prominent ©ulàt figures,generally conforming to the chronology of the ”ì'ì Imams.57

The ultimate bàb of this category is the eponymous founder of theNußaryì religion, Mu˙ammad b. Nußayr, regarded in Nußaryì traditionas the bàb of the eleventh Imam, al-Óasan al-'Askarì. Al-ˇabarànìassigns a prominent place to these two figures, emphasizing the eminentrole of the eleventh Imam and his bàb in the early history of the sect.Whereas he devotes essentially cursory accounts to the first ten bàbsand their miracles, the account of Ibn Nußayr is exceptionally elaborate,being in fact the most detailed account on Ibn Nußayr known to us.

Al-ˇabarànì’s panegyric on Ibn Nußayr opens with a saying by acertain 'Alì b. Óassàn,58 depicted as “an authority among the unitari-ans” (wa-huwa ∆iqa 'inda ahl al-taw˙ìd ).59 In a dialogue between the two,Ibn Óassàn addresses the Imam al-Óasan al-'Askarì with the followingquestion:

“From whom should I learn the guide-posts of my religion, for opinions are many?”Al-'Askarì answered: “From him whom the enemies of the ”ì'a (nàßiba) accuse of”ì'ism (raf∂);60 from him whom those who fell short (muqaßßira)61 accuse of [uluww;from him whom “those who exceedingly exalt [the Imams]” (murtafi'a)62 envy,denouncing him as heretic—seek him and you shall find in him the guide-postsof your religion.63

56 The twelfth Imam is not counted among the Imams in these traditions and there-fore has no bàb. However, in Nußayrì eschatology, he retains some of his traditionalrole as Mahdì.

57 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fols. 75a-83a. For similar lists see Nußayrì Catechism, in Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 176-183 (questions 22-42).

58 He may be identified as 'Alì b. al-Óassàn al-Hà“ìmì, regarded as an entirely unre-liable source (on him, see al-Ki““ì, Kitab al-Ri<àl, p. 383).

59 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 81a, lines 4-5.60 For the notion of raf∂ and the title ràfi∂a or rawàfi∂ as one of the prevailing titles

of the ”ì'a in both ”ì'ì and non-”ì'ì sources, see E. Kohlberg, “The Term Ràfi∂a inEarly Imàmì Shì'ì Usage,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 99 (1979), pp. 677-679(reprinted in idem, Belief and Law in Imàmì Shì'ism, Variorum [Aldershot, 1991], chap. 4).

61 On the appellation muqaßßira, see H. Modarressi, Crisis and Consolidation in the Formative

Period of Shi'ite Islam (Princeton, 1993), pp. 29, 35-37.62 On this title, see ibid., p. 23.63 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 81a, lines 6-10. Cf. Strothmann, “Seelenwanderung bei den

Nußairì,” p. 104.



'Alì b. Óassàn concludes by stating that he found no person deservingof this definition save Mu˙ammad b. Nußayr. He then followed himand found in him everything he had wished for.64

This virtually amounts to a negative self-definition of the Nußayrìidentity according to the attitude of their external enemies. True religionis identified by al-ˇabarànì as “the true ”ì'a” (“ì'at al-˙aqq),65 being thebrand of ”ì'a denounced by “mainstream” ”ì'ism as heresy.66 IbnNußayr, then, is portrayed here as the ultimate representative of thishigher ”ì'a and the religious sage par excellence.

Moreover, al-ˇabarànì recounts a story about two documents signedby the Imam al-Óasan al-'Askarì, presenting Ibn Nußayr as the ulti-mate bàb and “the intermediary between God and his servants” (al-wàsi†a bayna Allàh wa-bayna 'ibàdihi ),67 and thus implying the Imam’sdivinity. In fact Ibn Nußayr is portrayed here as the father of Nußayrìtradition.

Other traditions focus on Ibn Nußayr’s role as a missionary for theImam al-Óasan al-'Askarì. His propagandist activity became known tothe 'Abbàsid caliph al-Mu'tamid (reigned 870-892), alarming the Imam,who promptly denounced Ibn Nußayr. The caliph, however, surpris-ingly promoted and honoured Ibn Nußayr. The transmitter of this storyreports Ibn Nußayr’s explanation that al-'Askarì’s malediction was infact directed at Abù al-›a††àb rather than at him.68 This tradition,locating Ibn Nußayr in the circles of both al-Mu'tamid and al-'Askarì,may also imply a certain rift between Ibn Nußayr and the Imam.69

Of significance is a tradition presenting the rivalry between IbnNußayr and Is˙àq al-A˙mar, the eponymous founder of the Is˙àqiyya,

64 Ibid., fols. 81a, lines 10-81b, line 2.65 Ma<mù' al-a'yàd, p. 113, line 10. For similar self-appellations, such as “ì'at al-hudà

and al-“ì'a al-kubrà, see ibid., p. 112.66 For the Nußayrì self-definition as the true ”ì'a, see also Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 101a,

lines 5-9.67 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 82a, lines 4-5.68 Ibid., fol. 91b, lines 1-2.69 Two other accounts, where Ibn Nußayr is reported to have magically repaired bro-

ken vessels, are presented to illustrate his miraculous powers. These tales are referredto as the “story of the grail” (˙adì∆ al-qada˙) and the “story of the bowl” (¢abar al-qi˙f )(Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fols. 91b-93a). For similar miracle tales of Ibn Nußayr, see Ma<mù' al-a'yàd, pp. 203-206.

54 . -


the competing sect of the Nußayriyya.70 According to this tradition,transmitted by Mu˙ammad b. Jundab—a personal aide of the Imamal-Óasan al-'Askarì71—when a delegation of Persian horsemen paid avisit to al-Óasan al-'Askarì, they found him dressed all in green, sur-rounded by green mats and pillows, and next to him Ibn Nußayr, alsoclad in green and holding a branch of myrtle (às).72 With them wasIs˙àq al-A˙mar drowsing in the hallway. When Ibn Jundab enteredthe hallway to summon the guests, he found Is˙àq reading to themfrom a book. Entering and prostrating themselves before the Imam,Is˙àq then told the guests to raise their heads and present their requeststo the Imam. They answered that they would not speak before beinggranted permission by the Imam. The Imam then ordered them topresent their requests and to set forth what they had with them. Eachtook out a dinar and offered it to the Imam. The Imam then directedIbn Nußayr to sign the coins and return them to their owners. IbnNußayr obeyed and told each of them personally: “Take it, your requesthas been fulfilled in it.” And behold, on one side of each coin waswritten: “There is no god but the master al-Óasan al-'Askarì, his ismMu˙ammad, and his bàb Mu˙ammad [b. Nußayr],” and on the otherside: “There is no god but al-Óasan al-'Askarì, his ism Mu˙ammad,and his bàb Abù Shu'ayb Mu˙ammad b. Nußayr b. Bakr al-Namìrì (oral-Numayrì); whoever says otherwise is lying.” Is˙àq then told the Imamthat he should sign the coins, whereupon al-'Askarì answered: “Powerresides where the Almighty wills it” (˙allat al-qudra ˙ay∆u shà"a al-qàdir).73

The Imam next ordered Ibn Nußayr to give a dinar to Is˙àq to read.

70 On the rivalry between the Nußayriyya and the Is˙àqiyya, see Bar-Asher-Kofsky,The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 16-19.

71 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 94a, line 1. Ibn ]undab is here called “the yatìm of the time”( yatìm al-waqt). The yatìms (incomparables) are divine entities emanating from the bàb,the third person of the trinity. The yatìms, like the persons of the trinity, are identifiedwith Muslim figures. On the place of the yatìms in Nußayrì theology, see Dussaud, Histoire

et religion des Noßairîs, pp. 68ff; Moosa, Extremist Shi'ites, pp. 357-361. Cf. Nußayrì Catechism,in Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, p. 183 (question 42), where Ibn ]undabis presented as the first yatìm of Ibn Nußayr.

72 On this plant and its usage in Nußayrì ceremonies, see e.g. Ma<mù' al-a'yàd, pp.188, 201, 202, 208, 211; Al-A≈anì, al-Bàkùra al-Sulaymàniyya, Beirut edition, p. 37, Cairoedition, p. 47. Myrtle branches also play an important role in Madaean ritual (see E. Lupieri, The Mandaeans: The Last Gnostics [Grand Rapids and Cambridge, 2002], pp.15, 23, 25, 29).

73 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 95b, line 7.



Upon looking at the coin Is˙àq’s complexion changed, becoming blackand then red (ta©ayyara lawnuhu wa-fa˙uma wa-˙marra). “The nation hasbeen destroyed” (halakat al-umma), he uttered, whereupon the Imamreplied: “It is rather you [who has been destroyed]” (i≈à kunta anta).Is˙àq’s face reddened further. Ibn Jundab goes on to recount that thefour guests left the Imam, joyful, while Is˙àq, whenever he looked atIbn Nußayr, would become red in the face and turn aside his eyes( ya˙marru wa<huhu wa-tazwarru 'aynuhu), being jealous of Ibn Nußayr’sdistinguished role as deputy and representative of the Imam.74

Apart from enhancing the position of Ibn Nußayr as a confidant ofthe eleventh Imam, this tradition clearly emphasizes the climate ofrivalry in the early years of the nascent Nußayriyya and the circum-stances in which the sect emerged. Here the religious rivalry is pre-sented as a mythical contest between two members of the inner circleof al-Óasan al-'Askarì. Is˙àq’s inferior status is portrayed explicitly incontradistinction to the status of al-'Askarì and Ibn Nußayr, who areclad in green, the colour of the garments of the righteous in paradise.75

The etiological nature of the story is clear, throwing light on the epi-thet of the arch-rival Is˙àq “the red.” Moreover, al-ˇabarànì goes astep further in presenting the role of Ibn Nußayr as the bàb of theImam, in a direct link with trinitarian symbolism. This is clearly expressedin a unique formulation of a quasi “ahàda, inscribed on the two sidesof the coins. Al-'Askarì is pronounced God, that is, the incarnation ofthe first person of the trinity, while Ibn Nußayr is essentially identifiedwith the third person of the trinity, that is, the incarnation of the bàbSalmàn. It is noteworthy that in this scheme of Imams and their bàbs,there is virtually no need for an ism, representing the second person ofthe trinity. It seems that in such a context the ism is always one andthe same—namely, the archetypal ism, the Prophet Mu˙ammad. Thisis apparently due to the original historical context of Imam and bàbwithin Imàmì ”ì'ism, later combined with the tripartite trinitarian ter-minology. In the later development of Nußayrì theology, however, aspecial role was assigned to the ism in a complex concept explainingthe manifestation of the deity in the historical Imams.76

74 Ibid., fols. 93b-95b. For another tradition on the rivalry between Ibn Nußayr andIs˙àq al-A˙mar, see Risàlat al-“ay§ Ma˙mùd Ba'amra ibn al-Óusayn al-Nußayrì, in R. Strothmann, “Esoterische Sonderthemen bei den Nusairi: Geschichten und Traditionenvon den heiligen Meistern aus dem Prophetenhaus,” Abhandlungen der deutschen Akademie

der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (Berlin 1958), p. 18 (of the Arabic text of Ms. Hamburg 303).75 See Qur"àn 76 (al-insàn): 21.76 On this role of the ism, see Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 31-32.

56 . -


This presentation of Ibn Nußayr does not mean that he should beviewed as the person who actually moulded the nascent Nußayrì iden-tity into an organized religious group with a distinct theology, a liturgy,and social cohesion. This may have occurred in the following genera-tion under the leadership of al-›aßìbì.77 Nevertheless, it seems that IbnNußayr should not be dismissed as a merely quasi-mythical figure whowas adopted into the reconstructed historical beginnings, shrouded inmist, of Nußayrì religion.

Ritual Aspects

An antinomian stance toward Muslim law is a salient trait of theNußayriyya as well as of other radical groups that seceded from ”ì'ìIslam. It is present to a certain extent in virtually all the Nußayrì textsavailable to us. Most of these texts, however, do not elaborate on theantinomian essence of specific religious commandments. Al-ˇabarànì’swritings, especially Kitàb al-ma'àrif, stand out in their extensive presen-tation of the antinomian dimension of Muslim law or, more precisely,“the pillars of Islam” (arkàn al-islàm).

In five chapters (3-6, 13),78 al-ˇabarànì deals with the inner knowl-edge of four of the five pillars of Islam—that is prayer (ßalàt), alms giv-ing (zakàt), fasting (ßawm) and pilgrimage (˙a<<). The absence here of adiscussion of the “ahàda, dealt with in several Nußayrì sources, is notice-able79 but not surprising, bearing in mind that the theme is normallyintegral to a wider discussion of the doctrine of the trinity, the core ofNußàyrì theology.80

As with his strategy in Ma<mù' al-a'yàd, the author opens his discussionby referring to Muslim canonical sources, thus creating an impression

77 On the prominent role of al-›aßìbì as the real founder of the Nußayrì religion,see e.g. Strothmann in his introduction to Ma<mù' al-a'yàd, p. 7; H. Halm, Shiism, trans-lated by J. Watson (Edinburgh, 1991), p. 159; Y. Friedman, “al-Husayn ibn Hamdànal-›asìbì: A Historical Biography of the Founder of the Nusayrì-'Alawite Sect,” StudiaIslamica 93 (2001), pp. 91-111.

78 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fols. 10b-30b, 59b-62b.79 See Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 27, 84, 117.80 This may reflect a radical development within ”ì'ì doctrine, whereby the “ahàda

was viewed as integral to the tenet of walàya (allegiance) to the Imams. The “ahàda thusbelongs to the sphere of theology rather than ritual. On this, see J. Eliash, “On theGenesis and Development of the Twelver-Shì'ì Three-Tenet Shahàda,” Der Islam 47(1971), pp. 265-272; M.M. Bar-Asher, Scripture and Exegesis in Early Imàmì Shiism ( Jerusalemand Leiden, 1999), pp. 196-199; M.A. Amir-Moezzi, “Notes à propos de la walâya

imamite: Aspects de l’imamologie duodécimaine X,” Journal of the American Oriental Society

122 (2002), pp. 722-741.



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of a binding commitment to them. Soon, however, his discussion ischannelled in a sectarian direction, propounding his esoteric antinomianunderstanding of Islam. As in the Druze canonical epistle al-naq∂ al-

§afì,81 al-ˇabarànì’s treatment of the pillars of Islam is tantamount toa militant attack against the external facets of religious law. The exclu-sively esoteric antinomian nature of religious law—as both the Druzeauthor and al-ˇabarànì maintain—is carried to the extreme of denyingits positive value, thus emptying the Muslim commandments of meaningand transforming them into a merely spiritual code. Moreover, citinga saying ascribed to al-Íàdiq, al-ˇabarànì goes so far as to assert thatthe precepts of fasting, prayer, pilgrimage, and holy war are demonic,leading to perdition. Obeying these commandments is therefore tanta-mount to polytheism.82

Al-ˇabarànì opens his treatment of the pillars of Islam with a briefdiscussion on prayer, referring the reader to a treatise by a certain Abùal-Óusayn Mu˙ammad, most probably his teacher, al-]illì. The pointof departure is a saying, ascribed to the Prophet, that “He who hasno prayer has no religion” (man là ßalàt lahu là dìna lahu).83 This is fol-lowed by the pertinent Qur"ànic verses spelling out the duty of prayer,such as Q. 4(al-nisà"):103, “Surely prayer is a timed prescription for thebelievers” (inna al-ßalàt kànat 'alà al-mu"minìna kitàban mawqùtan).84

The author proceeds to discuss the inner essence of prayer, thus clar-ifying that his earlier statement regarding the duty of prayer is merelynominal. Al-ˇabarànì elaborates on the common Nußayrì concept thatthe inner meaning of the five daily prayers constitutes knowledge of thefive persons of the holy family—namely, Mu˙ammad, Fà†ima, Óasan,Óusayn, and Mu˙sin (or Mu˙assin)—as part of the divine realm.85 In

81 See epistle VI (al-kitàb al-ma'rùf bi-l-naq∂ al-§afì) of the Druze canon. For an unpub-lished critical edition of this epistle, see D.R.W. Bryer, “The Origins of the DruzeReligion: An Edition of Óamza’s Writings and an Analysis of his Doctrine,” D. Phil.diss., University of Oxford, 1971, vol. 2, pp. 31-50 (the Arabic text), and vol. 1, pp.226-227 (a discussion of the text). See also, S. de Sacy, Exposé de la religion des Druzes

(Paris, 1838), vol. 2, p. 673.82 “Iyyàka an tuqìma “ay"an min ≈àt al-radà. Qultu: ‘<u'iltu fidàka, wa-mà ≈àt al-radà?’ qàla:

‘min hà≈ihi al-∂udùd’ Qultu: ‘mà hà≈ihi al-∂udùd?’ qàla: ‘min ßawm wa-ßalàt wa-˙a<< aw <ihà-dan (!)’ fa-man aqàmahunna mutadayyinan bi-hinna fa-qad itta§a≈a ma'a llàh ilàhan” (Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fols. 101b, line 8-102a, line 1).

83 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 10b, line 11.84 Ibid., fol. 11a, line 1.85 Ibid., fol. 11b, line 8. On this concept, see also Taqì al-Dìn ibn Taymiyya’s legal

opinion on the Nußayrìs, in S. Guyard, “Le Fetwa d’Ibn Taymiyyah sur les Noßairis,”Journal asiatique 8 (1871), pp. 162-178, at p. 162. The tendency to identify religious pre-



the equation between prayer and religion in the aforementioned say-ing of the Prophet, al-ˇabarànì now substitutes knowledge of the sec-ond person of the trinity for prayer: “He who does not truly know themaster mìm (= Mu˙ammad) has no religion” (man là ya'rifu al-sayyid al-

mìm bi-˙aqìqatihi fa-là dìna lahu).86

This principle of allegorical interpretation is further applied to aseries of Qur"ànic verses concerning prayer. Notable is al-ˇabarànì’scommentary on Q. 29(al-'ankabùt):45 “Prayer forbids indecency and dis-honour” (inna al-ßalàt tanhà 'an al-fa˙shà" wa-l-munkar). The author refutesthe literal sense of the verse, arguing that “the external prayer neithercommands nor forbids; it is rather the ism who commands and forbids,and he is the ruler of the whole kingdom” (al-ßalàt al-Ωàhira ©ayr àmira

wa-là nàhiya wa-innamà al-sayyid al-ism al-àmir wa-l-nàhì wa-huwa al-mud-

abbir li-<amì' al-mulk).87 Unsurprisingly, and in line with ”ì'ì typologicalexegesis, “the indecency and dishonour” mentioned in the verse areinterpreted as applying to the first two caliphs, who are “the root ofevery falsification and the head of every hypocrisy” (aßl kull zùr wa-ra"s

kull nifàq).88

The allegorical and symbolic tendency of the author is implementedin detail in his exposition of the inner knowledge of the laws of ablu-tion preceding prayer. The specific acts of purification and the partsof the body involved are perceived as a unified complex indicating thehierarchical and dynamic structure of the realm of emanation. Thuspurification of the face indicates the emanation of the ism from thema'nà; the five facial cavities symbolize the manifestation of the ism inthe five persons of the holy family; and the fingers and the elbows rep-resent lower masculine emanations while the toes stand for lower fem-inine emanations. Consistent with the principle of the inadmissibility of feminine figures into the divine realm, they are first neutralized oftheir femininity before being admitted into the divine sphere.89 Thusfor al-ˇabarànì the ears symbolize Zaynab and Ruqayya, the daughters

cepts with certain persons was widespread among early ”ì'ì groups of the “gnostic”type. See e.g.: “Religion is indeed knowledge of persons” (inna al-dìn innamà huwa ma'ri-fat al-ri<al ) (al-Íaffàr al-Qummì, Baßà"ir al-dara<àt, p. 526).

86 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 11b, lines 9-11.87 Ibid., fols. 12a, line 10-12b, line 1.88 Ibid. fol. 12b, lines 3-4. For a ”ì'ì typological interpretation of this and similar

verses on the first two caliphs, see Bar-Asher, Scripture and Exegesis in Early Imàmì Shiism,pp. 104-120.

89 See Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 37 (note 144), 144-145.


of the Prophet, and their cleansing stands for the neutralization of theirfemininity.90

Finally, al-ˇabarànì refers to the ”ì'ì law of wiping the feet (al-mas˙

'alà al-qadamayn) instead of washing them as required by Sunnì law.91

Wiping the feet and abstaining from washing them signifies for theauthor the inferior degree of the defeminized woman in the divineworld as well.92

The principle that the inner meaning of the pillars of Islam is theknowledge of divine mystery is similarly applied to the commandmentsof alms giving, pilgrimage, and fasting. Al-ˇabarànì’s discussion of thefirst two commandments does not add substantially—beyond certaindetails—to his overall antinomian interpretation of Muslim law.93 Al-ˇabarànì’s discussion of the fast, however, is notable in its extremelyradical concept of the sectarian dimension of this commandment.

As with his discussion in Ma<mù' al-a'yàd, al-ˇabarànì presents thefast essentially as abstinence from speech rather than from food.94 Heanchors this interpretation in a tradition describing 'Abd Allàh b. 'Abdal-Mu††alib, the father of Mu˙ammad, maintaining silence during themonth of Ramadan. This understanding of the fast further relies onQ. 19(Maryam):26, referring to Mary’s vow of fasting and silence, andto the avowed silence of Zecharia, father of John the Baptist (Q. 3[àl'imràn]:42, and 19[Maryam]:10-11).95 In other words, al-ˇabarànì’s viewhere is an explicit case of antinomian interpretation of the fast. A sim-ilar antinomian interpretation of the fast was advocated in Ismà'ìlì andDruze writings.96 According to al-›aßìbì as cited by al-ˇabarànì, 'Abd

90 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 17b, lines 10-11.91 On the Sunnì-”ì'ì controversy regarding this issue, see e.g. C. Pellat, “al-Mas˙ 'alà

al-¶uffayn,” EI 2, vol. 6, 700-710; E. Kohlberg, “Some Imàmì Shì'ì Views on Taqiyya,”Journal of the American Oriental Society 95 (1975), pp. 305-402 (reprinted in Belief and Law

in Imàmì Shì'ism, chap. 3); A.R. Lalani, Early Shì'ì Thought: The Teachings of Imam Mu˙ammad

al-Bàqir (London, 2000), pp. 120-121. For this debate in ”ì'ì Qur"àn exegesis, see M.M.Bar-Asher, “Variant Readings and Additions of the Imàmì-”i'a to the Quran,” IsraelOriental Studies 13 (1993), pp. 56-57.

92 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 18b, lines 1-2.93 For his brief discussion of alms giving, see ibid., fols. 12b-13a; for his more detailed

discussion of pilgrimage, see ibid., fols. 23b-30b.94 Ibid., fols. 18b-21b. See also Ma<mù' al-a'yàd, pp. 12-17; Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The

Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp. 114-117.95 Qur"àn commentators are unanimous that according to the context of the verse

this fast refers to Mary’s silence.96 See epistle VI (al-kitàb al-ma'rùf bi-l-naq∂ al-§afì) of the Druze canon in Bryer, “The

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Allàh demonstrated in his conduct the various common observancespractised during Ramadan, anticipating the revelation of “the greatestmaster Mu˙ammad” (al-sayyid al-akbar Mu˙ammad ), who is identified herewith the Qur"àn.97 Within the context of Ramadan, 'Abd Allàh representsthe proscriptions for the month—that is, the Muslim ritual aspects ofthe fast, whereas Mu˙ammad stands for the breaking of the fast ( fi†r).98

In other words, Mu˙ammad stands for the antinomian abolition of thereligious proscriptions of the holy month.

Here however al-ˇabarànì’s interpretation of the fast is considerablymore radical: abstinence from speech no longer signifies only a contem-plative silence; rather, it represents the prime religious commandmentof taqiyya, now perceived as the inner meaning of the fast. The aim ofthe mandatory silence is to preclude any divulgence of religious secretsto the uninitiated. A saying ascribed to the Prophet, “The believer isconstantly in a state of fast” (al-mu"min ßà"im abadan), is accordingly inter-preted as the existential state of the believer being in continuous taqiyya.99

As often in his treatment of other topics, al-ˇabarànì also sets thisfast of taqiyya—characterizing the new, vulnerable religious minority—in an eschatological context. Taqiyya as the inner meaning of the fastendures until the eschatological summons. Al-ˇabarànì accordingly inter-prets the Qur"ànic command (Q. 2[al-baqara]:187) “complete the fastunto the night” (wa-atimmù al-ßiyàm ilà al-layl), in line with this eschato-logical context: “The meaning of the fast is taqiyya whereas its break-ing is the declared revelation of secrets and the exit from the state oftaqiyya” (ma'nà al-ßawm al-taqiyya wa-l-if†àr huwa al-taßrì˙ wa-l-§urù< min al-

taqiyya).100 The eschatological meaning of ' ìd al-fi†r as the day of

Origins of the Druze Religion:,” vol. 2, pp. 43-46. For an Ismà'ìlì interpretation of fast-ing as silence, see e.g. the Ismà'ìlì da' ìs Abù Óanìfa al-Nu'màn b. Mu˙ammad al-Tamìmì al-Ma©ribì (d. 363/973-4), Ta"wìl al-da'à"im, edited by 'A. Tàmir (Beirut,1415/1995), vol. 2, pp. 119-122; 'Alì b. Mu˙ammad al-Walìd (d. 612/1215) in his Kitàbtà< al-'aqà"id wa-ma'dan al-fawà"id, edited by 'A. Tàmir (Beirut, 1967), pp. 140-141.

97 The theological notion of identifying Mu˙ammad, the second person of the trin-ity, with the Qur"àn as the word of God—a concept reminiscent of the Logos ofChristian theology—is not familiar to us from other Nußayrì texts. Yet, it may be con-ceived of as complementary to the various terms denoting the ism.

98 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 22a. Cf. Ma<mù' al-a'yàd, p. 13, lines 10-12. On this role ofMu˙ammad, see the discussion of ' ìd al-fi†r in Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion,pp. 117-118.

99 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 19a, line 3.100 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 19a, lines 9-10. Cf. Ibn Taymiyya: “the mandatory fast is [for

the Nußayrìs] the [obligation] to conceal their secrets” (wa-l-ßiyàm al-mafrù∂ kitmàn asràri-him); see Guyard, “Le Fetwa d’Ibn Taymiyyah sur les Noßairis,” p 168.



abolition of secrecy, when Nußayrì believers will declare their religionopenly, is specified in Ma<mù' al-a'yàd.101 The eschatological era and the end of taqiyya will take place with the liberation of the believersfrom the demonic reign (dawlat al-∂idd ) unequivocally identified withSunnì rule. This liberation is tantamount to the end of the fast denot-ing two complementary aspects: on the one hand abolition of taqiyya,on the other—public manifestation of religious antinomianism hithertocamouflaged under the veil of taqiyya.102

External Versus Internal Taqiyya

The significance of taqiyya as a strategy of religious survival in most ”ì'ìfactions is well known and has received ample scholarly treatment,notably in two studies by Etan Kohlberg.103 The concept of taqiyya iswidespread in Nußayrì writings as well, reflecting an attitude basicallysimilar to that common in ”ì'ism. However, al-ˇabarànì’s discussion ofthe concept of taqiyya in Kitàb al-ma'àrif reveals some uncommon aspectsof this doctrine.

Opening his discourse on taqiyya, the author explicitly states thesupremacy of inner faith—that is, Nußayrì antinomian gnosis—as a pre-requisite for religious liberation. However, observance of the externalmanifestations of religion in the presence of non-Nußayrìs—which maybe characterized, according to Kohlberg’s classification, as a form of“prudential taqiyya”104—is mandatory. These non-Nußayrìs are referredto by the somewhat vague term 'àmma (the masses),105 which in ourtext seems to refer to both ”ì'ìs—later on named ]a'fariyya—andSunnìs. A perfect dissimulation of external devotion, exceeding that of

101 Ma<mù' al-a'yàd, p. 23 lines 7-8; Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'Alawì Religion, pp.118-119.

102 On the realization of the eschatological abolition of taqiyya and religious law inIsmà'ìlism, see e.g. B. Lewis, The Assassins: A Radical Sect in Islam (London, 1967), pp.72-73; C. Jambet, La grande résurrection d’Alamût: les formes de la liberté dans le shî’isme ismaélien

(Paris-Lagrace, 1990), pp. 95-131.103 E. Kohlberg, “Some Imàmì Shì'ì Views on Taqiyya”; idem, “Taqiyya in Shì'ì

Theology and Religion,” in Secrecy and Concealment: Studies in the History of Mediterranean

and Near Eastern Religions, edited by H.G. Kippenberg and G. Stroumsa (Leiden, 1995),pp. 345-380. Most Zaydìs, however, were opposed to the doctrine of taqiyya. See Kohlberg,“Taqiyya in Shì'ì Theology,” p. 354, note 50.

104 Ibid., p. 345.105 For the term 'àmma, commonly used in ”ì'ì sources to denote the Sunnìs, see

E. Kohlberg, “'Àmma,” Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 1, pp. 976-977.

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ordinary Muslims, is further required of the Nußayrì believer. “He isnot one of us,” declares the author, “who, being in a crowd of forty[Muslim] people, does not externally behave more piously than the restof them” (man kàna fì qabìlatin fìhà arba'ùna ra<ulan là yakùnu Ωàhiruhu

awra'a minhum).106

In his endeavour to establish the paramount importance of taqiyya,the author goes so far as to state that manifest performance of Muslimreligious duties among Muslims is credited with a similar value to thatof the inner core of religion. Such a believer will be rewarded for bothhis religious dissimulation and his internal faith; whereas he who neglectsboth conduct according to taqiyya and the inner content of religion isdevoid of faith.107

Having established the necessity for taqiyya among non-Nußayrìs, theauthor warns against an existing tendency that is familiar, albeit uncom-mon in Imàmì circles,108 to apply this principle among the initiated andeven in seclusion—namely, in situations where the believer is not directlyexposed to external danger. This is epitomized in a saying ascribed toal-Íàdiq: “He who performs [the religious commandments] in secret issimilar to him who publicly abandons them; and he who publicly aban-dons them is like him who performs them [in secret]” (al-muqìmu lahà

sirran ka-l-tàrik lahà 'alàniyatan; wa-l-tàrik lahà 'alàniyatan, ka-l-muqìm lahà).109

The implicit logic of al-ˇabarànì’s argument is that the ubiquitouspractice of taqiyya virtually annuls the primary value of this concept.He then, as is his wont, exemplifies this principle by a series of anec-dotes, three of which are presented here. The first, taken from ananonymous work by al-Íà"i©, recounts a story of three believers whovisited the Imam al-Íàdiq. The Imam lodged them in one of his houses,supplying them daily with three pomegranates110 containing all thedesired flavours. Another believer arrived and was given accommoda-tion up with them. The believers, noticing that the Imam had ignoredhis new guest and had denied him any food, wondered about it.Miraculously appearing, the Imam explained to them that the reason

106 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 100b, lines 2-4.107 Ibid., lines 6-8: “Man ista'mala al-Ωàhir ©ayr “àkkan (!) fì-l-bà†in a∆àbau llàh al-Ωàhir

wa-l-bà†in, wa-man taraka al-Ωàhir wa-l-bà†in salabahu llàh al-ìmàn <amì'an.”108 Kohlberg, “Some Imàmì Shì'ì Views on Taqiyya,” p. 397; idem, “Taqiyya in Shì'ì

Theology,” p. 364.109 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 102a, lines 1-3.110 For the pomegranate as a symbol of esoteric knowledge in ”ì'ism, see Bar-Asher,

Scripture and Exegesis in Early Imàmì Shiism, pp. 150-151.



for this behaviour was that “your brother had practiced taqiyya in soli-tude” (inna a§àkum yuqìmu al-taqiyya fì-l-§alawàt). The Imam then disap-peared. Perceiving his misconduct, the rebuked brother repented andsubsequently received nourishment.111

Another account tells of one of “the elite of the ”ì'a” ('àliyat al-“ì'a)in Sàmarrà" who received a certain guest named Íàli˙ al-Nìlì. Theyspent the day eating, drinking, and studying. When the time of theevening prayer arrived, the host started praying while al-Nìlì was stilldrinking and wandering around the house. The following day, the hostpaid a visit to 'Alì al-Hàdi, the tenth Imam. Smiling, the Imam gen-tly reproached his disciple: “Your friend [who was with you] yesterdayknows God better than you” (kàna ßà˙ibuka al-bàri˙ata a'rafa bi-llàh minka).112

Finally, al-ˇabarànì recounts a tradition about al-Mufa∂∂al b. 'Umarand a group of disciples of al-Íàdiq who gathered in an attic to drinkwine and study. As they were drinking and talking, their master (al-Íàdiq) suddenly descended on them from the roof, carrying a wreathof marigolds (bàq min al-a≈aryùn).113 Al-Íàdiq addressed them with a say-ing in Persian,114 followed by a formula in Arabic—similar to formu-las familiar from other sources—permitting the ritual drinking of wine:“It is permitted to you among yourselves, but prohibited to you amongothers (˙alàlan lakum ma'akum, ˙aràmun lakum ma'a ©ayrikum).”115

These three anecdotes amply demonstrate al-ˇabarànì’s admonition

111 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fols. 102a, lines 5-102b, line 7.112 Ibid., fols. 103a, lines 1-103b, line 1.113 For the use of marigolds (a≈aryùn) in the Nawrùz Nußayrì festival, see e.g. Ma<mù'

al-a'yàd, pp. 188, 201, 202, 208, 211.114 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 103b, lines 7-8. The corrupt Persian text reads “à§ar bà“ wa-

da§àz andakàn (n∏KÎNa z∏"du =∏B ‰"∏+). Our colleague M.A. Amir-Moezzi has proposed theplausible reading “àd bà“ wa-ra<à" az andakàn aaaaaan∏KÎNaza˘∏Jru =∏B d∏+ (be happy andhave hope in the few), appropriate to the context of the discussion on taqiyya. On the”ì'ì motif of praising the few as custodians of religious truth, see 'Alì b. Mu˙ammadal-Walìd, Kitàb tà< al-'aqà"id wa-ma'dan al-fawà"id, pp. 125-126 (“truth lies within the smallgroup” [ fì anna al-˙aqq fì-l-firqa al-qalìla]); E. Kohlberg, “In Praise of the Few,” in Studiesin Islamic and Middle Eastern Texts and Traditions in Memory of Norman Calder, edited by J.R.Hawting, G.A. Mojaddedi, and A. Samely (Oxford, 2000), pp. 149-162.

115 Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 103b, lines 8-9. Cf. e.g. Bar-Asher-Kofsky, The Nußayrì-'AlawìReligion, p. 169, with note 26. Elsewhere, in a similar context, al-Íàdiq is said to havereferred explicitly to the sacred wine imbibed by his disciples by its cultic appellation'abd al-nùr (servant of light). Entering a study session and asking his disciples the rea-son for their gathering, they replied: “We are drinking 'abd al-nùr, contemplating throughit the science of your unity” (natanàwalu 'abda al-nùr wa-nata≈àkaru 'alayhi 'ilma taw˙ìdika).Al-Íàdiq then commended them on their conduct, saying: “Be as you are, and not oth-erwise” (hàka≈à kùnù wa-illà—fa-là) (Kitàb al-ma'àrif, fol. 67b, lines 3-7).

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against erroneous excessive practice of taqiyya. The common denomi-nator of the three exempla is that performing taqiyya among believersand in solitude undermines the very purpose of this concept.

Conclusion

Kitàb al-ma'àrif serves al-ˇabarànì’s enterprise of furnishing the Nußayrìsect in its formative phase with a corpus of religious paideia. Thoughwritten as a compendium of religious issues, the author elaborates cer-tain theological and liturgical aspects. The theological stance advocatedby al-ˇabarànì regarding the central dogma of the divine manifesta-tion in human form is closer to the Christian dogma of incarnationthan it is to docetic concepts.

The doctrine of divine incarnation in pre-Islamic figures, in the holy”ì'ì family and in the Imams of the Twelver branch is familiar fromother Nußayrì sources—such as the polemical treatise of al-Na““àbì andthe Nußayrì catechism. Kitàb al-ma'àrif, however, is marked by its unequiv-ocal advocation of this incarnation theology and its elaborate applica-tion to the Imams and their bàbs, particularly Ibn Nußayr. The prominenceof the latter in Kitàb al-ma'àrif is unparalleled in other sources familiarto us.

Finally noteworthy are al-ˇabarànì’s antinomianism—already famil-iar from his Ma<mù' al-a'yàd—radically applied in Kitàb al-ma'àrif to thefundamental commandments of Islam; and his somewhat uncommonperception of taqiyya. These amount to an overall transformation of themeaning and practice of Islam, defining the new religious identity asthe true ”ì'a, reminiscent of antinomian Pauline Christianity and itsself-definition as verus Israel.



dogma and ritual in kitÀb al-ma'Àrif

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