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TRANSCRIPT
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
CHAPTER I........................................................................................................1
THE STUDY......................................................................................................1
Introduction........................................................................................................3
Organization of the Study.................................................................................12
CHAPTER II....................................................................................................14
REVIEW OF LITERATURE...........................................................................14
Treaties and Boarding Schools.........................................................................19
Meriam Report..................................................................................................25
Termination Period...........................................................................................29
Self-Determination...........................................................................................33
Rough Rock......................................................................................................37
The Visual and Navajo world...........................................................................43
CHAPTER III...................................................................................................46
METHODOLOGY...........................................................................................46
Introduction......................................................................................................46
Research Design...............................................................................................46
Description of the Sample................................................................................51
Additional Sources of Data...............................................................................54
Data Analysis Procedures.................................................................................61
Trustworthiness................................................................................................63
CHAPTER IV...................................................................................................67
iii
FINDINGS........................................................................................................67
Student Photographers......................................................................................67
Educators..........................................................................................................72
Two Worlds......................................................................................................75
Change..............................................................................................................83
Strength.............................................................................................................89
Pride..................................................................................................................95
Navajo Language, History and Culture..........................................................100
Nature.............................................................................................................106
CHAPTER V..................................................................................................115
PHOTO ESSAY.............................................................................................115
Strength...........................................................................................................117
Pride................................................................................................................120
Navajo Language, History and Culture..........................................................122
Two Worlds....................................................................................................124
Nature.............................................................................................................126
Change............................................................................................................127
CHAPTER VI.................................................................................................130
SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS..................130
Summary.........................................................................................................131
Recommendation for Policy and Practice......................................................132
Recommendations for Future Research..........................................................133
Conclusions....................................................................................................133
iv
REFERENCES...............................................................................................139
APPENDIX A.................................................................................................143
INTERVIEW GUIDE.....................................................................................143
APPENDIX B.................................................................................................145
CODIFICATION............................................................................................145
APPENDIX C.................................................................................................148
PHOTO ELICITATION PHOTOGRAPHS...................................................148
v
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1. Ruth and Bob Roessel in Low Mountain, AZ, 1955. Photograph by Bob Roessel...............5
2. Wearing moccasins, the author prepares to participate in a Beginners activity in 1966, the
first year of the Rough Rock Demonstration School. There was no kindergarten and
school started with Beginners. Doris Arviso is the teacher. Photograph by Paul Conklin,
1966...................................................................................................................................7
3. A Navajo silversmith and young girl, 1910. Courtesy Museum of the American Indian.
Photographer unknown....................................................................................................16
4. Sunset at Fort Sumner. The photograph of the Navajo woman and baby were taken at Fort
Sumner. Photograph by Monty Roessel, 1999................................................................18
5. Navajo Tom Torlino photographed at the Carlisle Indian School. The image on the left
was when he first arrived and the image on the right was taken a year later..................22
6. The dormitory of the original Rough Rock School built in the early 1930s as a result of the
Meriam Report.................................................................................................................27
7. From left to right, a Ganado Red, Teec Nos Pos and Wide Ruins rug show the complex
designs associated with location within the 25,000 square mile reservation..................44
8. Student photographer on assignment answering the research question with photographs..55
9. Reflecting over this image, three educators discussed the combining of two worlds.
Photograph by Paul Conklin, 1967..................................................................................75
10. Reflecting over the same image, three educators discussed the combining of two worlds.
Photo by Karen Hall (student photographer), 2006.........................................................77
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11. Two Rough Rock High School students work in a computer lab during traditional week.
Photograph by Kim Dominguez, 2002............................................................................78
12. Students make a model Navajo hogan for a vocational education class. Photographer
unknown, 1984................................................................................................................79
13. School board members visit the Phoenix Zoo in 1967. Photograph by Paul Conklin.......80
14. A student works on his Algebra 2 assignments in class. Photograph by Jonathan Black,
student photographer, 2006.............................................................................................81
15. During the early years of the school, many VISTA volunteers served at the school.
Photograph by Paul Conklin, 1967..................................................................................83
16. More than 500 miles are traveled daily by Rough Rock buses over dirt roads.................84
and highways. Photograph by Deanna Goldtooth, student photographer, 2006.....................85
17. Tommy Begay takes a picture from Black Mesa looking out over the Rough Rock valley.
Photo taken in 2006.........................................................................................................85
18. Students hang out during lunch. Photograph by Jonathan Black, 2006............................87
19. In the early days of the school, hay would be bought and then sold to the community
because of a lack of transportation. Photo by Paul Conklin, 1966..................................88
20. A middle school student displays her individuality outside the library. Photograph by
Courtney Vicenti, student photographer, 2006................................................................90
21. In the beginning years there was a wide range of students for the K-6 school. Photograph
by Paul Conklin, 1966.....................................................................................................91
22. A female student works on her science project as she listens to her Ipod. Photograph by
Derek Jones, student photographer, 2006........................................................................92
23. Andi Betonie photographed this person because of her strength, 2006............................93
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24. This photograph says it all. A student from the high school shares his perspective.
Photograph by Derek Jones, 2006...................................................................................95
25. A family member of a student photographer makes blood sausage. Photograph by Karen
Hall, student photographer, 2006.....................................................................................96
26. A brother of student photographers, Karen and Sheila, proudly displays the sheep’s head
during butchering. Photograph by Sheila, 2006..............................................................97
27. Ben Bennett prepares elementary students for picture day. Photographer unknown, 1972.
.........................................................................................................................................99
28. High School graduation day at Rough Rock. School board members and guests look on
as a graduate crosses the stage to receive her diploma. Photograph by Kim Dominguez,
RRCS press office, 2006................................................................................................101
29. An elder from the community takes a student on a nature walk to explore uses for plants.
Photograph by Paul Conklin, 1967................................................................................102
30. A sign from the 1980s displays the bilingual feel of the school at that time. Photographer
unknown, circa 1977......................................................................................................104
31. Rug weaving exemplifies traditional teaching methodology incorporating hands-on
practice and story telling. Photograph by John Collier, Jr. Circa 1970s.......................105
32. Courtney’s cousin stands before a tree in front of her cousin’s high school. Photograph by
Courtnery Vicenti, 2006................................................................................................107
33. Students of the elementary school visit Dinetah – Navajo Homeland. Photograph by Fred
Bia. 1996........................................................................................................................108
34. Students work on the mesa behind the high school at Rough Rock. Photograph by
Tommy Begay, 2006.....................................................................................................109
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35. An art teacher at the elementary school takes her students up near the mesa to frame their
environment for an art project. Photograph by Fred Bia, 1986.....................................110
36. Ruth Roessel said when viewing this picture from the 1970s, “It is as if the school is
within nature and nature is within the school. “ Photographer unknown, 1974............111
37. Students take a field trip down Canyon de Chelley. Photographer unknown, 1977.......112
38. The photographer called this photo, “Wild and Crazy” as a student rests in..................113
dorm. Photo by Derek Jones, 2006........................................................................................114
39. Robyn Roessel, (authors daughter) runs during her Kinaalda ceremony. Behind her,
within the group of kids is a student photographer. Photograph by Monty Roessel, 2003.
.......................................................................................................................................117
40. Three elementary school students exhibit their pride, 2006............................................120
41. Middle school Navajo language teacher works with a student to ensure that he is able to
read and write Navajo. Photograph by Monty Roessel, 2007.......................................122
42. A recent graduate proudly celebrates his graduation from Rough Rock High School,
2006...............................................................................................................................124
43. Rough Rock has a horsemanship program for recreation and counseling. Photograph by
Monty Roessel, 2006.....................................................................................................126
44. Ruth Roessel makes an offering to a pinon tree to protect students. Photograph by Monty
Roessel, 2007.................................................................................................................127
45. Rough Rock Community School Mission Statement......................................................130
ix
CHAPTER I
THE STUDY
If you can keep your head when all about you
Are losing theirs and blaming it on you,
If you can trust yourself when all men doubt you,
But make allowance for their doubting too;
If you can wait and not be tired by waiting,
Or being lied about, don't deal in lies,
Or being hated, don't give way to hating,
And yet don't look too good, nor talk too wise:
If you can dream - and not make dreams your master;
If you can think - and not make thoughts your aim;
If you can meet with Triumph and Disaster
And treat those two impostors just the same;
If you can bear to hear the truth you've spoken
Twisted by knaves to make a trap for fools,
Or watch the things you gave your life to, broken,
And stoop and build 'em up with worn-out tools:
If you can make one heap of all your winnings
And risk it on one turn of pitch-and-toss,
And lose, and start again at your beginnings
And never breathe a word about your loss;
If you can force your heart and nerve and sinew
To serve your turn long after they are gone,
And so hold on when there is nothing in you
Except the Will which says to them: 'Hold on!'
If you can talk with crowds and keep your virtue,
‘Or walk with Kings - nor lose the common touch,
If neither foes nor loving friends can hurt you,
If all men count with you, but none too much;
If you can fill the unforgiving minute
With sixty seconds' worth of distance run,
Yours is the Earth and everything that's in it,
And - which is more - you'll be a Man, my son!
by Rudyard Kipling (1909)
2
Introduction
Before Rough Rock became an idea and then a school, it was a place. Located in
the heart of the Navajo Nation and in the northeast part of the state of Arizona, it sits at
the base of Black Mesa. Along the mesa, almost directly above the school lie the
remnants of a rock slide; it is said that just before the Long Walk period, when Kit
Carson rounded up the Navajo and marched them 350 miles to Fort Sumner, New
Mexico, a chunk of the mesa came tumbling down. Navajos viewed this as a warning of
bad things to come. A few months later, the Navajo were torn from their homelands.
Many died on the march and during the long 4 years of exile.
Buffeted by Black Mesa, Rough Rock looks out onto a high plateau; very little
grass grows but a lot of wind blows. To the west one can see Monument Valley and to
the north, Round Rock. The Lukachukai Mountains thrust up to the east -- the male to
the female Black Mesa. Facing each other, they are separated by 30 miles. The land helps
to define a people. Rough Rock is a beautiful, harsh place. The second year after the
founding of Rough Rock Demonstration School there was a blizzard that shut the school
off from the entire world for 2 weeks. Trucks became useless; food and supplies had to
be flown in by the National Guard; community members rode horses to check on
neighbors. The school helped feed the entire community; meals were taken to those in
need. For those who remember it is simply called “the blizzard.” To make a living from
the land here one must have patience, perseverance, creativity and hope. The seeds of the
idea of Rough Rock were planted in this place called Tse’ Chizi.
3
Like everyone, I come from a unique family rich in love and social commitment
where the word liberal was a badge of honor. To say my parents were idealistic is an
understatement. In 1966, my parents were among the founders of the Rough Rock
Demonstration School. RRDS began the realization of an idea that traditional Navajo
ways and modern Western education could blend into a unique school serving children
and the Navajo community. I started school there when I was five years old; currently I
am the executive director. Rough Rock has always been as much an idea as a place to me.
The idea of self-determination, community, and the right to be wrong were not just words
on a paper or slogans spoken but actions fought for and taken. Before the Demonstration
School was created, Navajo education was a one-way street with knowledge going out
from the school. With Rough Rock, a two-way street was being created, allowing
knowledge to flow from both home and school. For the first time school validated the
teachings of Navajo culture.
One of my father’s favorite poems was “If” by Rudyard Kipling. There is a line
that says, “If you can dream and not make dreams your master…” My father had the
unique ability to let dreams be his master because he made dreams come true. As a boy
he visited Indian tribes in the Southwest and as a young man in 1950, he married my
mom, a Navajo, and together they made dreams come true for our family as well as
Indian people throughout the country.
On February 16, 2006, when I was in the middle of this dissertation, my father
died from lung cancer. What had begun as a case study of the Rough Rock Community
4
School became a study of dreams – mastered and unmet, missions – organizational and
personal, and symbolism – an idea and a picture.
Figure 1. Ruth and Bob Roessel in Low Mountain, AZ, 1955. Photograph by Bob
Roessel.
This is not a dissertation about my father or my mother. It is a dissertation about a
dream the two of them had together and how their lives embodied a struggle for self-
determination and pride in being Indian. In 1966, then Navajo Tribal Chairman Raymond
Nakai asked my father to be the executive director of the Rough Rock Demonstration
School. Dr. Roessel was then a full professor of education at Arizona State University,
where he had recently started the Center for Indian Education, still the only center of its
kind in the country. He accepted and while he did glance back every once in a while, his
vision remained focused on the future. With Navajo people, he created the first Indian
community controlled school in the country. It ushered in an era of Indian self-
determination and the demonstration school would be the forerunner of the first tribally
5
controlled college in the country, Navajo Community College (now Dine’ College). My
father was the first president of the college.
My father’s road to Rough Rock was exciting and groundbreaking. He gave up a
tenured professorship for the chance to show that teaching Navajo history, language and
culture was just as important and relevant as teaching American History, English and
math. What made his movement from theory to practice so much stronger was that my
father was white. He was a non-Indian preaching and demonstrating by example the need
and right of Navajos to teach their own language in the classroom alongside their history
and culture.
The decision to practice what was preached was helped by my mom. My dad
would speak of two worlds; my mom lived it. My dad would talk about how relevant
Navajo history and culture were in today’s society and my mom would quietly show it.
Rough Rock was the soapbox that shouted the need to integrate Navajo into Western
education and my parents were the living embodiment of that practice. This was a family
adventure and social experiment; unbeknownst to my brothers and sisters and me, we
were subjects in this study. My siblings and I were actually half Navajo and half non-
Navajo and living the idea that our parents were espousing.
My road to Rough Rock was more direct than my dad’s. As a 5 year-old, I started
school in Rough Rock when it first opened its doors in 1966. Twenty-four years later I
took over after my dad’s third and last tour of duty at the school. I remember that when
he retired, the school advertised for an executive director but they were not satisfied with
the applicants. The position was re-advertised. Again not being satisfied with the
6
applicants, the school board approached me about applying. The school board president
said, “We want someone who understands our history and our mission. You are that
person.”
Figure 2. Wearing moccasins, the author prepares to participate in a Beginners activity in
1966, the first year of the Rough Rock Demonstration School. There was no kindergarten
and school started with Beginners. Doris Arviso is the teacher. Photograph by Paul
Conklin, 1966.
As I pondered whether or not I could actually serve as the school administrator,
images bounced in my head. What was Rough Rock’s mission? What was this future? Do
students today even know what makes Rough Rock unique? Looking back, I can see that
this dissertation began the day I accepted the job to become executive director of Rough
Rock Community School.
My background is not education. I was a photographer, a reporter, an editor and a
newspaper owner, but an educator? No. On the other hand Rough Rock was different and
special. It was not just about education; it was also about community and it mattered. It
7
was in my blood. This was the most important thought that kept coming up. When I told
people that I was running the school they shared their own experiences at Rough Rock.
The told me how working there had changed their life or being there was a wonderful
experience. Rough Rock was like Camelot; the idea was sometimes stronger than the
reality of the place.
As a photographer I always tried to capture the essence of a story in one picture or
tell a complete story in a group of pictures. I now saw myself using my photography
skills as a school administrator. The frame became the vision and how I focused became
my mission. I saw leadership at Rough Rock as a visual experience. But, how can an idea
become visual? Henri Cartier-Bresson (2004), the father of the decisive moment in
photography, explained that in order for a photographer to “‘give a meaning’ to the
world, one has to feel oneself involved in what one frames through the viewfinder…. It is
putting one’s head, one’s eye, and one’s heart on the same axis” (p. 15-16). There was
something more to this school. It wasn’t just bricks and mortar. It combined, to apply
Cartier-Bresson’s philosophy towards the school, the heart and mind with a vision. How
each one involved with the school “saw” was different; everyone pictured the school
from their own standpoint and through their own eyes.
When my father was sick, he would daily ask me how the dissertation was
coming. I would speak to him about it and he would offer advice. One day in January,
about a month before he passed, I told him I was not working on it because I wanted to
spend time with him. He simply replied, “That’s a stupid reason.” Then he said,
8
Mont, you know why Rough Rock is still around? It’s because the Holy
People run it. You might think you do but you don’t. The mission of this
school is like the 10 commandments – you can’t change the 10
commandments and you can’t change the mission of Rough Rock. I think
the mission is stronger than the 10 commandments because those are rules
and it tells you what you can do and can’t do but a mission – like faith –
inspires because it is an idea. This is Rough Rock. Now get to work.
In researching my dissertation I found many articles written by or about my
father, but despite what was written, there was only one idea and that is embodied in the
mission of Rough Rock. The current mission statement is the one that was written when
the organization was established over 40 years ago: “To focus on the Dine' fundamental
beliefs of knowledge, planning, harmony and hope. We will walk in beauty.” This
dissertation and the many photographs included and discussed are intended to be part of
that walk.
The basic premise stated in the mission statement was to combine the best of the
Navajo world with the best of Western education (Roessel, 1968). For nearly 40 years,
Rough Rock has continued down this path of combining the best of both worlds. It has
not been an easy journey. As one historian of Rough Rock observed: "The rhetoric of
self-determination was and is betrayed by a Federal bureaucracy tethered to a colonial
system of patronage and control" (McCarty, 2002, p. 128). Rough Rock was different
because control was in the local community’s hands – the community had a stake in the
school’s success. The teaching staff demonstrated a level of dedication unlikely that in
most public schools; for example teachers "participated in periodic live-ins, residing with
9
local families for 2 or 3 days as a way of learning about their students' lives and home
experiences" (McCarty, p. 93). Everyone from the community was involved in creating a
place where it was safe to be Navajo.
The creation of Rough Rock Community School did not come without challenges.
One of the hallmark features, total involvement of the community, produces an endless
arena of complexity, negotiation, and frustration. While on the one hand the reservation is
home to a unique school with high aspirations, on the other the community confronts a
staggering unemployment rate of more than 40% (U.S. Census, 2000). Because of this,
the goals of local needs versus tribal goals are many times at odds. Community members
expect to be hired for jobs at the school, yet many are ill-prepared and undereducated.
In 1975, former executive director of Rough Rock, Dillon Platero, wrote about the
problems facing Navajos as they maneuver between two worlds. The story reflects the
continuing issue that faces a community when education creates more problems than it
solves.
Kee was sent to boarding school as a child where – as was the practice –
he was punished for speaking Navajo. Since he was only allowed to return
home during Christmas and summer, he lost contact with his family. Kee
withdrew from both the White and Navajo worlds as he grew older
because he could not comfortably communicate in either language. He
became one of the many thousand Navajos who were non-lingual – a man
without language. By the time he was 16, Kee was an alcoholic,
uneducated, and despondent – without identity. (Rehyner, 2004, p. 58)
10
My mother shared a similar experience when she told her children of being forced
to lick the bathroom floor because she spoke Navajo while attending grade school. It is
hard to think of any child being punished in such a manner: it is harder when it is your
mom. I sometimes wonder if this one experience is the reason that my mom has devoted
her whole life to ensuring that Navajo history, culture and language are as welcome in a
classroom as math and English.
These are just two of thousands of stories by Navajos and Indians who were being
scrubbed White. Indians have had to fight to retain their culture and today, research is
just now justifying not only the Navajo way of life but ways of teaching. While the above
stories occurred 30 years ago, some conditions and challenges are still the same. Rough
Rock has seen its share of hard times. In 2003, there were 5 suicide attempts in the
dormitory. While none were “successful”, one student did commit suicide at home. In
follow-up treatment interviews, all five students stated that they felt they “didn’t belong.”
Nearly 40 years after Rough Rock was started to bridge the culture gap, issues of place,
assimilation, tradition and acculturation still haunt Navajo education.
This reservation-wide boundary creates another challenge. Like a city drawing
many people from throughout the countryside, Rough Rock has students from 46 out of
110 chapters of the Navajo Nation. In other words, within the school walls live urban
Navajos and Navajos from the most remote parts of the reservation. This of course is
reflected in achievement scores and attendance. The school population is highly
transitory; every year 50% of the student body is new. This makes it hard to maintain
curriculum continuity. Still the reason students come to Rough Rock is the reason Rough
11
Rock was created. They come to learn about being Navajo. Every parent that enrolls their
child signs an agreement that they want their child to learn Navajo history, language and
culture.
Finally, with the present standards movement and the requirements of No Child
Left Behind (NCLB), the challenge is now focused on how to combine the accountability
measures of the law with the mission of the school. Needless to say there are no standards
for Navajo culture, or questions about Navajo history and customs on “standardized”
examinations. In the new era of accountability Rough Rock still feels like it “doesn’t
belong.”
Rough Rock has had the good fortune to be defined and judged by its challenges.
They are epic in nature but simple in practice: combine two worlds and be successful.
The degree to which a student chooses to step into two worlds depends on each
individual and family. The degree to which the student is successful is determined by
how well Rough Rock has been able to define and practice its mission.
Organization of the Study
It was the sense of belonging and identity that led to the creation of Rough Rock
Community School. The purpose of this study was to explore what Navajo education
looks like at Rough Rock Community School today and if this visualization aligned with
the mission of the school. Images, both newly created and archival, were gathered to
examine “the look” of Navajo education and through photo-elicitation the meanings of
these images were explored. In addition, the research sought to understand whether the
original mission of Rough Rock Community School still exists.
12
The study is divided into five chapters: Chapter One: Introduction – overview of
the context of Rough Rock, and purpose of the study; Chapter Two: Literature Review –
history of Indian education, review of Navajo education, development of Rough Rock
and its mission; Chapter Three: Methodology – research design, visual ethnography and
the use of images as data in research, sources of information, description of the sample,
data collection, data analysis, and reliability and validity; Chapter Four: Findings –
describes the results of the interview and documentary source information related to the
alignment of the original mission of Rough Rock Community School to the current
conditions. Chapter Five: is a photo essay that I made of the major themes that emerged
in chapter 4. Chapter six: Conclusions – outlines the findings and recommendations for
further study. Photographic images will be used throughout each chapter both explicitly
as data and as a way of connecting the reader with the history and present conditions of
the school.
13
CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
I remember the plane ride but none of the testimony. It was March 30, 1968 and I
was nearly 7 years old traveling in a small plane from Window Rock, AZ to Flagstaff,
AZ for a U.S. Senate hearing on Indian education. Senator Robert F. Kennedy chaired
the hearing. On the plane, my father was busy writing while my brother and I stared out
of the window. In a few hours we were on our way home. Thirty-eight years after that
hearing, I can now read the entire transcripts of that day. It was more than a plane ride; it
was a journey that I now find myself revisiting. Robert Kennedy declared that “Rough
Rock has proven its point and…. is a model for a comprehensive ‘new national Indian
policy’” (U.S. Congress, 1969, pp. 1055-1057). I became deeply curious about the
history before this new policy and what contributions Rough Rock has made since.
Just as an idea grows and develops with new knowledge and information over
time, Rough Rock Community School has metamorphosed as well. The germination of
this idea came from a couple with a vision of what Navajo education could and should
look like. They shared their idea and relied upon the entire community to develop its
identity in practice. In other words, students, staff, parents, community members, board
members, or anyone else who has been a part of the organization, are the actors that
bring life to the idea.
Robert Roessel, cofounder of Rough Rock School argued for the importance of
community involvement in the effectiveness of the school:
Successful community development is an ongoing process which may
have been initiated by someone who is not a permanent resident of the
15
community. Regardless of the origin of community development,
however, the only true measure of it success lies in its continuation
through time.
Actual proof of the success or failure of community development may be
found best after a lapse of time. Any community can be stimulated for
brief periods, and this is particularly true when an outside catalytic agent
is introduced into such a community. (Roessel, 1967 p.114)
His perspective came from studying and living through U.S. paradigm shifts
regarding the education of Indians ranging from the strict acculturation models of the
Indian boarding schools to the so-called “New Deal for Indians” under John Collier
during the Roosevelt administration. Seeking to find an enduring solution for Navajo
students, Dr. Roessel designed and implemented the original premise of Rough Rock
Demonstration School that sought to connect Navajo teachings, culture and language to
traditional academic subjects.
In an effort to provide background and context to the data, I will briefly review
literature regarding the history of Indian education leading up to the inception of Rough
Rock Community School. I will emphasize the importance of visual acuity in the Navajo
culture.
From the Anglo perspective, Navajo education started with the Treaty of 1868
and the subjection of Navajo children to “schooling.” From the Navajo perspective,
education began with emergence of the Navajo into the Glittering World. Thus, it is
one’s interpretation of what education is that determines when Navajo education began.
McCarty has explained that within Navajo culture, “education was not an experience
16
divorced from daily life, but was integral to children’s socialization and to everyday
affairs” (2002, p. 32).
Figure 3. A Navajo silversmith and young girl, 1910. Courtesy Museum of the American
Indian. Photographer unknown.
The Navajo believe that they came from the underworld and emerged to a place
called Dinetah – Navajo homeland. In an effort to escape a flood caused by a world out
of balance, they climbed, along with animals and insects, up a reed and entered this, the
Fourth World known as the Glittering World. The lessons learned from the mistakes in
the Third World, in some ways, mark the earliest beginning of education. It began a
journey of education that allowed Navajos to understand where they were in relation to
the environment and one another:
Traditional education, then, involved observation and involvement in
family activities related to the home, the herd, and the fields, and the
17
gradual assumption of adult responsibilities. Through formal and informal
processes, children learned physical and intellectual endurance; in
lectures, storytelling, and participation in the social world, they learned
the rolls, relationships, and ideals of a good and full life. They learned, in
short, what it meant to be Navajo. (McCarty, 2002, p. 36)
While a traditional view of education for the Navajo undoubtedly centered on
Navajo history, language and culture, this was not the goal of the first schools on the
reservation. Beginning in 1864, the Navajo were militarily forced to march more than
350 miles from their homeland to a military camp called Fort Sumner. It was a place
where many thousands would die. For four years, they were taught a new curriculum, an
education that would eventually lead to school. In the words of Kit Carson, this
education was a way to “teach them to forget the old life (while) reconciling them to the
new” (Sides, 2006, p. 364).
Figure 4. Sunset at Fort Sumner. The photograph of the Navajo woman and baby were
taken at Fort Sumner. Photograph by Monty Roessel, 1999.
18
During this separation from their homeland, Navajos were taught new farming
techniques and attempts were made to root out the Navajo. This was a common practice:
Indian treaties promised “clothing, implements of husbandry, domestic animals, spinning
wheels, and looms… - all designed to promote the movement toward white ways of
subsistence…” (Prucha, 1994, p. 10). Part of the peace policy of President Grant was to
rid Indians of their Native ways and focus on a new beginning grounded in farming.
(Benally, 2006)
After the land was proved to be unfruitful and the Fort Sumner re-education
failed, the Navajo signed a treaty that allowed them to return to their original homeland.
Unlike other tribes they were a lucky people; they were allowed to return home because
the arid lands and canyons between the sacred mountains seemed worthless to the
Anglos. The two cornerstones of a life after The Long Walk were farming and education.
Both areas were addressed in the treaty.
Treaties and Boarding Schools
Like all Indian treaties, promises on paper were rarely fulfilled. For the Navajo,
the Treaty of 1868 was viewed as a contract. Long after the promises made were broken,
the treaty stood as a document that outlined the future for the Navajo. While farming was
handled by giving each returning family sheep, horses, cows and some land to farm,
educational issues were specified as follows:
ARTICLE VI.
In order to insure the civilization of the Indians entering into this treaty,
the necessity of education is admitted, especially of such of them as may
19
be settled on said agricultural parts of this reservation, and they therefore
pledge themselves to compel their children, male and female, between the
ages of six and sixteen years, to attend school; and it is hereby made the
duty of the agent for said Indians to see that this stipulation is strictly
complied with; and the United States agrees that, for every thirty children
between said ages who can be induced or compelled to attend school, a
house shall be provided, and a teacher competent to teach the elementary
branches of an English education shall be furnished, who will reside
among said Indians, and faithfully discharge his or her duties as a teacher.
The provisions of this article are to continue for not less than ten years.
(As cited by Iverson, 2002, pp. 325-333)
In the early period of this country, treaties were made between the United States
and Indian tribes as though Indians were equal governments. Tribes were viewed as
sovereign nations. But, that would change. Treaties made during the end of the treaty era
with the Peace Commission were no longer viewed as “between equal sovereigns” but
rather as civilizing documents. In 1873, President Grant’s secretary of the interior,
Columbus Delano, stated that peace policy was to “place the Indians on reservations. ...
and there ‘humanity and kindness may take the place of barbarity and cruelty’” (Prucha,
1984 p. 153). Language was entered into the treaties that outlined satisfactory behavior
and a means to achieve it. “Aside from the change to an agricultural mode of subsistence,
formal schooling was the principal vehicle for modifying Indian cultures” (Prucha, 1984
p. 12).
20
As written in the treaty, compulsory education was enforced. It should be
remembered as one travels through Indian education history that the central hardship and
tragedy is based on the treatment of the child by the school. But, how Indian parents
interpreted what they did to their child by letting them go to school is as important as
what schools did to their child. The double tragedy resulted in broken lives and broken
homes. Based on prior experiences, education was not easily accepted.
Though the treaty quoted above was specific to Navajos, it is similar in verbiage
and decree to other treaties of the time that outlined educational expectations for Indian
children.
The difficulty of convincing parents to send their children to schools can
be seen in the 1857 Pawnee treaty that stipulated that parents who refused
to send their children to school regularly would have money deducted
from their annuities. (Reyhner & Eder, 2004, p. 47)
This made the decision to allow their child to leave home and go to school a “Sophie’s
Choice” sacrificing a child to feed the family, or starvation. The United States
government was still waging war, just using weapons other than bullets and guns.
After beating the Indians on the battlefields and taking most of their homelands,
the question was, “Now what do we do with the Indian?” At the conclusion of wars of
extermination one of the answers was to change tactics and wage a war in what today
might be called the battle for “hearts and minds.” One of the most subtle weapons was
the classroom. While less bloody, it was just as lethal. The target of this war was not the
person but the spirit. Beginning in Carlisle Pennsylvania, boarding schools were built to
conduct this war. This had a dual purpose of educating young Indians and removing
21
them from homes. This sentiment was articulated by Former Bureau of Indian Affairs
head General Thomas Morgan in the 1880s when he argued it was cheaper to educate the
Indian than to kill him (Margolis, 2004). Teachers were enlisted as soldiers and the
federal government included language within Treaties to promise an education.
The policy of forced assimilation, primarily through schooling was intended to be
a way to bring Indians into the mainstream; it also served to justify that which was stolen
from the Indian by viewing it as an exchange of land for the “benefits” of civilization.
“Schooling in European ways was meant to destroy Indian tribal life, rid the U.S.
government of its trust and treaty responsibilities, and repay Indians for land taken from
them” (Reyhner & Eder, 2004, p. 4).
Figure 5. Navajo Tom Torlino photographed at the Carlisle Indian School. The image on
the left was when he first arrived and the image on the right was taken a year later.
The purpose of educating Indians was not to ensure a brighter future, but an
avenue to destroy the Indian. Szasz wrote, “The dual inheritance of the assimilation
22
policies of education and the land allotment had already given some indication of their
potential ability to damage if not destroy a majority of the Indian people” (1977, p. 12).
The goal of education is best seen in the photographs of Navajo student Tom
Torlino. As described by historian Peter Iverson (2004), Torlino epitomized the Carlisle
education experience.
Fewer than four dozen Navajo students ever attended Carlisle during its
years of operation from 1879 to 1917. No Dine’ ever graduated from the
school. However, one of the students, Tom Torlino, personified for many
critics the kind of cultural onslaught all students confronted in the board
schools of this time. Pratt hired photographers to take ‘before and after’
images of the students in order to dramatize the kind of ‘civilizing’ effect
the institution had upon its students. Torlino thus was photographed upon
enrollment in 1880 and again after he had been enrolled at the school for
three years. The contrast between the two images is dramatic, but in the
hail of criticism that surrounds this subject, one never hears about what
happened to Torlino. In fact, like a great many other students at boarding
schools, he weathered the experience as best he could, and went home. He
farmed his land and lived out his days, no doubt glad to be a long way
from Pennsylvania, but not traumatized to the point of complete
inactivity. (p. 83)
The parameters of the schools as described in the treaties differed greatly from
the public schools of the time. “Unlike, for instance, public schools during the same time
period which were decentralized and completely disconnected from federal power, the
23
Indian schools were a site where U.S. government policy directly influenced ideological
production” (Margolis, 2004, p. 56). This ability to maintain control over the curriculum
and management of Indian schools provided the means for the government to continue to
distance Indians from their traditional teachings. This locus of control can still be found
in some BIA schools today.
Boarding schools continued to be the primary means of educating Indians well
into the 20th century. The pervasive focus remained assimilation and acculturation,
though it was becoming evidently clear that the education of Indians and the purpose for
this education was failing. A new period was beginning built on the failures and slogans
of the past.
The era of government control sought to save the Indians from
vanishing by substituting a policy of cultural genocide for the old policies
of removal and actual genocide. Genocide was embodied in the slogan,
‘The only good Indian is a dead Indian,’ which in several cases extended
to the killing of women and children as happened at the massacres oat
Sand Creek and Wounded Knee (Brown, 1970). The new policy as
enunciated by the assimilationists was to kill the Indian but save the man.
Wrapped in the popular belief that the dominant society represented the
pinnacle of civilization…. (Reyhner, 2004, p. 107-108)
The signing of treaties such as the Navajo Treaty of 1868 may have been the
impetus for an organized effort at education, but like the treaty itself, education was an
empty promise. Boarding school students were systematically removed from homes and
sent away to one of the government built schools throughout the country. The schools
24
had names such as Intermountain, Flandreau, Chemawa and Carlisle; the names conjure
vivid images of a place and a type of schooling to many Indian people. These simple
names are a reminder of a boarding school period that was painful for most Indian
students and parents. The before and after pictures of Tom Torlino speak eloquently to
this dark period.
Meriam Report
After more than 30 years of a system of education that was seen as brutal, the
winds of change began to blow. Reformers of the 1920s viewed boarding schools as the
“symbol of all the evil of the Bureau education system” (Szasz, 1977, p. 18) Change
came in the form of a report called Meriam and a man named Collier. Like all reform
movements the germination of the idea comes when a pendulum has finally swung as far
as it can. In 1928, a different type of study was completed. The data and results of this
study were actually used as a blueprint for reform.
As a result of the repeated demands for reform of federal policy, which surfaced
during the 1920s, Secretary of Interior Hubert Work, authorized the Brookings
Institution to conduct an investigation of the Indian service in 1926. This report was
named the Meriam Report after its primary author, Lewis Meriam. He was blunt in his
attack on previous practices of schooling Indian children.
In the Indian schools not even the most elementary use has as yet been
made of either intelligence testing or objective tests of achievement in the
types of knowledge and skills that are usually referred to as the ‘regular
school subjects.’ (Meriam et al, 1928, p. 253)
25
The study revealed that there were no high schools on any of the reservations and
the curriculum in most reservation schools was “limited to the first three grades”
(Meriam et al, 1928, p. 253). There were roughly 65,000 Indian students in school but an
estimated 25,000 were still not attending school. The report noted that the problem was
most acute in the Southwest, particularly among the Navajos. In order to accommodate
too many students in too little space, Commissioner of Indian Affairs Charles Burke
ordered that all children of “one-fourth or more Indian blood…were to be enrolled in
local public … children whose parents refused to send them to school wee to be forcibly
enrolled in whatever government schools the commissioner of Indian affairs should
designate” (Kelly, 1979, p. 254).
It was against this backdrop that reform took root. While the Meriam Report was
issued in 1928, it took awhile for its recommendations come to fruition. The report
emphasized the mismanagement of Indian programs (Philp, 1979). The lack of money to
deal successfully with Indian problems has been one constant throughout history. At the
same time the Meriam Report validated the beliefs of many that there was more than one
method to deal with Indian education. It also showed that even 80 years ago, and with
the support of the President, Indian programs were under funded and that the reason for
failure was not only bad policy but poor implementation of policy.
With the election of Franklin D. Roosevelt, a New Deal was offered Indians.
John Collier, a vocal critic of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, was appointed Commissioner
of Indian Affairs. Armed with the Meriam Report as a foundation and an administration
in support of change, a different policy took shape in dealing with Indian issues. John
26
Collier would lead reform efforts that proved to be slow to implement; they did not take
full effect until 1933:
In the area of education, Collier followed the recommendations of the
Meriam Report and ordered the closing of numerous boarding schools. He
then secured Public Works Administration funds to provide for the
construction of day schools that served also as community centers. There
Indian children studied a ‘progressive education’…. Collier… also raised
the professional standards of Indian service teachers by organizing
summer school classes for instructors that stressed the virtues of cross-
cultural education. In addition, they implemented one of the country’s
first bilingual programs to improve Indian literacy.” (Philp, 1979, p. 276)
It was during this period that the present day administration building was constructed at
Rough Rock as a day school. Built from stone, the school reflected the new
Figure 6. The dormitory of the original Rough Rock School built in the early 1930s as a
result of the Meriam Report.
27
policy of constructing local schools that reflected local needs. The stone structure
included classrooms, small rooms as a dorm and kitchen. For students that once were
shipped more than 100 miles away, this was a major improvement. Though the building
of community day schools seemed to be a positive shift for Indian education, it
negatively impacted the community. The shift in educational program produced another
contradictory period for Navajos: On the one hand they were happy that their children
were being treated better and were closer to home, but on the other hand the person who
made this change for the better was simultaneously destroying their livestock and
livelihood through the policy called “stock reduction.” There were two devastating
periods in contemporary Navajo history: The Long Walk and Stock Reduction. In an
effort to alleviate what was perceived as overgrazing and in this case, make room for
building community schools, Navajo livestock were systematically destroyed. For
Navajos, livestock, and especially sheep hold a special importance in their daily lives
Navajos viewed this assault as a war by proxy. Their livestock were the direct
casualties but the Navajo way of life was ultimately the victim. (Roessel, 1974) To this
day, there are Navajos who cringe when the name Collier is mentioned because it is a
reminder of the federal government attacking Navajos.
Collier had battled BIA bureaucracy and his critics for 12 years with some
success. But by 1945 Collier had enough and resigned (Philp, 1979). He was tired of
fighting the Bureau of Indian Affairs to implement more reforms. Unfortunately, after
his departure a conservative reaction set in and the federal government sought to
terminate Indian reservations and finalize the cultural assimilation of Indians. A
relocation program was created that sent Indians to cities in search of jobs. Ill prepared to
28
move seamlessly between two worlds, the relocation efforts did not prove to be
beneficial. Some Indians stayed in their new lives, others came home and many more
became lost between two worlds. What this period meant for education was that the
progressive advances made a decade earlier were now blamed for problems facing
Indians.
Termination Period
While other tribes perceived the reforms instituted by Collier positively, for the
Navajo it was a different story. The organization and delivery of Indian education came
under scrutiny once again in 1948. The Hoover Commission examined the
reorganization of the executive branch and within this report were words returning policy
to the pre-Collier days: “assimilation must be the dominant goal of public policy”
towards Indians. The pendulum had swung again.
The Community day school, stressed by Collier as a means to keep
education closer to home, was replaced with an emphasis towards off-
reservation boarding schools…. Education on the Navajo Reservation was
the weapon used by non-Navajos to teach Navajo young people to
become Anglos—to reject their own heritage and culture and accept the
identity and culture of the dominant society. …For more than a decade
following the end of World War II cultural genocide was the deliberate, if
not stated, objective of most schools teaching Navajo students. (Roessel,
1979, p. 16)
29
Towards the end of the 1940s many tribes were “terminated” and federal
trusteeship was withdrawn. While begun prior to the Hoover Commission, the report
issued by the commission clearly stated its goal. In Francis Prucha’s book, The Great
Father, he explains the outcome of the Hoover Commission:
The basis for historic Indian culture has been swept away, it said.
Traditional tribal organization was smashed a generation ago. Americans
of Indian descent who are still thought of as ‘Indian’ are a handful of
people, not three-tenths of one percent of the total population.’
Assimilation cannot be prevented. The only questions are: What kind of
assimilation, and how fast? … It recommended complete integration of
the Indians in to the mass of the population as taxpaying citizens, and
until that could occur it wanted the social programs of Indians to be
transferred to the state governments, thus diminishing the activities of the
Bureau of Indian Affairs. Tribal governments, it thought, should be
regarded as a stage in the transition from federal tutelage to full
participation in state and local government (1984, p. 344).
Education was changed again to a renewed focus on boarding schools resulting
in closures of many community day schools. In addition, incentives to accelerate
movement to transfer students of federal Indian schools to public schools was made
possible by using the Johnson O’Malley (JOM) funds (Ourada, 1979). Passed in 1934,
the Johnson O’Malley Act “established the legality of state contracts by authorizing the
Secretary of the Interior to enter into contracts with any state…” (DeJong, 1993, p. 180).
30
By the mid 1950s, public school enrollment soared. According to DeJong (1993), despite
the numerous shortcomings of the JOM program, Indian enrollment in public schools
continued to grow in the post-war years. “By 1953 there were 51,000 Indian children in
public schools, 31,000 of them in schools that received JOM funds” (DeJong, 1993, p.
189).
The reticence to put children in school, public or BIA, had profound impacts on
the education of Indian children. This specifically affected children on the Navajo
Reservation. In the early 1950s there were nearly 20,000 Indian children not in school of
that number 14,000 were Navajo (Ourada, 1979). To address this problem, the Navajo
Emergency Education Program was developed. Within a short period, 8,000 Navajo
students were being taught in trailer classrooms and schools throughout the reservation
(Ourada, 1979). In addition, an army hospital in Utah was converted into a school and
became known as Intermountain; it served older Navajo students and those who were
trained in vocational fields.
During the termination period many dormitories were built in reservation border
towns to allow Indian students to live in dorms but attend public schools. An
arrangement was made with these schools that paid them based on the number of Indian
students. Money for educating Indian students was thus funneled out of the reservation
and into public schools. “Termination, relocation, and the transfer of responsibility from
the federal government to the states threatened Indian society with extinction” (Ourada,
1979, p. 301).
The policy of termination affected two distinct areas: Land and tribal recognition.
Tribes that were terminated had their reservations sold off to the highest bidder.
31
“Termination affected at least 1.3 million acres and 11,000 people, diminishing Indian
trust land by 2.5 percent and cutting off federal services for 3 percent of all federally
recognized Indians” (Wilkinson, 2005, p. 81). It was not a pretty picture for the
terminated tribes. “Every terminated tribe floundered. Members of the smaller tribes and
the mixed-blood Ute got a few hundred dollars apiece for their sold-off land and
migrated to the cities or lived in shantytowns near their former reservations” (Wilkinson,
2005, p. 81).
Neglect was one way to terminate a responsibility and the federal government
used this tactic in addressing Indian education. But, once again Congress and the Bureau
of Indian Affairs overplayed their hand.
[A]n intriguing irony emerges from the turbulence of termination. Senator
Watkins repeatedly exhorted Indians to get up on their own two feet, to
walk on their own. Termination proved the wrong recipe for that. Still, the
fear of termination had the effect of mobilizing American Indians, though
not in a fashion Senator Watkins would have intended. For as the shock
waves of termination rolled through Indian country, Indian people
realized that something had to be done and that they could cont up on
nobody save themselves. That realization became a major impetus for the
gathering of the modern tribal sovereignty movement. (Wilkinson, 2005,
p. 86)
Rather than terminate all Indian tribes and reservations, the policy resulted in the
largest pendulum swing of all. In a matter of years, a policy of termination was replaced
with a policy of self-determination. This new policy found the seeds of change in the
32
young administration of John Kennedy. His “new frontier” included a fresh beginning
for Indian people; their perspective was beginning to be validated. In the beginning, this
was not a new Indian policy but rather an economic policy that benefited Indian people.
Self-Determination
Education as the Indian knows it on the reservation can best be
characterized as the ‘either-or’ type. One is either an Indian or a white
man, and, the way we weigh things, the good is always the non-Indian
way and the bad is always the Indian. We teach Indian children nothing
about their past and nothing positive about themselves. We tell them their
hogans are dirty, and that they are superstitious and primitive. We are to
impose our values and to teach them they should eat green, leafy
vegetables and sleep on a bed and brush their teeth.
The Indian child listens and looks at himself and sees that he does not
measure up. In his own eyes he is a failure. We have educated him but
have destroyed his soul in the process. Education can be a shattering
experience when one is taught nothing but negative things about himself
for 12 years. (Roessel, 1967, p. 205)
The days of using education to destroy the Indian way of life and community
were beginning to fade. Many of the programs begun under Kennedy’s administration
were continued by Lyndon Johnson after the assassination and applied to the
reservations. The most important contribution was not a specific program but a way of
thought that was called “The Great Society” and meant to be inclusive of all Americans.
33
It was Lyndon Johnson’s 1965 state of the union speech that announced the “War on
Poverty.”
This Act provides five basic opportunities. It will give almost half a
million underprivileged young Americans the opportunity to develop
skills, continue education, and find useful work. It will give every
American community the opportunity to develop a comprehensive plan to
fight its own poverty-and help them to carry out their plans. It will give
dedicated Americans the opportunity to enlist as volunteers in the war
against poverty. It will give many workers and farmers the opportunity to
break through particular barriers which bar their escape from poverty. It
will give the entire nation the opportunity for a concerted attack on
poverty through the establishment, tinder my direction, of the Office of
Economic Opportunity, a national headquarters for the war against
poverty. (Johnson,1965, pp. 375-380.)
Opportunities on the reservation included health, housing and education. As a
result of his Economic Opportunity Act, the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) was
created. The office promoted direct contact with Indian tribes. The Bureau of Indian
Affairs had been the primary contact for Indian people for nearly two centuries. It had
become a hide-bound bureaucracy encrusted with anti-Indian sentiment. OEO helped
upend the power monopoly of the huge BIA bureaucracy. Rough Rock Demonstration
School was created and funded by the OEO in 1966 and as such, its early years were
very closely tied to the goals of the “War on Poverty.” A new torch was lighting the way
towards having Indian people solve their own problems.
34
This spotlight on Indian issues was made brighter by Sen. Robert F. Kennedy’s
interest. As chairman of the Indian senate committee he focused the full authority of his
name to address problems in Indian education. The report, officially called Indian
Education: A National Tragedy, A National Challenge, was published not at the
beginning of this new era but in the middle. Its publication created more momentum to
implement additional new programs and ideas in dealing with solving the problems of
Indian education
The Kennedy Report, as it became known, was not published until 1969, after
Robert Kennedy’s assassination. His brother Edward, still the senior senator from
Massachusetts, took over as chairman of the Indian committee and made sure the report
was published. It defined a major problem: “(the) dominant policy of the federal
government towards the American Indian has been one of coercive assimilation,’ and
this policy ‘has had disastrous effect on the education of Indian children’” (Kennedy,
1969). This period would become known as the self-determination period.
Self-determination did not become a reality until President Richard Nixon
declared to Congress in 1970:
The story of the Indian in America is something more than the record of
the white man’s frequent aggression, broken agreements, intermittent
remorse and prolonged failure. It is a record also of endurance, and
survival, of adaptation and creativity in the face of overwhelming
obstacles. It is a record of enormous contributions to this country – to its
art and culture, to its strength and spirit, to its sense of history and its
sense of purpose.
35
It is long past time that the Indian policies of the Federal government
began to recognize and build upon the capacities and insights of the
Indian people. Both as a matter of justice and as a matter of enlightened
social policy, we must begin to act on the basis of what the Indians
themselves have long been telling us. The time has come to break
decisively with the past and to create the conditions for a new era in
which the Indian future is determined by Indian acts and Indian decisions.
(Nixon, 1971, p. 565)
An initial step toward full decision making for Indians by Indians was the
passage of the Indian Education Act of 1972 (P.L. 92-318 as amended). Building on the
momentum of the Kennedy report, the Act identified four priorities: additional funding
for culturally based curriculum; an initiative to increase the number of teachers in the
field; development of language and culture programs; improving parental involvement
(Demmert & Towner, 2003). It would be three years before the Indian Self-
Determination Act would be come law but Indian tribes all across the country were
beginning to practice it.
It seemed only right that education would lead the way to a new future. The
education of Indian children had created so much heartache throughout history and now,
through the efforts of Indian mothers and fathers, grandmothers and grandfathers,
education was allowing children to remain Indian. The pendulum had finally swung
towards survival through cultural identity.
An early attempt at developing a school for Indians run by Indians was the
Lukachukai School Project. Lukachukai, founded in 1965, attempted to demonstrate the
36
ability of the Navajo to operate and direct their own school regardless of the level of
education. However, the Bureau of Indian Affairs held tight control over everything
inside the school compound while the Director of the Office Economic Opportunity
provided money and was in charge of everything outside the compound. (Roessel, 1968,
Iverson, 2000)
The Lukachukai project failed due primarily to the divisiveness between the two
decision-making entities. Moreover, having to negotiate acceptance and permission
between two governmental agencies, the BIA and OEO, while trying to establish local
control, was a contradiction in itself (interview with Robert A. Roessel, October 2005).
Though deemed a failure, the Office of Economic Opportunity indicated that OEO would
support one further effort to demonstrate Indian control over Indian education: this
became the Rough Rock Demonstration School.
Rough Rock
Rough Rock Demonstration School (the name changed in 1984 to the Rough
Rock Community School) was created in 1966 as the first truly Indian controlled
community school in the country. Its basic mission was to “correct a hundred years of
Native American mis-education” (Collier, 1988, p. 253). In a speech given at the Eighth
Annual Indian Education Conference at Arizona State University in March of 1967, Dr.
Robert A. Roessel, the founder of the school, noted elements that made Rough Rock
unique. The first of the two features distinguishing the Rough Rock School is local
control; the second is cultural identification. Education is the way a culture perpetuates
itself (Roessel, 1979); now Navajos and Indians were using education as a way to
37
express identity for today and for tomorrow. As a “demonstration school,” Rough Rock
guaranteed the right and ability to teach Navajo history, language and culture. Rough
Rock had the opportunity to “demonstrate” that it was possible to include these subjects
in the curriculum.
The other factor distinguishing Rough Rock from earlier attempts was the locus
of control. As a demonstration school, Rough Rock used existing BIA facilities, and
some BIA money, with the freedom of the new OEO mission local empowerment and
community development. As evidenced by the demise of the Lukachukai project, the
Bureau of Indian Affairs was very controlling. Believing that control was a key factor in
determining success or failure, particularly in the area of financial autonomy, Rough
Rock administrators fought for the ability to make decisions without having to always
seek BIA permission. They won.
In sum, then, two major innovations were demonstrated at Rough Rock. First,
was Navajo control over Navajo education (McCarty, 2002; Reyhner, 2004). Second,
was adding elements of Navajo culture and language to the required school curriculum
(McCarty, 2002; Roessel 1968). Such a unique combination attracted vast attention
resulting in visits by over 50 different tribes during the first year alone (Roessel, 1968;
Szasz, 1977).
Mission and Philosophy
The mission of our school is to focus on the Dine’ fundamental beliefs of
knowledge, planning, harmony, and hope: We will walk in beauty.
38
Teaching the best of both worlds did not mean lessening the time spent on regular
subjects such as math, science, social studies, language arts, etc. Navajo culture, history
and language were values added (Johnson 1967; Roessel, 2004; Roessel, 1968). The
approach used was “both and” rather than the “either or.” The Rough Rock
Demonstration School had as its heart and foundation teaching Navajo students to be
proud of being Navajo.
Navajo Culture and Language
The thought behind the school inspired the title of McCarty’s (2002) book, A
Place to be Navajo. For the first time actual instruction took place in a Navajo school
teaching Navajo subjects. (Conklin 1977; Reyhner, 2004; Roessel, 1968, 1977, 1979).
Educators at Rough Rock understood that there were not enough Navajo history and
culture materials to be used in classrooms. They solved this by publishing their own
books. In 1974, Virginia Hoffman of the Rough Rock Curriculum Center Press published
a book entitled Navajo Biographies: Volume I. The school board wrote, “A Message to
Navajo Students,” clearly stating the intentions and dreams of the school board in
producing curriculum materials:
We hope you will study these things with open minds and hearts and learn
them well so that you will always remember these leaders and why they
became great men and women. If you will do this, you can learn from the
experiences of these men and women. This is why we must go to school
that we may learn our true identity by learning about our past, our world
around us, and the experiences of others before us. Learning these things
39
will keep our minds growing and progressing without losing sight of our
culture and who we are.
When we are young we often do not understand why it is important for us
to study and learn about our forefathers. But as we get older, we will be
able to relate the experiences we have to do the things we have learned.
Then if we have been diligent and taken advantage of every opportunity
to learn while we are young, our lives will run more smoothly and we will
walk in beauty. These teachings we learning our youth will then become
our teachings to passion to your children.
By learning the teachings of our people as we learn the way of life and
teachings of the Anglo our lives will not be hampered. We will be able to
compete in the changing world and still retain the security of our true
identity as a strong and happy people. (Hoffman, 1974, p. 7)
Evaluations of Effectiveness - Results of Research
Rough Rock was the focus of much attention. As a demonstration school,
extensive studies were conducted and research reports written to determine the
effectiveness of such an innovative program. The school was observed early on by a
variety of researchers with conflicting conclusions.
The school was evaluated in 1968 by two individuals who knew very little about
Navajo education (Erickson & Schwartz, 1969). The report was critical of Rough Rock
and its “alleged” accomplishments. In response to the critical evaluation, then head of the
school Dillon Platero wrote that Rough Rock was more than just a school, arguing that
40
its impact was larger: “Rough Rock’s very existence fosters the hope of inspiring other
tribal groups to attempt to realize greater control of their own destinies… (Platero, 1970,
p. 58).
The Navajo Tribe assembled a group of Navajo educators who also assessed the
early years of the school (Begay, Billison, Blatchford & Gatewood, 1969). This
evaluation was entirely positive and accused the Erickson and Schwartz Report of being
subject to “culture shock.”
In that same year, another evaluation of the early years at Rough Rock was
entitled: Problems of Cross-cultural Educational Research and Evaluation: The Rough
Rock Demonstration School (Bergman, Muskrat, Tax, Werner and Witherspoon, 1969).
This evaluation was also laudatory and positive.
Later, a study involving achievement scores, 1981-1982 Evaluation of the Rough
Rock Basic Skills Program Report on the Rough Rock Community School, was conducted
(Educational Evaluation Systems, 1982). The data demonstrated that achievement scores
in typical school subjects did not suffer as a result of adding Navajo studies to the
curriculum. Looking back at 40 years of education at Rough Rock, it now is apparent
that many of the innovative ideas implemented within the school have been demonstrated
by research as being effective. The effectiveness is visible in the fact that more than 80
Indian contract/grant schools modeled after Rough Rock can now be found throughout
the United States (Bureau of Indian Affairs, 2006).
That success was measured through traditional and nontraditional research
methodologies. McCarty (2002) wrote that, “schools have the potential to silence or give
voice to identities rooted and mediated in the local language and culture” (p.191).
41
Making education relevant, whether by content or by teaching methods, is paramount to
student success. According to Linda Skinner, “Native students tend to be confused by
curricular content and design that are not culturally relevant, authentic, or tribal specific,
and that harbor cultural bias and stereotypes” (1999, p. 120). Cajete (1999) adds, the
breakdown of teaching traditionally versus non-traditionally can best be seen as a view
of the two worlds in relation to science and teaching.
“[O]ne often finds that the opportunities to learn about or practice the
skills necessary for Western science are not present within the student’s
home. ….However, this does not necessarily mean that students have not
acquired skills in applying cultural knowledge to their natural
environment. On the contrary, many Native
American students from traditional backgrounds have gained relatively
rich experiences through a variety of cultural and practical encounters
with the natural environment. But the sources of knowledge of nature and
the explanations of natural phenomena within a traditional Navajo
American context are often at odds with what is learned in “school
science,” and proposed by Western scientific philosophy. Herein lies a
very real conflict between two distinctly different worldviews: the
mutualistic/holistic-oriented worldview of Native American cultures and
the rationalistic/dualistic worldview of Western science that divides,
analyzes and objectives. (Cajete, 1999, p. 146)
Bringing both worlds into a curriculum is a challenge for most schools. Yet,
research has also demonstrated that school culture and philosophy is important in the
42
success of educating Indian children in tribal schools (Barnhardt, 1994). A philosophy
that respects a community’s history and values will be more effective. In 1992,
McLaughlin found that by including a language program the community was more likely
to become involved in their child’s education. (McLaughlin, 1992)
The Visual and Navajo world
For the Navajo, the use of the visual in teaching can be traced to the very
beginning of the “Dine”, the People. Whether it is the learning of rug weaving or a
Navajo prayer, Navajos have long utilized the image to facilitate learning. For example,
when a young girl first learns to weave, she does so not by being told, “This is how you
weave.” She sits next to her mother or grandmother and begins to assist her with small
tasks at first and then more complicated responsibilities. Designs are not sketched before
a rug begins but rather experience is taught through visual stimulation and mentoring.
Before long the young girl has her own small loom sitting next to her mom’s; she is
learning by seeing and doing.
The Navajo Nation is the largest reservation and tribe in the country. With a
population of nearly 300,000 (U.S. Census 2000), and a reservation roughly the size of
West Virginia, the reservation spans parts of Arizona, New Mexico and Utah. The wide
variety of landscape is reflected in the art and visual world of the Navajo.
Regional styles in weaving have developed over the years and places have
become synonymous with rug designs. Near the Four Corners area, in the small
community of Teec Nos Pos, Arizona the Navajo world is reflected in intricate and
geometrical style rugs with heavy border designs. Also in Arizona, south toward Ganado,
43
the rugs reflects the red sandstone formations and red dirt. Travel a few miles more south
to Wide Ruins and the landscape changes from red dirt to soft pastel, and rugs are
colored by soft vegetable dyes. East in New Mexico, striking black, white and gray rugs
are found in Two Grey Hills. The visual information is encoded in the weaving for these
communities, and rugs are recognized as coming from these communities based on
colors and designs. The point of this story is to emphasize the traditional approach to
teaching that can be seen in the Navajos’ approach to visual literacy.
Figure 7. From left to right, a Ganado Red, Teec Nos Pos and Wide Ruins rug show the
complex designs associated with location within the 25,000 square mile reservation.
Visual literacy and Navajo teaching methods are similarly the foundation and
backbone of this dissertation. Visual literacy, according to Messaris, “appears to rest on
exceptional experience or on explicit training.” He continues that “this kind of visual
literacy does not come naturally to most people” (Messaris, 1996, p. 164). In the next
section I will explore the use of visual ethnographic methods in studying the Rough
Rock Community School.
CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
Introduction
Rough Rock Demonstration School (RRDS) was developed in 1966 in response
to a loss of culture, heritage, and language and a general dissatisfaction in the education
of Navajo children in the Bureau of Indian Affairs school setting. Rough Rock
Community School (RRCS), (then RRDS), was designed with a specific mission, “to
combine the best of the Navajo world with the best of western education” (Roessel,
1968). More than 40 years later, this is still used as the mission statement. The purpose
of my dissertation research was to literally explore what Navajo education “looks like” at
Rough Rock Community School and if what was visible aligned with the stated mission
of the school. Documents including photographs taken by students attending Rough
Rock, interviews and photo elicitation data from student photographers and adults who
have observed or worked at Rough Rock and documentary photos, and written data from
the archives of Rough Rock were used in this research. This chapter is divided into the
following sections: (1) Research Design, (2) Description of the Sample, (3) Sources of
Data, (4) Data Analysis Procedures, (5) Trustworthiness, and (6) Summary.
Research Design
Ethnography, as defined by John D. Brewer, is a “style of research rather than a
single method and uses a variety of techniques to collect data” (2004, p. 313). The
research methodology used in this study is visual ethnography. Sometimes called visual
anthropology or visual sociology, it has been defined as, “the production and analysis of
45
still photos, the study of art and material culture, and the investigation of gesture, facial
expression and spatial aspects of behaviour and interaction” (Jacknis, 1994, p.33).
Visual ethnography is a form of ethnographic case study wherein visual materials are
utilized as a major source of data. While drawings or diagrams constitute visual data, in
this study I used photographs. Some of the photographs were made by students; I made
some; others had been produced for other reasons and were found in archives.
Photographs are polysemic. That is to say they can exhibit a variety of meanings
depending on the perspective and intentions of the viewer. Nick Peim argued:
It is clear that accounting for the meaning of images also means
accounting for ourselves, our own subjectivities. Often the engagement
with the visual involves a visceral element (as Roland Barthes’s account
of the ‘punctum’ suggests) forcing our engagement to be dislocated from
the strictly conventional (Peim, 2005, p. 23).
The use of images to draw out the perspectives of current students as well as
persons with past experiences with Rough Rock was based on photo elicitation (Harper,
2002). This technique, first suggested by John Collier Jr., (Collier & Collier 1986),
allowed for the development of a rich narrative of education at Rough Rock. Photo
elicitation, especially with school children, has been found to be a much better technique
for eliciting rich information than standard structured or unstructured interviews (Shohel
& Andrew, 2007).
Photographs, archival and created as part of this study, were used to investigate
the research question(s). Collier (1986) described visual anthropology thusly, “research
with photography is a journey that begins in the field, continues into the laboratory
46
analysis, and ends with conclusions and the communications of those summations” (p.
167).
In this study, photography was one of the researcher's tools and visual
ethnography the blueprint. As has been mentioned earlier, during the study I was
simultaneously graduate student, researcher, and the executive director of Rough Rock. I
was involved with the day-to-day operations of the school. I have also been a
professional photographer and I am intimately familiar with both technique and the art
and symbolism of photographic images. Thus, this is an example of practitioner research
as well as participant observation: “The goal of ethnographic research is to formulate a
pattern of analysis that makes reasonable sense out of human actions within the given
context of a specific time and place” (Fife, 2005, p. 1). DeWalt and DeWalt (2002)
described participant observation as a "…method in which a researcher takes part in the
daily activities, rituals, interactions, and events of a group of people as one of the means
of learning the explicit and tacit aspects of their life routines and their culture" (2002, p.
1). Participant observation thus requires a particular personalized approach to collecting
data (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2002).
Zepnuk (2003) offered several additional characteristic of ethnographies that
guided my research. The participant observation role was used to ensure that observations
were “studied in everyday contexts, rather than under experimental conditions created by
the researcher” (Zepnuk, 2003, p. 4). Participant observation was used to submerse
myself in the data. As part of the community, I was both researcher and a full participant.
The ability to gain access to a subject was paramount to my success. In constructing a
visual ethnographic narrative I was familiar with the setting and the people, as Philips
47
(1972, 1975) found necessary when she studied the relationship between culture and
school at the Warm Springs reservation.
Ethnographic case study, according to Merriam (1988), “is more than an
intensive, holistic description and analysis or a social unit or phenomenon….Concern for
the cultural context is what sets this type of study apart…” (p. 23). Rough Rock is unique
in its approach to education, and therefore, attempting to investigate this organization and
its fulfillment of mission required additional forms of data collection. Seeking the
perspective of students and utilizing photography facilitated the interview process and
established a visual representation of education at Rough Rock. As noted above,
photographs, by themselves, do not have a voice; the voice is brought to life in the verbal
explanations of the photograph and the hidden details and meanings that emerge during a
photo elicitation process (Cappello, 2001; Sontag 1977). Using photographs in this way
has also been defined by Harper (1987) as the “reflexive” method of visual ethnography.
Multiple sources of data were gathered and observations occurred in the context
of the setting. As the chief administrator of the school, I had a unique opportunity to
witness events and also photograph and interview subjects. This situation was unique in
that not only was I an observer, and hence likely to alter the situation at least
inadvertently but, as an insider it was unavoidable that my presence altered the
environment more profoundly. I had to tread a complicated path of both insider and
outsider. While I participated and observed from the vantage point of an insider, I was
simultaneously an outsider when viewed by other staff and even students. But, “hanging
out” and “actively participating in a wide range of daily, routine, and extraordinary
48
activities with people who are full participants in that context” helped achieve greater
insight (Dewalt & Dewalt, 2002, p. 4).
Zepnuk (2003) focused on the need for data sources to be varied and inclusive of
“observation and/or relatively informal conversations” (p. 4). Zepnuk also addressed fact
that the data collection process is not grounded in pre-determined ideas or conclusions
prior to the onset of the research. Themes emerged through the variety of data sources as
frequency of thoughts or ideas surfaced. Data collection was therefore:
unstructured in the sense that it does not involve following through a
detailed plan set up at the beginning; nor are the categories used for
interpreting what people say and do pre-given or fixed. This does not
mean that the research is unsystematic; simply that initially the data are
collected in as raw a form, and on as wide a front, as feasible (Zepnuk,
2003, p. 4).
Additionally, Zepnuk’s criteria emphasized the interpretation of data and the derivation
of meaning: “The analysis of the data involves interpretation of the meanings and
functions of human actions and mainly takes the form of verbal descriptions and
explanations, with quantification and statistical analysis playing a subordinate role at
most” (Zepnuk 2003, p. 4).
The research project was completed in different phases that often overlapped.
Collecting documentary data occurred throughout the entire timeline student participants
were selected, given digital cameras and the assignment to answer photographically the
question, “What does Navajo education look like at Rough Rock Community School?”
Each student took no more than 50 digital images. From a contact sheet, two images were
49
selected from each student. These two images were printed and used in the photo
elicitation process with the student photographer. (See Appendices D for all photographs
used in photo elicitation) Concurrently and additionally, I selected archival photographs
to use with the adult educators. The adult educators were presented with the student
photographs and archival images and asked to choose one from each to expound on
during the interview process. The words generated from pictures were transcribed and
coded for emerging themes that were organized to tell the story of Navajo education at
Rough Rock found in Chapter 4.
Visual ethnography was chosen because it allowed a variety of methods to collect
and analyze data. A primary benefit to this particular study was the voice that it gave to
students who attend Rough Rock and context for their story was provided by utilizing
education experts and archival photos. After the methodology was devised the next step
was the selection of the participants.
Description of the Sample
A derivative of case study methodology, visual ethnography lends itself to
purposive or criterion referenced sampling. Participants are selected based on a certain
set of characteristics that they bring to the research perspective. “Purposeful sampling is
based on the assumption that the investigator wants to discover, understand, and gain
insight and therefore must select a sample from which the most can be learned”
(Merriam, 1998, p. 61). In studying the “look” of education at Rough Rock, it was
imperative that students play a major a role in the investigation. Students were selected
from video and photography classes and clubs at the school. All student photographers
50
had a basic understanding of photography and were able to complete the assignment with
minimal direction. Originally, fifteen students were selected based on the criteria of
knowledge of photography, recommendations of teachers and willingness to participate
in the project. Of the 15 identified, ten students participated in the entire study. Four
students failed to return the camera stating it was lost and one student withdrew from
Rough Rock during the course of the research. The students photographed and were
interviewed from March 2006 to February 2007.
In addition to the student perspective, persons currently and formerly involved
with Rough Rock were selected and interviewed using both newly created and archival
images. The experts to be interviewed were chosen for their expertise and experience in
education in Indian country. The five educators were also chosen because of their past
association with Rough Rock and the mission of the school. The term “expert” is used
because the subjects selected have academic knowledge of education but also because
they have specific knowledge of Rough Rock. Here too photography was employed to
probe their knowledge, to help elicit memory and to provoke insight to their own
experience in “living” the mission of Rough Rock. As Stiles (2003) wrote, we are “using
visual forms, but emphasize the role of experts in analyzing these” (p. 128). The
following people were interviewed in February 2007:
Dr. Anita Pfeiffer – The first principal of Rough Rock Demonstration School
when it started in 1966. She went on to become the Navajo Nation’s executive
director of education and is currently professor emeritus of education at the
University of New Mexico.
51
Gloria Grant – Director of education for three years beginning in 2000. She is
currently a principal at the Chinle Junior High School. She began the
implementation of integrating Navajo Studies into the Arizona state standards.
Ruth Roessel – An administrator during the early years of Rough Rock. Along
with her husband Robert Roessel, she helped found the Rough Rock Community
School. She is currently the Director of Navajo Studies at Rough Rock.
Dr. Mark Sorenson – RRCS elementary principal during the 1980s, he went on to
start his own charter school. He is currently the executive director of the Native
American Grant School Association.
Benjamin Bennett – Currently the registrar of Rough Rock Community School.
He has been employed since the doors of the school opened and has a unique
perspective to have been present in the beginning and also today.
Purposeful sampling was used to select individuals to participate in this study. An
historical perspective was needed to provide context to the study and provide a
comparison of the changes to the mission of the Rough Rock Community School. While
the participants were important sources of data they were not the only sources.
Additional Sources of Data
Multiple sources of data were used for this study. Yin outlined six sources of data that are
typically used as evidence in case studies: “documents, archival records, interviews,
direct observation, participant-observation, and physical artifacts” (1984, p. 78). In
addition, Yin maintained that, “multiple sources of evidence- that is, evidence from two
or more sources, but converging on the same facts or findings” was an important
52
principle in ensuring the quality of the case study (p. 78). Multiple data sources also
facilitate the search for disconfirming evidence and help assure that our theories and
conclusions are not simply self-confirming prophesy. While not couching my work as
post positivist research, Philips and Burbules provided an important caution for all kinds
of social research:
It is always possible, out of the masses of material available; to select
some items that apparently support a given interpretation, and thus the fact
that the account is apparently supported by some evidence does not count
for much.... What serves as more genuine support is that no evidence can
be found to disprove the account that is being given; it is up to the person
giving the interpretation to convince the rest of us that such negative
evidence has been sought vigorously. (2000, p. 80)
The following secondary data were used to interrogate findings from the primary source
observations, photographs, interviews, and photo-elicitation processes:
Documentary sources included articles, books, and research on Indian education
and Rough Rock,
federal legislation relating to Indian education, and
publications and artifacts from RRDS. The documentary sources were used to
create a description of the past and current characteristics of Rough Rock and to
provide background about Rough Rock and Navajo education.
Additionally, some of the interviewees were identified from the documentary sources and
the information in conjunction with interview data helped formulate the narrative of
Rough Rock.
53
Figure 8. Student photographer on assignment answering the research question with
photographs.
Photographic images were a primary source of data. Photography has long been
used in the ethnographic process. It is at once a form of data but also an expression of
thought. Mitchell and Weber explain that photography can be both a method, as a prompt
to memory, and as a phenomenon (1998). Photographs generated by current students of
Rough Rock were used to try to discover their perception of Navajo education and what it
looks like to them. Fifteen students within grades 7-12 were given cameras to photograph
the question: “What does Navajo education look like in and out of the classroom, at
Rough Rock?” They used digital cameras and each was asked to take 50 photographs.
From this group, the researcher selected 2 images (one from within the school and one
from outside), which were used during the photo-elicitation interview process.
54
Nearly 1000 photographs that had been taken over the forty-year history of the
school were examined for use in this study. While there were hundreds of photographs
that were taken by students and hundreds of archival photographs to choose from, I
selected images that were aesthetically pleasing and contributed to a complete and
contextually rich answer to the assignment question. In total, approximately 50 images
were selected for the photo-elicitation portion of this study. Though the researcher had to
limit the field, any of the images could have been used in this process. Gillham (2000)
cautioned against disregarding information and data that doesn’t seem to “fit” with the
researcher’s ideas.
As you proceed you acquire a lot of information and you develop
provisional explanations. But are there data that don’t fit these ‘theories’
that you are developing? Looking for negative, i.e. opposite or
contradictory, evidence, or evidence that qualifies or complicates your
emerging understanding, is basis to research integrity. The temptation is to
close your mind, to think that you’ve ‘got it.’ Gillham, 2000, p. 29)
Because the assignment for the students was to take a picture of what Navajo
education at Rough Rock Community School means to them, all of the pictures had
relevance. The pictures selected were intended to present the participants with a
manageable number of images and promote in-depth discussion, not as a means to narrow
the scope of the research.
The visual interpretation of the mission of Rough Rock Community School could
also be explained as the image of Rough Rock Community School. While the mission
was initially verbal, in practice the application of that mission became visual as action
55
derived from it was taken [but see page 125 for a discussion of the visual representation
of the mission in the school emblem]. Rough Rock has a rich archival photo history.
Because of its uniqueness, photographers from all over the world have come to
document, for research and exploitation, a different kind of school. Rough Rock was
unique in that it sought to publicize the demonstration of the school and photography
became an important way to get the message out. Whether photographers came to
photograph stories for the media, such as a Black Star photographer; conduct independent
research such as John Collier, Jr.; document for the Bureau of Indian Affairs as Paul
Conklin did or provide a photo diary for the school as Rough Rock employees as Peggy
Swift and Rough Rock resident Fred Bia did, photography has been linked to Rough
Rock from the very beginning.
More than 31 years ago, John Collier, Jr. turned his camera on Rough Rock
classrooms to study Navajo education (Collier & Laatch, 1975). “Collier was not satisfied
with only describing what he saw in the classroom settings at Rough Rock, but he sought
to place those observations in the broader context of the cultural fit between the school
and community and the emotional well-being of the students” (M. Collier, forthcoming).
In addition, BIA photographer Paul Conklin extensively documented the Demonstration
School. Many of these photographs were donated to the school.
A third source of primary data was interviews with student photographers and five
educators with connections to Rough Rock. Photo elicitation was used to put words to
images both student created and archival. Photo-elicitation was selected as a strategy to
facilitate the interview process.
56
Photo-elicitation can be described as a single or sets of photographs
assembled by the researcher on the basis of prior analysis and selected
with the assumption that the chosen images will have some significance
for interviewees. The photographs are shown to individuals or groups with
the express aim of exploring participants’ values, beliefs, attitudes, and
meanings, and in order to trigger memories, or to explore group dynamics
of systems. (Prosser & Schwartz, 1998, p. 124)
In the past, the use of photography has been primarily “a matter of applying labels
– ‘man, ‘cart’, cloth’ - …. Clearly it is not merely a question of looking closely but a
question of bringing knowledge to bear upon the image” (Banks, 2001 p. 3). In this
research, the use of photographs constituted the basis for interpretation both visually and
orally. The photo elicitation process promoted a springboard for discussion. Photography,
as well as “possessing an aesthetic quality, pictures enable users to communicate rapidly
and universally, to record and summarize ideas, and influence the perceptions and
behavior of actors” (Stiles, 2004 p. 127). In addition, employing photographs within the
interviews connected the phenomenon that was photographed with the discussion, for
example with the account of why a student decided to take the photograph. In other
words, through the photo-elicitation process, events intersected with image to provide
context.
The students were interviewed using a semi-structured interview process where
“certain information is desired from all respondents” (Merriam, 1988, p. 74). The basic
question in relation to the two photographs I selected was, “how did the picture represent
education at Rough Rock?” Merriam maintained, “This format allows the researcher to
57
respond to the situation at hand, to the emerging worldview of the respondent, and to new
ideas on the topic” (1988, p. 74). The original goal of the interview remained constant for
all student interviewees; however, no two interviews were the same as the researcher
allowed the participant’s responses to drive the focus of the interview.
In all, 40 images were used for photo elicitation with the five adult educators.
Upon being handed a portfolio with 20 student images and 20 archival photographs, the
interviewees were asked to select an image and comment on it. While given no direction
as to how many to select, the educators responded while looking at the pictures. Although
there were no specific limits as to the number of images commented on, no educator
selected more than five. Once again, the semi-structured interview questions served as a
guideline and I adjusted the pacing and direction of the interview based on participant
responses to explore additional areas.
A final area of data collection took the form of a photo essay completed by me
wherein I attempted to answer photographically the same question as the student
photographers. What does education look like at Rough Rock Community School?
Grounded in the data, both photographs and interviews, I focused my camera on
emerging themes to give my own pictorial representation. Unlike the students, I, as a
former editorial photographer, answered this question through a photo essay. A photo
essay is a group of pictures on a subject that in its totality tells a story of a specific topic.
This story was told by combining photographs taken in response to the study and archival
images made during the time the author has been the chief administrator of the school.
The driving idea was to select photographs – newly made or archival – that reflected the
themes that were developed by the students and the educators.
58
The study sought to use student-generated photographs, archival photographs and
interviews from students and education experts to answer the research question. In
concluding this study I utilized my camera and analysis of the data to visually articulate
the findings. My photography was employed to illuminate themes and provide context to
the existing data.
In sum, the photographic data span the history of Rough Rock Community
School. These included professional photographers with a variety of projects and experts
who have worked at Rough Rock at one time or another during its 40 years. The visual
data offer multiple views of Rough Rock. By utilizing many sources of data, a fuller and
richer study of the school is created. The analysis of this data was aimed at giving a more
complete picture of Rough Rock.
Data Analysis Procedures
The photographic interpretation used throughout this research aimed at
developing a picture of Rough Rock and its alignment to the mission. The data were used
to draw connections and to create an understanding for the reader of education at the
school. The goals were hermeneutic and interpretative rather than simply descriptive:
“More ‘interpretive’ approaches explore feelings, emotions and values in order to
‘understand the subjective experience of individuals’ (Burrell & Morgan, 1979, p. 253).
While some researchers see image and identity as separate, Stiles (1993) viewed them as:
synonymous…. Image/identity is the entire process of expression and impression that
defines the organization to its stakeholders: the result of conscious, unconscious and
59
latent processes. Pictures, words and numbers are different forms in the expression of an
image. (p. 128)
The interpretation of data followed a grounded theory approach. Grounded theory
is a form of qualitative analysis in which: “theory … was derived from data,
systematically gathered and analyzed through the research process” (Strauss and Corbin
1998, p. 12). Strauss and Corbin described the process of grounded theory as follows:
A researcher does not begin a project with a preconceived theory in mind
(unless his or her purpose is to elaborate and extend existing theory).
Rather, the researcher begins with an area of study and allows the theory
to emerge from the data. Theory derived from data is more likely to
resemble the “reality” than is theory derived by putting together a series of
concepts based on experience or solely through speculation (how one
thinks things ought to work). Grounded theories, because they are drawn
from data, are likely to offer insight, enhance understanding, and provide a
meaningful guide to action. Analysis is the interplay between researchers
and data (1998, p. 12).
The research described in this dissertation actually follows the procedures of
grounded theory but the purpose is to “elaborate and extend existing research.” Thus the
researcher is not naïve but a deeply embedded participant, a second-generation school
administrator at Rough Rock. Moreover, there is an explicit theory: The data gathered
and interpreted from documentary sources, photographs and interviews were interpreted
to examine education at Rough Rock Community School and its alignment to its original
mission. Participants were interviewed and data analyzed for emerging themes. These
60
themes were categories composed of ideas that presented themselves during analysis. It
was always an open possibility that “alignment to its original mission” would be
confirmed or disconfirmed by the research.
Analysis began during the collection of data with the constant comparison
approach. “Categories and subcategories (or properties) are most commonly constructed
through the constant comparative method of data analysis… at the heart of this method is
the continuous comparison of incidents, respondents’ remarks, and so on, with each
other” (Merriam 1998, p. 179). I conducted the interviews and read the transcriptions of
the student and educator participants. As ideas and themes surfaced from connections and
frequency of responses, I developed the categories. The categories were assigned
numbers and the responses of the interviewees were organized based on the general
categories. This structure was used to organize the vast amounts of data and eventually to
offer clarification for the reader of the emerging themes. Once categories and
subcategories were established, all interview data were coded and organized within them.
The resulting data were used to create the picture of education at Rough Rock and how it
did or did not align with the mission of Rough Rock. Auerbach and Silverstein define the
resulting story as theoretical narrative wherein it “provides the bridge between the
researchers’ concerns and the participants’ subjective experience” by “weaving together
subjective experience and abstract concepts” which “brings together the two very
different worlds of researcher and participant” (2003, p. 40). The resulting rich narrative
will be presented in Chapter 4.
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Trustworthiness
There is ongoing debate regarding the use of terms such as triangulation,
reliability, validity and generalization. Bogdan (1998) asserted that the term triangulation
is vague and overused:
It has gotten so that it is difficult to find a qualitative dissertation were the
author does not evoke the word in an attempt to convince the reader that
his or her work is carefully done. Unfortunately the word is used in such
an imprecise way that it has become difficult to understand what is meant
by it. (Bogdan, 1998, p. 104)
Auerbach and Silverstein (2003) concurred regarding measures of reliability, validity and
generalization:
Qualitative methodology tries to exclude subjectivity, interpretation, and
context from scientific practice. It requires that the data analysis
procedures be “objective” and that theories be universally applicable. The
requirements of objectivity and universality are translated into statistical
concepts. Objectivity corresponds to the concepts of reliability and
validity, and universality corresponds to the statistical concept of
generalizability. (Auerbach & Silverstein, 2003, p. 77)
But, within the subjectivity of the researcher may lie an answer to trustworthiness.
By admitting into the research frame the subjective experiences of both
participants and investigator, ethnography may provide a depth of
understanding lacking in other approaches to investigation. Ignoring
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threats to credibility weakens the results of such research, whatever its
purpose may be. (LeCompte & Goetz, 1982, p. 31)
Auerbach and Silverstein (2003) argued that “qualitative research can be as
trustworthy as quantitative research” (p.82) and suggest determining whether the project
is justifiable in place of reliability and validity. In such an application, it is recognized
that the researcher and his interpretations are a part of the data analysis process.
We think it is justifiable, even inevitable, for a researcher to use his
subjectivity in analyzing and interpreting data. However, it is not
justifiable for him to impose his own subjectivity in an arbitrary manner,
that is, in a way that is not grounded in data. (Auerbach & Silverstein,
2003, p. 83)
In ensuring justifiability of research, Auerbach and Silverstein (2003) suggested
using the following criteria: transparency, communicability, and coherence. “Each of
these criteria involves making use of other people to check against the tendency to
impose one’s own subjective biases on the data analysis” (p.84). Transparency is defined
as making sure “…other researchers can know the steps by which you arrived at your
interpretation. It does not mean that other researchers need to agree with your
interpretation; only that they know how you arrived at it” (Auerbach & Silverstein 2003,
p. 84). The organization of data and the themes developed based on frequency of
response from the interview data as well as supported through documentary sources
ensured transparency of the analysis.
Auerbach and Silverstein (2003) defined communicability as, “your themes and
constructs can be understood by, and make sense to, other researchers, and to the research
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participants themselves” (p. 84). The themes generated were discussed and explained to
my advisor, Dr. Eric Margolis, and with the education experts selected for the study as a
means to ensure communicability. Clarifications were made where necessary.
The final criterion identified by Auerbach and Silverstein (2003) was coherence.
Coherence ensures that “your theoretical constructs must fit together and allow you to tell
a coherent story. This does not mean, “That the story you develop be the only possible
one, but rather that your story helps to organize the data” (p. 85). The data collected and
analyzed on Rough Rock Community School were used to develop the narrative. The
descriptive story was a culmination of a multitude of data sources.
In what follows, I will seek to combine transparency, communicability, and
coherence to create a comprehensive perspective of the “look” of Navajo education at
Rough Rock Community School.
CHAPTER IV
FINDINGS
Photographs were used throughout this study both as an avenue to document the
“look” of Navajo education at Rough Rock and as a means to elicit the perspectives of
interviewees. As participants viewed the images, their thoughts and reflections were
recorded for analysis. Six categories or themes emerged from the interview data: (1) Two
worlds, (2) change, (3) strength, (4) pride, (5) Navajo language, history and culture, and
(6) nature. The themes are discussed in the following pages.
Prior to presenting the information gathered in the interview and photo-elicitation
process, a brief introduction to the participants is presented here. For the purposes of
anonymity, the student participants have been assigned pseudonyms. Following the
vignettes, all interviewees will be referred to by their first names. While every Navajo
participant, student and educator, stated their clans before beginning the photo-elicitation
interview process, because pseudonyms are used for the students, it has been advised by
Rough Rock elders that the student descriptions do not include their clans. To do so
would be disrespectful; however, the Navajo educator clans are included. Of the
students, seven were self-identified as Navajo speaking, one was a partial Navajo speaker
and two did not speak Navajo at all. In addition, seven were residential and three were
day students.
Student Photographers
Seventeen-year-old Jonathan Black sits at his desk working on his latest science
project. For the past year he has been studying and working on a soil conservation
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project. His parents taught Jonathan the importance of education. Every day he travels
the 15 miles from his home in Many Farms to Rough Rock. “The bus is bumpy and you
can’t read or else I get car sick or is it bus sick.” Jonathan is a senior with hopes of
becoming a scientist. His philosophy is simple and reflects his goal in life: “It’s not just
pure science that creates harmony.” It is a philosophy that he learned at home and is
reinforced at school. “Kind of blends my Christianity and [Navajo] culture. In
Christianity it is just one idea of a god, but … I like …the thought of multiple – Talking
God, Changing Woman, Dawn Boy – I hear some students joking with people, ‘you are
Changing Woman’. It doesn’t sound corny but if someone said you are Jesus – that
sounds weird.”
Derek Jones leans back in his chair and looks out the window. A motorcycle rides
by and he laughs. “What is that doing here? Doesn’t he know it’s the rez?” The same
could be said of Derek. Dressed in a leather jacket that engulfs him and black leather
motorcycle boots that seem two sizes two big, he talks about his favorite class –
computer technology. “Man, I could just sit there and surf all day. It brings me to another
world – one where I fit in,” he says quietly. Again, he glances out the window. The
motorcycle returns from the Rough Rock Trading Post. “That should be me. I got the
clothes. I got the desire. I just need the opportunity.”
Karen Hall is a storyteller. Whether by words or by action she believes that she
has a responsibility to enlighten, entertain and educate. It is a view that was taught by her
parents and reinforced by her entire extended family. As a junior, she traveled to
Scotland to share the stories of “Strong Native Women,” a play that she co-wrote with
her fellow actors and students. “When I graduate I want to go to college and maybe
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become a journalist.” She can be seen jumping in and helping in class or at the dorm.
“When I go home my mom asks “how did you get better at butchering sheep?” I tell her I
butchered at school. She just laughs. I was very shy and I can’t believe I do drama now.
Raymond Begay does not speak much but smiles a lot. He is casual with his
smile and gives it away as much as he can. His words, though, he shares less often. What
has the greater impact remains to be seen. Raymond’s parents speak very little English.
His father is a medicine man. He was raised traditional and continues to live that way. “I
grew up on a dirt floor but it was clean,” he says with a big smile. “Some people do not
understand how a dirt floor can be clean. They have so much to learn and I’m sorry that I
can’t teach them.” Raymond doesn’t know if he will go to college. “I kind of think of
following my dad’s profession. Dr. Begay (medicine man). I like the way that sounds.”
He smiles again. But I know he is serious. “I think of my classmates and how many of
them don’t know where to go for ceremonies or prayers. If I can help... well, that’s the
way I was taught.”
Deanna Goldtooth is passionate with her beliefs. As she talks she jumps from
topic to topic. “You know what I hate?” she asks. “I hate being predictable.” Deanna is
anything but. Wearing a denim jacket and Nike Jordan tennis shoes, she sits up straight
in her chair and adds, “I like the strong Navajo woman look. Like don’t mess with me.”
Deanna’s strength does not end with her words; she is equally vociferous about how
people look at her age group. It is something that she has obviously thought about
because she is constantly reassessing her words and changing them. Part of Deanna’s
passion is shown not by the words that are spoken but by the actions taken in her silence.
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If Tommy Begay had it his way, he would pave his road home. But, he wouldn’t
let anyone else drive on it not because he is selfish but rather because he doesn’t want to
spoil the scenery with tourists that he knows will surely come to see the “most beautiful
view on earth.” Tommy lives atop Black Mesa. His home is nestled within juniper trees
and surrounded by sagebrush. There is no running water but “we now have electricity.
We have arrived,” he jokingly exclaims. Tommy looks to the future with hope and his
wish that he will have an impact on it. “When I am done with my education, I will return
and share with my students what they are unable to appreciate. I was absorbed in my
own music, my own problems, my own world. I learned the hard way.”
To say Andi Betonie is proud is an understatement. To say she is quiet would be
misleading. When asked what Navajo education looks like she proudly stated, “It looks
like me.” There was no giggle afterwards, no averting eye contact but a simple statement
with a direct glare that reaffirmed what I heard. For Andi, there is no backing down.
When the weather permits, she can be found riding horses. “Who needs a saddle, they are
just for wimps,” she says. “You have to tell a horse what you want it do. If you don’t
they’ll run all over you. That’s how I treat people. I don’t want them running all over
me.” She glances away at her horse and then adds, “no one will run over me.” Andi
wants to go into medicine because she wants to help people. “We don’t have many
Navajo doctors and the one’s we have seem to have forgotten that before they were
doctors they were Navajos. I won’t ever forget I’m Navajo.”
Adam Nalwood is a good-natured seventh grader who aims to please. He is large
for his age and towers over most of his classmates. Sports are a big part of his life. You
can tell by the New England Patriots jersey that wears as he reads a book. Before the
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photo-elicitation process begins he is playing a Sony Play Station Portable (PSP) game.
He explains how cool it looks playing on his large screen TV. He puts the PSP down and
begins doing some homework. “I want to be a game engineer and make my own video
games when I grow up,” he said. But a month ago he said he wanted to be a lawyer and
the month before that a doctor. Adam’s love for his family is evident in almost every
statement. When asked what he likes to do in his spare time he responds, “Be with my
family – whatever they do.”
Sheila Hall’s sense of humor has an edge but in a nice way. She teases with the
ease of a comedian. Her friends gather around her as if she is feeding them. She is the
center of attention. She also is six inches taller than anyone else. “I grew up with people
always assuming things. My older sister was smart so teachers assumed I was. I was tall
so basketball coaches assumed I played basketball. I am and I don’t,” she says with a
laugh that one feels as well as hears. Sheila credits her parents with teaching her what’s
important. For her that means education and family. The constant for her is that she has
to be surrounded by laughter. “Teasing is a form of love and if you can’t stand love then
you will never be teased. Your loss,” she says with another full laugh.
Courtney Vicenti has seen more of a clash of cultures than most students. She
grew up outside of the four sacred mountains and her friends were not familiar with
Coyote stories or the Long Walk. “I grew up away from the reservation. I hung out with
Mexicans." It wasn't until recently that Courtney's parents decided enough was enough
and sent her home to learn about being Navajo. "Getting into trouble was cool," but
Courtney's parents wanted something different for their daughter. With dreams of being a
nurse, Courtney now looks back at her time away from the reservation as a way to
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cherish and understand what she was missing. There were times when she was young,
living in Las Cruces, New Mexico, that she would lay awake and wonder what her
cousins were doing on the rez. Now, she does not have to rely on her imagination
because "what I have learned about Navajo remains alive in me" and she lives being
Navajo everyday.
Educators
Ruth Roessel remembers when she first came to the Rough Rock community.
“My dad was coming to do a ceremony. I must have been 10 or so.” Now, more 60 years
later, she is director of Navajo Studies at Rough Rock Community School. It wasn’t an
easy road for Roessel to become a school administrator. “When I was in high school, my
counselor told me that all I could aspire to be was a waitress. I think of that when I see
these students today. I made it because of what my father had taught me. Be proud of
who you are – no matter what other people say.” Roessel’s dad taught her by telling her
stories. “The stories were Navajo creation stories or others dealing with culture and
history. He would spend time with me by explaining why things were. I learned that
these ancient ways helped me in modern times.” Ruth’s clans are Kinyaani born for
Ashiihii.
Gloria Grant has a unique sense of style. Always dressed in a way that honors her
culture and her role as a Navajo woman, she has spent a lifetime working to integrate
Navajo into the classroom. A former art teacher, Grant finds beauty where she looks.
“Being Navajo is a different vision. It is about coming together with nature and
respecting it but it is also about knowing your place in that nature.” Grant was the
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director of education at Rough Rock for three years. She is now principal of Chinle
Junior High School. Grant believes in the power of story. “We have these wonderful
stories of how our ancestors have prospered and overcome much adversity. We need to
show students, these young people, why their culture is so important. I am afraid that we
don’t’ do enough.” Gloria’s clans are Kinyaanii born for Comanche.
Anita Pfeiffer is a retired professor of the University of New Mexico. The first
principal and education director of Rough Rock Demonstration School, she went on to
become the executive director of the Division of Navajo Education for the Navajo
Nation. Along with her husband Cam, they were at Rough Rock for 6 years. Although
she has been away from Rough Rock for nearly 34 years, her connection is as strong as
ever. Her daughter Tamarah, is presently the principal at the Rough Rock High School.
Anita’s clans are Todichini born for Tsejikini.
Ben Bennett’s office is a testament to a different time. A typewriter sits on a table
next to his desk. On a file cabinet, still in a box, is a computer. On the walls are
photographs of students that were taken from the 1960s through 2000. Bennett has been
with the school since it opened in 1966. Ben Bennett was a doctoral student at Arizona
State University when Rough Rock Demonstration School was just a building sitting
empty. “I had completed my comps and I was not happy with the prospects of having to
complete a dissertation.” Rather than subject himself to a couple of years of research and
writing, he decided to take an offer for a new job and a new opportunity. “I was asked to
be a part of a new idea. Little did I know that I would spend most of my life at this
place.”
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Mark Sorenson was a principal at Rough Rock in the 1970s. He started his
teaching on the reservation at a public school. Concerned that he was not getting the real
experience of living and working on the reservation, he moved out of his teacher housing
and into a hogan with a dirt floor and no running water. It was exactly what he wanted
and needed. Mark learned at Rough Rock that to be successful he needed a better
understanding of the backgrounds of the students. He wanted to know them personally.
Sorenson has used what he learned at Rough Rock to help him start his own school with
a unique vision. Currently, Sorenson is executive director of the Star School. Built partly
with money out of his own pocket, this solar-powered school attempts to bridge the
student and academic world to help create student success.
In the next section, I will present data from some of the photo elicitation
interviews. The five educators and 10 student photographers looked at the photographs
and responded to what they saw in the images. Since both student and adult educators
reflected on the same images, their responses are integrated throughout this chapter. This
created a sense of discussion and dialogue about certain photographs even though all
interviews took place individually and absent other subjects of the study. Student
photographers were interviewed about their own photographs. During this photo-
elicitation process educators reflected on both student created and archival pictures.
Wherever possible the name of the photographer and the year that the photograph was
taken was noted.
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Two Worlds
One of the premises behind the founding of Rough Rock was the idea of moving
seamlessly between two worlds – the Navajo and Western world. Several interviewees
reflected on the “both and” approach as an opportunity to be successful in both venues
and discussed how Rough Rock promoted this thinking. Participants responded to the
photographs and shared their thoughts on the “both-and” approach.
Figure 9. Reflecting over this image, three educators discussed the combining of two
worlds. Photograph by Paul Conklin, 1967.
Some interviewed viewed the “both and” approach as a plan to help students
prosper in school and in life. For Anita it was an approach rooted in her early days as the
principal for Rough Rock in 1966:
We have this “both and” approach that your father talked about. I think
that’s still very important with the mission where both Navajo education
and the Western are taught for the learners. How much of each is part that
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needs to be defined by the school boards but it should be balanced… And
like today, outside of the reservation and what’s important is what’s
happening in other countries. They (the students) should be aware of
what’s happening around the world.
Mark discussed the need to blend and also to build bridges between cultures that will
benefit the person and society:
In this sense I have lived my belief. My belief is that we need to bridge
society. There are some of us who have the opportunity and are blessed to
be at the juxtaposition of culture and the point of conflict and contact. We
need to develop bridge builders. I see you that way, I see your dad (Bob
Roessel) that way and I see myself that way. I see many people who went
through Rough Rock, my own kids, that way. It goes beyond Navajo
values. You come out of this experience of being a bridge between
cultures and you have a love and an appreciation for traditional culture
that you don’t get out of reading books. Or something more abstract.
Those people are needed in the world. We need that kind of
understanding.
Ruth saw a similar perspective when she commented on Figure 10. Her reflection
moved toward an individual as well as a global need to be a part of both worlds:
They need to know this. Know their background, where they come from
and so when they get into school and when they get a job and begin to
live in two worlds: American society and our Navajo society they are
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successful. I think this is very important for young people today to
understand both worlds.
Figure 10. Reflecting over the same image, three educators discussed the combining of
two worlds. Photo by Karen Hall (student photographer), 2006.
Gloria looked at Figure 10 and described it as conveying how Rough Rock
students could be mistaken for students anywhere and yet there is something that sets
them apart. Gloria commented on their attire:
Looks like a drama group. They are sitting on rocks outside an aluminum
sided building. It tells me that our students can travel and they can be
worldly. But they also feel like they can wear their own moccasins. They
have these sweatshirts on that tell who they are where they are from. They
could be anywhere in the world and they would look like this.
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Some interviewees, when looking at Figure 11 observed the fact that
students feel comfortable in traditional clothing in a nontraditional setting.
Figure 11. Two Rough Rock High School students work in a computer lab during
traditional week. Photograph by Kim Dominguez, 2002.
Participants responded specifically to a photograph (Figure 2) of me in the
beginner’s class. For Ruth, this was not just another picture of her son, it was an image
that depicted the vision shared and created with her husband and co-founder of Rough
Rock, Bob Roessel. She saw students:
Wearing their own clothes but then they were not fancy Nike stuff. Here
this young person knows the history of both sides of his life. This person
is now grown up and respects his own people. He understands what is
going on around him and yet he is still able to use his Navajo perspective.
As a young boy he is wearing moccasins. Today he might wear dress
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shoes, but because he won’t ever forget the moccasins - the earth knows
him. This is what we want to teach at Rough Rock.
Mark responded in a similar manner to this image. “You (Monty Roessel)
wearing the moccasins is a key thing. I think Rough Rock more than any other place I
have been was successful at integrating the cultures.”
Figure 12. Students make a model Navajo hogan for a vocational education class.
Photographer unknown, 1984.
Jonathan was reminded of traditional teachings by his grandmother as he thought
of his place in hallways and hogans (Figure 18). “…[P]eople would think that we’re just
sitting around but it’s kind of like my grandmothers where we sit in a hogan on the dirt
floor. The hallways are mini-hogans without walls.”
Ensuring that students had exposure to both worlds was just a part of the mission
of Rough Rock. Looking through the archival photographs, Anita picked up the picture
of the school board visiting the zoo (Figure 13). She recalled applying the “both and”
approach to the school board as well:
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Figure 13. School board members visit the Phoenix Zoo in 1967. Photograph by Paul
Conklin.
These are board members … but I guess my comment would be that the
mission of Rough Rock at that time was to educate everybody, including
the school board because they were involved in doing something new.
They would travel away from Rough Rock introducing them to new ideas
outside of Rough Rock.
We all had to take turns in taking the board to different places. I had a
chance to take them to Ford Foundation. Before we got there I had to tell
them how they would set the table and how to use their many different
forks. How they are going to eat. This is the wine they will be serving. It
was a whole community affair. So it was a two-way situation for
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everybody. It was a very exciting time. It was such a new idea, this school
board making decisions. Sometimes they were not unanimous … but they
were wise too, because they understood their role. The “both and”
approach is really, really wise.
Figure 14. A student works on his Algebra 2 assignments in class. Photograph by
Jonathan Black, student photographer, 2006.
Deanna is a middle school student who has been at Rough Rock for three years.
In remembering a high school math class that she visited Deanna shared her thoughts on
the “both and” approach.
We learn two perspectives. I guess that’s the connection I see. There is
learning that goes beyond the surface– like this picture. There’s not much
you can do with math– but other subjects, the teachers try to give
traditional views. I like that.
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The influences of society and day-to-day life impact the “both and” approach.
The balance and blending as described by the participants have altered the look of
Navajo education. While reflecting on Figure 14, Mark shared a consideration regarding
the maintaining the “both and” approach with outside influences:
Looking at this picture is that there is hope for advance math and using
sophisticated equipment – heavy-duty calculator – problem I see, is
leaving the Navajo behind because it was associated with poverty, TV
dominant culture has infiltrated enough in all communities on the
reservation. They want to have stuff. … There’s nothing that provides that
connection between traditions and Navajo language and the economics
that drives a lot of people.
Though changes have occurred over the years, the focus to provide an education
that allows students to be successful in both worlds remains the same. Changes have
primarily resulted from outside influences and require on-going efforts to maintain a
balance between the two worlds. The “both and” approach was described as fluid and
much of the discussion centered on traditional dress and how that visually represented
the philosophy of the subject. The next section examines change in detail.
Change
When Rough Rock was founded the greatest challenge was to create a school that
was locally controlled and merged the best of both worlds – Navajo traditions and
Western education. For 40 years, thousands of students, staff, and community members
have come and gone, each leaving their impression on Rough Rock. But of course the
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influences of outside society have impacted the school. Any organization is ever
evolving and the participants offered thoughts on changes that have occurred as well as
the need for future change.
Figure 15. During the early years of the school, many VISTA volunteers served at the
school. Photograph by Paul Conklin, 1967.
Interestingly, one of the first reflections had to do with dress. Ben Bennett looked
at Figure 15 taken in the late 1960s and remembered a different period: “If you look at
the old pictures every girl in elementary today is wearing skirts and dresses yet almost all
girls in the new photos are wearing pants.” Ruth also commented on the difference in the
dress of adult educators. “Forty years ago teachers dressed nice, but today teachers are
wearing jeans.”
Paving the roads and improved transportation seemed to have brought the biggest
change to education at Rough Rock. When the school was founded the distances were
enormous and the roads bad; Rough Rock was primarily a boarding school and children
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returned home as infrequently as once a month. Today’s busses and roads make it
possible to get to and from school faster. This produced a shift from majority boarding
students to day students. Both educators and student participants discussed the impact of
bussing.
Figure 16. More than 500 miles are traveled daily by Rough Rock buses over dirt roads
and highways. Photograph by Deanna Goldtooth, student photographer, 2006.
Tommy explained his daily ritual riding the bus with wisdom about the past; he
described why he took his photograph (Figure 17) from atop Black Mesa out across the
Rough Rock Valley. The paved roads provided the opportunity to travel daily to and
from school and directly impacted his decision to take the picture:
But the other reason why I think the wide-open picture of the valley is
about education is because my friend Andi and I speak English as we
head to school to learn Navajo. We used to laugh and tease each other that
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when our grandparents and even our parents came down this road they
only spoke Navajo.
Figure 17. Tommy Begay, student photographer, takes a picture from Black Mesa
looking out over the Rough Rock valley. Photo taken in 2006.
Ben lamented that bus routes have caused students to spend too much time
getting to school:
But now, because of buses and paved road we have children standing and
waiting to catch a bus at 5 am. One of our fourth graders from Lukachukai
does this every day. How does she do her homework? When does she
meet with her parents?
Jonathan takes the bus to and from school daily and clearly understands the time
issue: “I try to do my homework on the bus but our roads are too bumpy and nothing can
be done except just sitting there,” Jonathan explained. But he simultaneously recognized
the necessity of bussing:
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I feel buses are very important because without buses parents had to take
time off from working and that will put them even more in poverty.
School buses and drivers go around and pick up students, local and a little
the farther at least 30 mile radius from the school now, and I do feel that
they are very important. All my high school years and my middle school
year I arrived in a school bus. I think they are old and very poor, like
shaky and keep you bouncing around for about an hour but they're very
important.
Paving the roads also brought outside influences closer to Rough Rock. Mark
added his perspective on how external forces alter the ever-changing world of Navajo
education. As a school administrator and father, he shared his concerns:
Figure 18. Students hang out during lunch. Photograph by Jonathan Black, 2006.
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Then the third group of photographs is what I consider the less hopeful. I
think of the hallway (Figure 18) and the girl signing photograph (Figure
20). I see these guys wearing hats and hoodies and this girl with her hat
and signing rap (Figure 20). This I see, as there’s nothing Navajo about
this but that more and more Navajo kids are doing it and by definition as
more and more kids do this, it’s going to become more and more Navajo.
But it’s not connected to the values of the elders. And here’s a hallway
that could be anywhere. Inner city or just hmm a kid sitting against the
wall. I don’t know. Fluorescent lights straight rectangular hallway –
straight away Anglo America. While there is nothing inherently wrong,
what I see is it just lacks the Navajo vision. And yet, I know from my own
experience, I have to talk to them everyday about taking off their hat and
hoodies. I deal with my own teenage son with that. It’s like everywhere.
Figure 19. In the early days of the school, hay would be bought and then sold to the
community because of a lack of transportation. Photo by Paul Conklin, 1966.
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Ruth cautioned about the need to provide context when discussing change, “We
have public, grant and BIA and we have more Navajo teachers, principals running the
school now and I am very proud of that; but what does it mean?” She continued by
suggesting an area of change that was needed to create meaning for children in the
teaching of traditions and culture. "We have so many stories of our way of life which
makes us Navajo. I want to see more today. Our leaders today need to do more. We teach
our young people to race the sun, but why.”
Participants discussed their understanding that change is inevitable. Being
confident is a result of knowledge of knowing your background. How change will affect
them is based on how strong a person is. The next section examines strength.
Strength
The interviewees offered a variety of interpretations relating to strength. Many of
their reflections defined actions and thoughts about the perspective of self-identity and
how that builds confidence and a sense of contentedness. Though having good self worth
was often discussed, interviewees explained that knowing themselves was enhanced
through exposure to traditions and culture.
Courtney, one of the student photographers, recognized the importance and
centrality of cultural traditions that are taught at Rough Rock as she commented on her
Figure 20.
Knowing who I am helps me. While my friends are very confident in
themselves even if somebody says something to them they won't hide it. I
grew up away from the reservation. I hung out with Mexicans and they
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were different. Getting into trouble was cool. Our skin color was the same
but we were different and felt different.
Figure 20. A middle school student displays her individuality outside the library.
Photograph by Courtney Vicenti, student photographer, 2006.
Many of the interviewees applied the perspective of strength to strong Navajo
women. They attributed this viewpoint to the teaching and opportunities they have had at
Rough Rock. Back in the 1960s, when Ben first started work in Rough Rock, he
observed an outward difference in Navajo women, but he said their inner strength has
always been the same. Commenting on Figure 21, he explained:
Forty years ago the young women seemed more self-assured. They knew
what education was going to do for them. Today, I don’t see that as much.
But, there is still this understanding that they are in charge. If you ever
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questioned whether or not the Navajo are a matrilineal society just come
to Rough Rock.
Figure 21. In the beginning years there was a wide range of students for the K-6 school.
Photograph by Paul Conklin, 1966.
He added that you see this sense of being in charge in some very distinguishable
ways. He pointed out that the school board has had a female president for more than 10
years. This role has filtered throughout the school.
Karen discussed her participation in the school production “Strong Navajo
Women” (Figure 10) that was presented throughout the western United States and
Navajo reservation. Written and produced by students of Rough Rock, the play won the
Arizona Interscholastic Association award for best play in 2006. As a member of the
drama club and cast, Karen spoke of the importance of history, language and culture in
developing strong Navajo women.
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They (Rough Rock) allow more programs with teaching the language the
culture the history and philosophy. Our plays share the conflicts with
what happened in the past and today in our voices get out the message. I
was very shy and I can’t believe I do drama now. I think about that a lot
because our play Strong Native Women is about history but it is also
about us, the actors, today.
Figure 22. A female student works on her science project as she listens to her Ipod.
Photograph by Derek Jones, student photographer, 2006.
Another student photographer commented on how learning Navajo history
supported the development of the Navajo woman. Courtney photographed her friend to
tell the story of strongly being a Navajo woman (Figure 22). “The picture of my friend
shows a woman who wants to know about being Navajo, the mystical and the real. She is
learning about the Long Walk and will follow.”
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For Deanna strength was an attitude visually represented. “I like the strong
Navajo woman look. Like, don’t mess with me. That strength comes from what she
knows.” Karen reflected on strength in looking at her drama troupe (Figure 10). “When I
look at this picture I see strength – Indian women strength – the best kind.”
Figure 23. Andi Betonie photographed this person because of her strength, 2006.
Gloria found strength as a way to get back to cultural teachings and providing
relevance for students:
And to really teach and this is from a cultural perspective that when we
teach in the classroom even now with Navajo teachers that so much is lost
with western education that we forget about our cultural teachings. Our
Navajo teachers many times do not look like this, they do not have the
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quality of love and excitement and that is sad and that is something we
need to reclaim.
“I think this picture represents education at Rough Rock because it is of me.” As
the photographer, Andi revealed the purpose behind taking the photograph and Gloria
described the emotion evoked in her when studying it. Gloria responded by saying,
“This picture (Figure 23) struck me because she looks so confident and so happy.” Grant
further recognized strength and confidence in a look or attitude. She continued:
And I like the fact that you know she’s able to roll with the times here and
definitely does not want it to be mistaken that she’s not gonna be without
her turquoise necklace with two hearts on it. … She’s an Indian woman,
she’s young and she’s confident.
Andi also spoke of the importance of listening to her grandparents as a source of
confidence and strength. “I forgot I was wearing my heart necklace but that’s what I
think about. We have a heart – we know what is going on around us. We’ve listened to
our grandparents – we’re not stupid.”
Karen chose to emphasize Navajo understanding and how that tied to the overall
mission of the school as she reflected on her drama troupe photo (Figure 10):
When students know this it’s really because they know and understand
who they are and that’s what Rough Rock tries to teach. Yes, I think that I
am Native American and my goals are like this school. I want to do
something different. I want to be strong and unique and I want to know
my traditions.
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Learning about culture and history builds a foundation of strength in self. In
addition, this understanding has created pride in the school, family, and tribe. This is
documented in the next section as pride is explored.
Pride
Pride is a continuation of strength. Being able to have the strength of ones’
conviction to translate feelings and belief into words and actions was represented in the
Figure 24. This photograph says it all. A student from the high school shares his
perspective. Photograph by Derek Jones, student photographer, 2006.
pride articulated about school, family and tribe. The fact that all student participants and
Navajo educators interviewed began their interview by stating their clans and where they
came from indicated the importance of heritage. This represents a combination resulting
in the totality of pride. It is pride in one’s tribe taught by one’s family to express pride in
one’s self.
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In Navajo culture the identification of one’s clans is a way to identify your
relations. It is a way to create a sense of family and the students interviewed found that
important. Creating opportunities for students to participate in activities that bridged
school and home were discussed by Karen, Sheila and Courtney.
Figure 25. A family member of a student photographer makes blood sausage.
Photograph by Karen Hall, student photographer, 2006.
Karen photographed the act of butchering (Figure 25) and then described the
rationale for using this image:
In one of them we are butchering a sheep. I like the way blood feels on
your hands and between your fingernails. It’s like finger-painting. I
wonder what would happen if you did that at a school in Albuquerque –
blood sausage?
Karen reflected on Figure 25 and how butchering sheep connected school and
home.
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My sister is going to school here and she is helping with stuff at home and
at school. She likes it but what I like about the picture (photo 14) and how
it answers the questions is that I have a family that goes to the same
school and we learn things together but also we learn things individually.
My mom taught us the same way. We learned together but by ourselves.
Butchering was like that. You have tasks to do but you also have a group
thing to do.
Figure 26. A brother of student photographers, Karen and Sheila, proudly displays the
sheep’s head during butchering. Photograph by Sheila, student photographer, 2006.
Sheila interpreted Figure 26 and explained why butchering was important to her:
I used to go to school at Crystal (Boarding School). There we learned
only a little bit about clans, out here we learned more and how we are
related and what that means. That’s why the butchering is the picture I
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picked. Butchering at the school allows us to be a family. Butchering at
home makes me feel that school came home. It kind of bridges the
teaching. I don’t know, maybe I’m just confused but when I see the
picture I can understand but it’s hard to express. Kind of like some kids
who are learning Navajo they know what they want to say but it comes
out wrong.
Courtney similarly referenced activities that connected home and school. Once
again, butchering sheep was important and the activity had purpose in both settings that
minimized transition from home to dorm:
Like when I look at [my friend] Diane, I remember the stuff we did at the
dormitory, the nonsense stuff, the cookout and the butchering of sheep
that we did at the dorm. What place butchers a sheep for education and
food? It’s more like family education with each side giving their own
story. I feel like I’m with a family, the way they tease and make you feel
proud – they want us to talk Navajo.
Pride was not reserved for just family and tribe. Participants voiced feelings of
respect for the school as they looked at images. While holding an archival photograph
(Figure 27), Mark pointed to a fellow educator and former colleague from Rough Rock:
Here’s a guy he was like a protector of Rough Rock….When I was
principal he really was helpful to me. …I thought the guy was incredibly
dedicated to the place and the school and I respected that. …He was
somehow able to get the long-term appreciation of people and made it his
home. This is all a common theme. Your dad and your family exemplify
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this. You in particular, the strength of Rough Rock is honoring of
traditional values and it has been the way it brought in skillful talented
non-Navajos who believed in the vision. I see in you the blending of those
approaches. I remember when you were working at Navajo Times Today,
articulate and creative with photography and how you dealt with that
modern media. And now you’re back at Rough Rock helping it to survive
and thrive. Ben Bennett is one of those people – he’s in the background
but he is fierce in his defense of Rough Rock.
Figure 27. Ben Bennett prepares elementary students for picture day. Photographer
unknown, 1972.
Karen explained why she selected Figure 10 and how it represented how proud
she was of Rough Rock and how pride was communicated by other students while
traveling:
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The other reason why I think this picture (Figure 10) represents Navajo
education is because it’s like we are preaching the gospel of Rough Rock.
We go to other schools and show what our history and culture has to teach
us and we share that with schools all over the nation. That is what Rough
Rock did early on. They didn’t just keep their success they shared it. In
California we performed and showed them about our people, about not
losing our culture and now when we perform the play it means more
because other tribes come to us and share their stories with us. And there
is also a white guy with us. It’s like saying. We don’t care what you
believe in Rough Rock – we will teach you and accept you.
The ability to hold self, family, school and tribe in high esteem stemmed from a
strong knowledge of one’s background and heritage. This foundation was established
and nurtured in the curriculum and teaching at Rough Rock and was an area of focus in
the next section.
Navajo Language, History and Culture
Rough Rock was founded based on the premise of integrating Navajo culture into
traditional “educational” content areas. The ability to successfully incorporate Navajo
history, language and culture throughout the school day, while meeting established
western education standards was discussed by the participants as they sought to define
the look of education at Rough Rock. Separating history, language and culture proved to
be difficult as interviewees often combined some or all to make their point with a notable
focus on learning Navajo language and culture. In looking at a Figure 28 of graduation,
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Gloria explained her vision of a successful Navajo student combining language, history
and culture:
Figure 28. High School graduation day at Rough Rock. School board members and
guests look on as a graduate crosses the stage to receive her diploma. Photograph by Kim
Dominguez, RRCS press office, 2006.
I selected this other photograph because it is so Rough Rock. This is what
I went there for. Part of this feeling, this young woman is crossing a stage
in a beautiful Pendleton dress and the people on the sidelines look happy
for her and proud with their cameras. The board sitting there giving a real
nod of approval like hmmm yup, this is what we want to produce. Yes, we
did it. It just looks like it all comes together as this girl is crossing the
stage with her diploma. See we’re in this photograph the two worlds
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really do come together very, very well. In the way she is receiving her
diploma.
Black Mesa resident Tommy explained that his parents did not select Rough
Rock because it was close but rather because of the opportunity to learn the language and
history of his Navajo culture:
My parents want me to learn and that’s why I am at Rough Rock. But
learning Navajo is like that picture (Figure 17) because I can’t imagine
becoming fluent but every day I get a little closer and eventually I will be
fluent.
Figure 29. An elder from the community takes a student on a nature walk to explore uses
for plants. Photograph by Paul Conklin, 1967.
Reasons for attending Rough Rock and learning Navajo sometimes were literally
as simple as what parents wanted: “My mom heard an ad on the radio (about Rough
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Rock) and wanted me to learn more about Navajo. (She) wanted me to speak it and learn
stories,” said Derek. Though that may have been the impetus, Derek further stated his
appreciation, “I am glad for Rough Rock and now I am speaking (Navajo).”
Ruth expressed her thoughts on the importance of learning Navajo language and
traditions while selecting photographs. For Roessel, the daughter of a medicine man, the
need to learn Navajo was obvious. “It’s (Navajo) always there and makes them strong.
That’s why they need to know no matter what study they get into it. This will give them
more power and strength and this is why this picture (Figure 29) is important.”
Contradictions in the mission of Rough Rock and learning language surfaced
with a few participants. Deanna became angry as she spoke of learning Navajo language:
This school talks about culture but a lot of students don’t speak Navajo. I
do, but they don’t and then they are ashamed for speaking. Why? It’s
crazy shit. It used to be teachers and stuff said no Navajo but now some of
the students make fun of ‘johns’ [Navajo slang for traditional Navajo].
Even at this school that is supposed to be about culture and language.
As a school administrator, Mark faced a different dilemma: how to find a balance
between the mission of integrating Navajo culture and language and adequately
preparing students in western education:
When I was a principal in Rough Rock… We had Navajo language in the
elementary school and I was focused about listening to parents. They got
together and said, it’s well and good to use Navajo but we want our kids
to be employable when they get out of here. …I had a real dilemma
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because the school had a commitment to teaching Navajo language and
keeping it going. I was balancing basic skills with Navajo language.
Figure 30. A sign from the 1970s displays the bilingual feel of the school at that time.
Photographer unknown, circa 1977.
Instruction has changed during the four decades years since the founding of
Rough Rock. Ben, Andi and Deanna discussed the shift in focus on teaching and
importance of Navajo language, history and culture. Long time employee, Ben shared his
concerns about the future of Navajo education as he looked at Figure 30:
Navajo education has a lot to do with language. We are trying to either
revive it or hang onto a small segment of it. Don’t look now because you
already loss it. How do I know? At the elementary school we did
something that we used to be unable to do, we have a kindergarten teacher
who doesn’t speak Navajo.
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Andi expressed similar worries about student’s not learning Navajo: “Our
language is very important to me, because many are not taught these days.” Deanna
expressed frustration over negative perceptions of people attempting to learn Navajo:
Our language will die if we keep making fun of students trying to learn. It
really pisses me off when that happens. I want to say to the teachers or
others. Shut up, at least he’s trying. But I keep quiet.
Figure 31. Rug weaving exemplifies traditional teaching methodology incorporating
hands-on practice and story telling. Photograph by John Collier, Jr. Circa 1970s.
Abandoning the teaching of Navajo language, history and culture was not seen as
an option. Ben commented once again about the changes in instruction. “If you would
have told me 40 years ago, you won’t be saying ‘speak English’ but you would be saying
‘speak Navajo’… I wouldn’t have believed you. It has changed so radically.”
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The ability to practice a culture is also helpful to understand one’s place within
the environment. How nature incorporated in the education process is explored in the
next section.
Nature
Belief and story tell of the Navajos coming from the underworld by climbing a
reed to the fourth world to seek refuge from a flood. This origin story establishes an
irrevocable connection to nature and forces of nature. Several participants focused upon
the foundation of knowledge of the four directions, Mother Earth, and elements of nature
as integral to the look of Navajo education at Rough Rock.
Three interviewees commented on buildings and facilities and their relationship
to nature. Some participants articulated the confines that a building or classroom
represent and how Navajo education and nature seek to break down those barriers.
Courtney, Raymond and Andi commented on connections between nature and education
in their response to their photographs. The relationship of nature to learning was
represented in Figure 32 and 34. Taken almost four decades apart, the idea transcends
time. Walls did not confine Courtney when she described the picture (Figure 32) that she
took:
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Figure 32. Courtney’s cousin stands before a tree in front of her cousin’s high school.
Photograph by Courtnery Vicenti, student photographer, 2006.
My cousin was standing in the front of the tree. The background is the
school building but not Rough Rock. I like it because it seems more
Navajo. The building peeks over the edges but the tree seems strong and
alive. The building seems dead.
Ben Bennett saw engagement as a look to education and described Figure 33 as
an expansion of the classroom and as a way to connect with the challenges of today:
Using the surroundings is also Navajo education. Part of being Navajo
and part of Navajo education is about knowing your place in the
surroundings and understanding all of which is needed. We lose children
when not engaged. Now it’s harder. There’s just so much competing for
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Figure 33. Students of the elementary school visit Dinetah – Navajo Homeland.
Photograph by Fred Bia,. 1996
our students….Creativeness was one advantage in the old days….You had
to adapt the textbook because they didn’t make sense if you didn’t.
While flipping through the photographs she took, Andi explained the reason she
took her picture (Figure 23). In her response Andi also addressed the freedom nature
represents and how it symbolizes the intent of education at Rough Rock:
I had this photograph taken because it has a fence behind me and yet look
how the trees go beyond it. A fence is straight to keep you in. That is what
most schools are like but here at Rough Rock, it’s like the tree.
Nineteen-year-old Raymond had an equally expansive view of an atmosphere for
learning. While pointing to the subjects in Figure 34 that he made, Raymond explained
the importance of nature and how it not only provided a venue it also was a refuge:
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Figure 34. Students work on the mesa behind the high school at Rough Rock.
Photograph by Tommy Begay, student photographer, 2006.
The classroom is beyond the school. Here we are in the trees, on a mesa
behind our school. We are making a video about being young Navajos on
the rez. A classroom is all around us. We’re surrounded in a little hole of
trees and rock – protected from view and protected by trees. I like that,
it’s like Mother Earth is around us. Kinda like the prayer all around us.
Courtney picked up the picture of her cousin again (Figure 32). She explained her
position further, emphasizing the fact that nature is a part of her and the evolution of her
learning, whereas the actual facilities are stagnant.
My cousin stands in front of both (the tree and building) but closer to
nature. That’s what Navajo education looks like to me. It’s all around us.
One of my other cousins went to Navajo Prep, I am going to Rough Rock
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but we both come from a home that is more like the tree – more real. Even
when I am in college, all buildings look alike but that tree and what I
learned about Navajo remains alive in me.
Figure 35. An art teacher at the elementary school takes her students up near the mesa to
frame their environment for an art project. Photograph by Fred Bia, 1986.
Gloria, a world traveler in her own right, saw nature, a classroom and a Navajo
student differently. She quickly sorted through the stack of photographs to find a picture
of students outside receiving direction from their teacher (Figure 35). She described the
importance of knowing the connection to nature as a touchstone for students throughout
their lives:
Like the child is confident because they know they can look at the stars
and they know their patterns and relations to the stars. Feel comfortable
wherever their feet are at no matter where they are. Know four directions
and feel surrounded and held close and kind of a mothering feeling
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confident anywhere in the world. The students must know stars, moon,
four directions, and four elements. And they just look well and look
happy. They acknowledge these elements and they know it.
Figure 36. Ruth Roessel said when viewing this picture from the 1970s, “It is as if the
school is within nature and nature is within the school. “ Photographer unknown, 1974.
Grant continued to hold this picture while she shared her view of traditional
teaching being more than just academics.
(Traditional teaching) comes from necessity and love – land sheep and
people. We need to help and understand why we are here. Academic
teaching does not talk about our place in the world but traditional teaching
talks about a plant and our relations to it. This picture means so much to
me because I have met people who sincerely love teaching from the
Navajo perspective of life and the natural point of view. We are just
miniscule; we are just particles –if we learn to be a part of it.
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The “why” and “how” of connectiveness to nature was captured in Ruth
Roessel’s reflection and how she connected the tactile aspects of nature. Referring back
to the photograph Figure 2 of me in my moccasins, she recollected, “I was involved for
nearly 50 years beginning in a hogan with a dirt floor. This taught me a lot. It’s like the
picture of the young boy. The earth knows you.”
Involving students in learning in the natural setting was further emphasized when
Mark recalled a personal experience as a principal. His recollection was triggered by
looking at a picture of children learning outside (Figure 37). He had taken Rough Rock
students out into Canyon de Chelley to experience history:
Figure 37. Students take a field trip down Canyon de Chelley. Photographer unknown,
1977.
You know, having the kids go outside and find where rectangles and
squares are in nature. And having kids being in Canyon de Chelly where
they can actually have conversations of history and Navajo history. This
reminds me of a time when I was a Boy Scout leader at Rough Rock. I
told them I didn’t know anything about scouting but I knew about
camping and I knew about Navajo history. We went to Canyon De Chelly
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and they wouldn’t let us in. The ranger said, ‘You can’t go down the
canyon, you need a permit’. We didn’t have a permit. So I took them out
in the van and talked to the boys. I spoke with the boys and asked them if
they thought the ranger should be allowed to keep us out of here? They
said, ‘No. Why don’t we try to imitate the Navajos that were here so long
ago when Kit Carson came in and hide from them’? So I took them down
the White House Trail and when the rangers came, we hid in the bushes
and we were quiet…
While unaware of Sorenson’s story, Grant concluded her thoughts on integrating
nature in education: “Hmmm there’s no better education than taking students outside and
letting them learn in their own language and their own way.”
Figure 38. The photographer called this photo, “Wild and Crazy” as a student rests in
dorm. Photo by Derek Jones, student photographer, 2006.
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This chapter reviewed what the students photographed as well as what the
students and educators saw within the photographs. In the next chapter I will turn my
own camera to the themes identified, and provide analysis of the photographs taken and
selected to match the above-mentioned themes.
CHAPTER V
PHOTO ESSAY
In the following chapter I will show and discuss the photographs that I made to
answer the question that I posed to the student photographers and asked the students and
educators about in the photo elicitation process. The focus of this chapter is to provide
my point of view of the research question. Guided by the themes that have already been
determined, I sought to provide additional visual context and explanation of the six
themes and the Rough Rock mission.
I have been a professional photographer for more than 30 years. Upon graduation
in 1983 from the University of Northern Colorado with a degree in photo-
communication, I began a year-long photographic project funded by the Schuman
Foundation entitled: A Navajo’s View of Navajo Life. Following that year, I worked as a
newspaper photographer at the Greeley (CO) Tribune, managing editor of the daily
Navajo Times Today and part owner and editor of the weekly Navajo Nation Today. In
addition, documenting contemporary American Indian life as an editorial photographer
has landed me assignments with Time, Newsweek and Arizona Highways magazines.
I used my camera and the photo-elicitation process also to answer the research
questions: What does education look like at Rough Rock? Does this visualization
aligned with the mission of the school? Taking the six themes that emerged from the
data, I sought my own visualization in photographs and words. The photographs selected
in this section were done so with the intent of aligning the themes. I took all the
photographs while I was employed as the chief executive administrator of Rough Rock.
While an attempt was made to create new images for the study, the interpretation of the
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themes by photographs was my primary motivation. To this end, there are four
photographs created during the study and two from my archival files. They are labeled as
such.
The interpretation of the themes was a creative effort. The process of interpreting
the photographs was made with the knowledge of the themes so it was a very directed
process. The two archival photographs were selected because they spoke symbolically to
the theme. Through the research process new interpretations and new meanings were
found; a photograph previously considered a family picture was seen in a new light and
added to the picture essay. The reason the photograph was given a second thought was
because a student photographer was following the ceremonial runner. There were some
themes that were hinted at by student photographers and educators and others that were
ignored; some of these include Conflict, Shame and Jealousy. These will be addressed in
the next chapter.
In short, I approached my photo essay as a mini-study within the study. Using the
same process as described in chapter 3, I photographed to answer questions similar to the
one’s I asked the student photographers, but with a hint towards the answer. The new
questions were “What does Nature look like at Rough Rock?” or “What does pride look
like at Rough Rock?” In other words, each theme was added as direction within main
question.
After the creation and/or selection of the photograph, I turned the photo-
elicitation process inward asking myself the same question that I had asked of the student
photographers: “Why do you think this picture represents pride at Rough Rock?” or
“What were you thinking when you took this picture?”
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On the following pages are examples of how I see the Rough Rock mission being
practiced by students and staff in and out of school. In effect, this is my visual
ethnography of Navajo education in and out of the classroom at Rough Rock Community
School.
Figure 39. Robyn Roessel, (authors daughter) runs during her Kinaalda ceremony.
Behind her, within the group of kids is a student photographer. Photograph by Monty
Roessel, 2003.
Strength
Navajo ceremonies represent many different things and are held for a variety of
reasons. Figure 39 is a picture is of my daughter Robyn running during her Kinaalda’. A
Kinaalda’ ceremony is the celebration of a girl’s journey into womanhood. The process
is supposed to begin immediately when a young girl has her first menstruation and
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continues for four days culminating in staying up until daybreak the final night as
prayers and chants are sung. Countless times I have had employees come to me and say
they needed to miss work because they were holding a Kinaalda’ ceremony. This time, I
was the one notifying my school board that I needed to take time off from work.
It rained during all four days of Robyn’s ceremony. As part of the ceremony,
Robyn runs towards the east. She does this each day in the early morning and midday.
Each time she has to run a little further. She is supposed to push her body – make it
stronger. It is a test of endurance as well as beauty. To me, the Kinaalda’ ceremony
teaches strength and endurance that will be needed throughout life as it welcomes a
young woman. Through it, Robyn epitomizes a Strong Navajo Woman.
Strength is also seen in the faces of the runners following Robyn. They are
concentrating on the muddy path before them and run with Robyn as a show of respect
and support for her. This picture was selected because not only does it show strength
through the subjects but it also shows strength by what you do not see. Sitting in the
hogan is my family – a family that has come together to celebrate a young woman
entering adulthood.
Even the simplest of Navajo ceremonies cannot be done alone. Part of the
Kinaalda’ involves making a cake – roughly 4 feet in diameter – that bakes beneath an
open fire on the final night. Women mix the batter of ground corn in large buckets; it is a
lot of hard work. While they cook women from the family give Robyn advice. Their
strength is evident in the mixing with greasewood stirring sticks, but the real strength is
in the wisdom that is passed on from one generation to another.
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Another part of the Kinaalda’ involves calling on a respected elder to participate
in the “molding.” The elder’s hands squeeze the young girl as she lies prone. Her
muscles are massaged and stretched. She is shaped under the strength of the elder’s
experiences and wisdom. Finally at the end of the ceremony, after she has stayed up all
night the final night, the ceremony is over. It becomes a test of survival.
Robyn, with cornmeal rubbed into her face, adorned with turquoise and silver,
leads the runners. This is something she took very seriously; following in the footsteps of
her elders and more recently in those of her sister, Robyn recognized that this ceremony
marked a milestone in her life. From this point forward she has accepted the
responsibilities of a Navajo woman.
This period gave me strength and continues to give me strength every time I see
this photograph. Her strength is evident. My daughter inspires me because she aspires to
become what I see in this photograph.
Figure 40. Three elementary school students exhibit their pride, 2006.
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Pride
Pride is a funny thing. Too much of it and one is viewed as arrogant and too little
and one is viewed as being meek. Navajos are taught not boast or praise oneself lest they
be viewed as egotistical. When I look at this Figure 40 I see neither arrogance nor
meekness. I see a pride that is unknowing and pure. Three students stare into the lens and
are just there. The boy in the middle wears a t-shirt that says “Native.” The girl is
wearing her Navajo outfit. The boy to the right plays his own version of cowboys and
Indians by wearing his rodeo trophy buckle with his bolo tie.
To be sure, they are Navajo. For Navajo men a headband is used by a medicine
man or a patient in a ceremony. It is a distinctive way to show respect. At first glance it
is a “just cute” snapshot. But upon closer inspection I see something deeper. I believe it
starts and ends with the boy’s headbands. The yarn that is used for their headbands is
normally used as a tie for a girl’s hair. But, these boys have used a couple of strands to
show their Navajo side. The picture was taken at an outdoor activity during Rough
Rock’s traditional week celebration. These boys feel the need to keep their headbands
on. Why? If you look closely at the photograph you realize that other than the bolo tie
and the Native t-shirt there is nothing to distinguish a “traditional” dress – except, of
course, the headbands. Yarn placed around the head of a non-Navajo, creates a whole
different meaning – but on these two boys depicts an unspoken pride. A connection to
their heritage is created with a simple piece of yarn. This connection is enough to make
them to show pride in who they are.
Like many of the student photographers and educators, I see pride in the
photographs of students as respect one’s history, language and culture. These three
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students with hands clasped in front of them or shoved deep within their pockets all have
a similar expression on their face. It’s as though they have a secret. In this case they do –
pride.
Figure 41. Middle school Navajo language teacher works with a student to ensure that he
is able to read and write Navajo. Photograph by Monty Roessel, 2007.
Navajo Language, History and Culture
Navajo history, language and culture should be an easy thing to photograph. Yet,
trying to find something that depicts this theme in today’s era of accountability is
difficult. This is a Navajo language class at the middle school taught by Leroy Morgan.
A Navajo teacher, hair tied in a traditional bun and wearing a necklace because, he said,
“this is how my parent’s raised me. I am teaching and therefore it is like I am a medicine
man. I am showing respect for my subject.” One look at the chalkboard and you can see
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what class this is. The teacher and student stand in front of the chalkboard and behind
them, perfectly framing them is a rainbow on the bulletin board.
I see all of the elements of the mission within this photograph: the rainbow,
Navajo words, the student and teacher within the rainbow. It depicts knowing one’s place
within the world. It is even perfect that the Navajo language is written on a chalkboard.
There is lack of permanence that depicts the fleeting moments of learning a language.
Within the sterile environment of a classroom a rainbow frames the student and
teacher as a chalkboard filled with Navajo writing fronts them. A student and a teacher
work individually but also together. He is being taught to read and write Navajo. The
reason may seem obvious as to why it represents Navajo language, history and culture
but it is actually deeper. It is about understanding your surroundings and being open to
the idea that the natural world, the Navajo world is all around you. Part of knowing your
Navajo is understanding that there is beauty all around us.
I don’t speak Navajo. When I was in a Navajo language class in junior high, I
realized that I could write it and read it but had trouble memorizing it and speaking it.
When I see this picture it reminds me of my own experience. How should we teach
something that is so hard and yet so simple a baby can learn it? Learning a language is
not easy. Understanding that Navajo language is but one part of who you are is made
more difficult because of all of the other influences that are trying to define you.
I am also reminded of my sister’s wedding day. My oldest daughter, Jaclyn was
helping make a fruit salad with Irene, her Nali’ (father’s aunt). Irene was 75 years old
and didn’t speak any English; yet; the two of them were laughing and working together.
Somehow they communicated. Language does not have to be a barrier.
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Figure 42. A recent graduate proudly celebrates his graduation from Rough Rock High
School, 2006.
Two Worlds
Holding a diploma, one of the student photographers stands with his family on
graduation day. He is dressed traditionally. His family surrounds him with support but
he is solidly standing on his own now – still in moccasins. This is a young person’s day
to celebrate yet to his right is an empty chair. It’s as if a place is reserved for all of those
no longer with him that helped contribute to making him who he is. He honors his past
by his dress but holds in his hands what his family sees as his future.
To live in two worlds is difficult. One must navigate the incongruities of one
world with another’s roadmap. But the journey is all the more worthwhile because there
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is twice as much to enjoy. For instance, today it is not uncommon for a couple to get
married in a traditional Navajo ceremony as well as a church wedding.
As I thought of this theme, I remembered a story that my father used to tell. He
didn’t tell me but my friends did. It was the height of the American Indian Movement
and my friends were card-carrying members. I was a freshman at Chinle High School
and my father was the superintendent. It was hard enough to be a teenager but with a
White father as head of the school during this period, I tried to keep my head down.
In the locker room just before football practice, my friend Derrick asked, “Which
leg is your Navajo leg.” I thought it was in reference to being half-White. I kept quiet.
Derrick hit his right leg and said, this is my Navajo leg, he then hit his left leg, “this is
my White Leg.” I responded, “You’re not White.” I didn’t know what he was talking
about. Then he told me the story my dad told the class.
“You have two legs, if you only have one, then you can easily be pushed down –
whether you have a white leg or a Navajo leg. But, if you have two legs, one that
symbolizes the White world, and one that symbolizes the Navajo world, you will be
strong and nothing can push you down.” It is a story that has been told to me many times
since that time. I use it today when I give speeches. To live in two worlds is not just to
survive but it is to succeed – to stand firmly in both worlds.
The acknowledgement of both worlds and the ability to maneuver between both
and within each is a goal that most Navajo parents want for their children. Two worlds
means two languages, two cultures and two histories but this knowledge is contained
within one individual – a Navajo. This is what I see in this photograph.
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Figure 43. Rough Rock has a horsemanship program for recreation and counseling.
Photograph by Monty Roessel, 2006.
Nature
The final statement in a blessing way ceremonial prayer is, “There is beauty all
around us.” Within that prayer are statements about animals, the earth and the stars. It is
a holistic point of view. One steeped and rooted in the history of the Navajo and
practiced throughout their ceremonies. To be in tune with Nature, to be in balance, a
Navajo needs to understand the natural world that surrounds him. This includes plants,
animals, rocks and rain. I am not speaking about a “boy scout” approach to Nature. Ours
is about a dialogue with Nature in a way that you actually hear mother earth saying
something about you and to you. It is about understanding where you fit underneath the
rainbow, on the earth and beneath the stars.
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Rough Rock is about bringing the classroom into Nature and Nature into the
classroom. What I see in Figure 42 is that Nature needs to be worked with. Whether it is
the land that is planted or animals cared for there is a give and take. Rough Rock tries to
provide that perspective with the horsemanship program. The Navajo Studies department
produced a unit on the horse in Navajo history and culture. It included songs, prayers and
stories of horses. It was on my mind as I photographed this picture of a Rough Rock
employee handling one of our 22 head of horses.
Figure 44. Ruth Roessel makes an offering to a pinon tree to protect students.
Photograph by Monty Roessel, 2007.
Change
When I look at Figure 44 I think of change. My mom, Ruth Roessel, is making an
offering to a small Pinon tree for protection of the students. A small Pinon tree is used
because it is still young and will grow and change – much like the students. In studying
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the beaded corn pollen bag, I cannot help but remember Pueblo writer Leslie Marmon
Silko’s book Ceremony where she writes,
The people nowadays … think the ceremonies must be performed exactly
as they always have been done, maybe because one slip-up or mistake and
the whole ceremony must be stopped and the sand painting destroyed.
That much is true…. but long ago when people were given these
ceremonies, the changing began, if only in the aging of the yellow gourd
rattle or the shrinking of the skin around the eagle’s claw, if only in the
different voices from generation to generation, singing the chants. You
see, in many ways, the ceremonies have always been changing” (Silko
Ceremony p.).
This could just as easily have been written about education. Actually, I believe it
is. Teaching and learning within a Navajo community is a sacred act. It is a way that
stories, ceremonies and ritual are passed down from one generation to another. Education
is one way a culture perpetuates itself. In the context of Silko, each time a prayer is sung
by a different person for a different person there is change. I am reminded that only a
dead culture does not change. Therefore, the challenge is not to hold onto the past but to
adapt to the future. When I look at photograph # this is what I see. Maybe it is not as
much what it used to be like in the old days or what it might look like in the future but
rather that we do not know. We only know what we can do to affect change but there are
others with equal amounts of energy that when combined, create a new force. The picture
of my mother making an offering to protect our school is timeless. Has the prayer
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changed? It might be the same prayer but the students and staff have changed from year
to year.
CHAPTER VI
SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS
Figure 45. Rough Rock Community School Mission Statement.
The mission statement is both words and a Navajo icon. It combines the imagery
of the sacred colors with a colored rainbow and a Yei figure (deity or Holy Person). The
Yei rainbow encircles a basket. In the four directions are images of mountains; each is
colored to coordinate with the direction they represent. The basket is filled with eagle
feathers, a book, pencils, corn, a ruler, a t-square and a corn pollen bag. The basket
opening faces the viewer. The opening is always to face east, and the white colored
mountain represents the East, the direction of the rising sun; it represents the future and
the mission of the school. Many of the themes photographed by students and talked
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about by students and professional educators do, indeed, represent the mission articulated
in the emblem.
Summary
In a blink of an eye, a question is answered, a school defined and an identity
explored. Ten Rough Rock Community School students ranging from 13 to 19 years old
were armed with cameras to answer, photographically, what education looks like at
Rough Rock. What they captured in 1/125th of a second:
Two Worlds
Change
Strength
Pride
Navajo history, culture and language
Nature
In other words, what these students found was their world – in and out of the
classroom. They saw the challenges of living in two worlds combined with the strength
needed to succeed. They depicted their world changing and yet were prideful of what
they were and what they were to become. They reaffirmed the purpose of their education
in Navajo history, language and culture.
Finally, in reviewing the hundreds of photographs and many pages of transcripts,
the research question that began the study can be answered: We have seen what Navajo
education looks like at Rough Rock Community School today and it is aligned with the
mission of the school.
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Recommendation for Policy and Practice
The purpose of this study, to identify the “look” of Navajo education at Rough
Rock Community School, was completed through applying the characteristics found in
the data to the current mission. The visual images created and used in this study allowed
experience and emotion to intersect as student and adult participants articulated their
thoughts in the photo-elicitation process. With these images used to solicit responses, a
picture of Rough Rock Community School and Navajo education emerged. It was hoped
that the reader would think in fresh terms about images and delve beyond the angles and
curves visually represented to the reality and meaning the picture embodies.
The photography of Indian people has long been an issue of perceived reality
versus wishful perception. Putting cameras in the hands of students and asking them to
photograph their educational world provided an avenue for their voices to be heard. In
addition, the adult educators commented to provide historical context as to the look of
Navajo education at Rough Rock Community School.
It was evident through the findings that the student participants of this study were
keenly aware of their surroundings and the underlying mission of our school. The student
participants demonstrated that they were aware of the why and how of Navajo education
at Rough Rock. An application of this new understanding is that all students need to be
allowed to be a part of the greater organization and mission through enhanced
participation in the educational process. This could include opportunities to articulate
both orally and visually the mission of Rough Rock on an ongoing basis and what that
means to them. The more the students and organization can be aligned in this process,
the more likely the expected goals will be achieved. Within Rough Rock I foresee that
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this will be a way to develop a more complete approach to Navajo studies within the
current curriculum and increased student focus on the school’s unique mission.
Recommendations for Future Research
To say that the expectations of the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, including
the accountability measures and certification requirements for educators, have impacted
education in the United States is an understatement. Rough Rock Community School, a
unique situation in itself, has not been an exception. Further study of the application of
this legislation could occur to determine how Rough Rock has met the legal requirements
while maintaining congruence to its stated mission.
In addition, an underlying theme of this research was “what does it mean to be a
Navajo?” Further research can be completed using photo-elicitation to examine the
identity of Navajos. For example, when we discuss the loss of a language as a loss of
identity, the question begs to be asked, “says who?” If someone can learn to speak
Spanish but not be Hispanic how then can someone not knowing Navajo language make
him or her less of a Navajo?
Conclusions
As the current executive director of Rough Rock, the son of its cofounders, and a
former student at the school, I bring a unique perspective to this study. Sitting on that
plane over 40 years ago, I could not have predicted that I would be in the position to
directly impact the look of Navajo education that my parents envisioned. In gathering
data and culling photographs, I engaged in a constant reflective process. I found that the
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six themes that emerged supported the mission as originally established, but I have come
to realize that the mission has evolved to accommodate many changes.
Missions, like cultures, must change in response to changing environments. New
people bring fresh ideas and ways of implementing those ideas. The school’s mission set
firmly the direction of the school, but as we have seen environmental changes like roads
and busses, federal legislation, and even changing styles of dress have all affected the
look of Navajo education. To paraphrase James Baldwin, “history is trapped in Rough
Rock and Rough Rock is trapped in history.”
I am proud that my perspective has been heavily influenced by my father. As I
conducted the research, I heard him clearly in the voices of the students, some of whom
never had the opportunity to meet him. His ideas were crystallized in the thoughts of the
educators who helped realize his vision and his dreams have become mine. He used to
say the two most beautiful words in the English language were, “my son.” These words
also end his favorite poem, “If.” And though my sisters and mom, all strong Navajo
women, might object to Kipling’s 1909 sexism, the words continue to move me.
It may be a stretch to say that the poem, by the well-known proponent of empire
and author of The White Man's Burden", reflects Rough Rock – but not much of a
stretch. Words are as important to Navajo culture as the images we have been
discussing. Precision is essential, as is eloquence. They help explain how a school board
with limited Western education not only operated a school but also led a movement. As
Kipling wrote, “If you can trust yourself when all men doubt you.” Where did the school
board get that trust when everyone doubted their success? I believe it was in their fervent
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belief in a mission that grew out of their strong faith and pride in the importance of
Navajo identity.
Over the years, there have been painful issues and real conflicts within the
school. Many times this has centered on the direction the school was heading, and other
times it was based on the dynamic of a small community with many different points of
views. During the course of my research I was surprised that what my father often
considered the “Achilles heel of the Navajo” was not discussed by any of the
participants. This “Achilles heel” is jealousy, a character trait that is seen within families,
clans, classrooms – almost everywhere. Here too Kipling provided words of advice: “Or
being lied about, don't deal in lies, Or being hated, don't give way to hating.” These are
simple words for a very difficult path in life. The words of the poem speak of a better
place created by an idea. So it is with Rough Rock.
Ideas need words to induce action but for many of the students interviewed, the
words spoken in Navajo brought feelings of shame and conflict. It is a feeling that I have
experienced. As I have mentioned, I do not speak Navajo, yet I am Navajo. My clans are
Kinaayaanii born for Bilagaana. I know the stories of Creation. I understand the lessons
of the Twins traveling to find their father, the Sun. I know my place in the world and
within the sacred mountains. With this knowledge, I know who I am. When I look at the
mission, I share the same feelings as the students. This mission, as depicted in imagery
and expressed in photographs clearly shows me my place – this place to be Navajo.
Yet, is this enough? Is it enough to know why you are somewhere or should it be
more? What does it mean to be Navajo? It’s a question that each person who comes to
Rough Rock eventually must answer. Rough Rock does not tell you the answer but it
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arms you with knowledge to ask the right questions. In interviewing students about
Navajo language, they spoke of the difficulties of learning the language but not of their
feelings about not knowing it. In other words, they focused on the act of learning and not
fluency. Identity did not seem to be linked to language.
For me it is a different story. Many times I have had to explain why, as the head
of a bilingual and bicultural school, I do not speak Navajo. It is a feeling I have grown up
with and have learned to maneuver around. But I cannot hide from it. I speak of Rough
Rock as a special place, but one of its main virtues is lacking in me. The ability and pride
in speaking Navajo. With just a few choice words, my pride can be hurt and my identity
questioned. Here to, Kipling speaks to me: “If you can bear to hear the truth you've
spoken, Twisted by knaves to make a trap for fools, Or watch the things you gave your
life to, broken, And stoop and build 'em up with worn-out tools”. Identity is a powerful
feeling; always self-defined, always imposed by others. For me, it is a constant building
effort. Each new Navajo word added to my vocabulary and each new story learned is
another step on the never-ending road to self-discovery. Rough Rock is like that. Every
year is a year of discovery. But can it be photographed?
Maybe as Eric Margolis (1999) has argued, some social relationships cannot be
photographed. Coupled with photo elicitation though, these relationships can be brought
to light. Laughter is quite the opposite of this dilemma. Looking at a photograph of
laughter is like listening only to the punch line – you know you’re supposed to laugh but
you don’t know why. Pictures need words for context.
I remember wanting to be a photographer because I was tired of the outside world
defining Navajo identity through photography. Throughout history Indians have typically
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been depicted as stoic or romantically represented as “the noble savage” or a vanishing
race. A vanishing race is not supposed to be a laughing matter – unless you are that
vanishing race. I wanted a different perspective portrayed. I wanted my vision seen and
my voice heard. Through this body of research, within the images and words of the
students, I saw a kindred vision and heard a similar voice. The images produced by
students showed no noble savages, no vanishing stoic race. They showed vibrant, living,
laughing young people exploring the world around them and, as Myles Horton and Paulo
Freire put it, “making the road by walking” (1990).
An image; a photograph; a point of view; all of these reflect a certain look. While
there was not a single “look” to education at Rough Rock, significant themes seemed to
mirror images produced in the early days of the school. Students sought to answer my
question, but they brought their own unique vision. Did their themes add up to a
reflection of the mission in practice in the classrooms of Rough Rock? The student
participants knew why they are at school and associated this purpose with learning to
speak Navajo or learning Navajo history. What was interesting for me, as researcher and
as the director of the school, was that many of the students knew about Rough Rock’s
history and could articulate visually and orally the mission.
Lastly, after the Long Walk to Fort Sumner, the Navajos were starving to return
to their Dinetah. Four years in Fort Sumner had brought unfathomable tragedy. The
people wanted to go home and begin anew. Navajo leader Barboncito said as he signed
the Treaty of 1868 which allowed their return, “After we get back to our country it will
brighten up again and the Navajos will be as happy as the land, black clouds will rise and
there will be plenty of rain” (Iverson, 2002, p. 7). The black clouds brought rain and
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with it sprouted a new idea. Rough Rock Community School emerged from the earth and
sky to help educate Navajos about being Navajo while integrating the best of Western
education. This blending has created a school strong enough to withstand federal
bureaucracy and new legislation, and fluid enough to change and grow and be
reinvigorated with the times.
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APPENDIX A
INTERVIEW GUIDE
139
APPENDIX B
CODIFICATION
147
APPENDIX C
PHOTO ELICITATION PHOTOGRAPHS
148
Student Photo Elicitation Photographs
149
150
151
152
Rough Rock Archival Photographs for Photo elicitation
153
154
155
156
157
