designs for sculpture by andrea pozzo

Designs for Sculpture by Andrea PozzoAuthor(s): Bernhard KerberSource: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 47, No. 4 (Dec., 1965), pp. 499-502Published by: College Art AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3048308 .

Accessed: 15/06/2014 14:14

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

College Art Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The ArtBulletin.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 195.78.108.51 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 14:14:24 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=caa

http://www.jstor.org/stable/3048308?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


NOTES 499

contemporary imitations of them, did not turn from references bordering on the obscene, and even the great idyllic poem by Ferrara's beloved Ludovico Ari- osto, Orlando furioso, contained a few salacious pas- sages bent to Este tastes. The allegorical identification of contemporary rulers with the gods was also by Dosso's time a tradition at Ferrara. Giovanni Bellini included some possibly even satirical "mythological portraits" in his Feast of the Gods of 1514, a work always before Dosso's eyes in the studio of Duke Al- fonso; and the allegorical parallel between the Este family and the heroes of the Carolingian romance cycle was a fundamental theme of Ariosto's courtly Orlando furioso."8 All these devices stressed the mun- dane nature of Ferrarese court art, which looked for inspiration to the sophistications both of the ancient world and of earlier mediaeval courts.

But the verso of the coin, illustrating the chaste and spiritual life surrounding Ercole's duchess, Renata di Francia, is entirely in contrast. The Hampton Court painting is sober and only decorously joyful in mood, even rather somber in color, traditional in its references to a long Christian history, yet idealistic and liberal in its conciliatory religious ideas. Not only is its iconography more traditional than that of the Uffizi painting-it is even in part early Christian-but also its semi-pyramidal composition is an accepted one for a Renaissance altarpiece. In both design and content this pious painting contrasts to the Uflizi allegory, which is fresh and bawdy in mood and loose, informal, almost careless in composition. But such are the two contrasting currents-worldly and looking to the an- tique on one hand and still faithfully Christian on the other-from which Renaissance court life was forged, not only at Ferrara but at other north Italian centers such as Mantua and Milan where the Renaissance manifested its genius in a rich aulic culture.

Despite the contrasting moods of these two alle- gories Dosso used similar iconographic means to formu- late their meanings. In neither case did he follow the conventional iconographic types which held such firm sway over most Renaissance painters. He rather viewed certain types-the Choice of Hercules and Hercules and Omphale for the Uflizi allegory, the Sacred Con- versation and the Lineage of Christ for that in Hamp- ton Court-as tangential sources from which he di- verged at will. These sources, which only hover in the background of Dosso's creative process, are freely fused with contemporary references to the customs of court life itself, such as the activities of the jester and the courtesans in the Hercules allegory and the adap- tation of an emblematic costume to the Virgin, and

even with witty references of natural origin, such as those in the still lifes of the Uffizi painting. The re- sulting mixture is rich in subtle implications, sugges- tively complex in its juxtaposition of the real and the symbolic, paradoxically as natural as an event in life itself yet as artfully contrived as the situation in one of Ariosto's comedies. Dosso's iconographic method seems certainly related to Giorgione's, as were the two artists' styles during the former's early career. The difficulty in interpreting Giorgione's iconography also arises from the subtlety of his use of oblique sources and the cosmic and generalized scope of his allegorical references."9 In iconography as well as in style both artists were mainlanders who adopted the great Vene- tian tradition as their own, Giorgione to transform it in accord with the needs of a new century, Dosso to adapt it in turn to his own role as court artist. It is possible then that whatever is revealed here about Dosso's iconographic methods may also be of some inferential use to students of Giorgione. PRINCETON UNIVERSITY

38. On Ariosto see Giulio Bertoni, "L'Orlando furioso" e la Rinascenza a Ferrara, Modena, 1919, p. 62 (use of obscenity), pt. 2 passim, especially pp. I25ff. (mediaeval sources and Es- tean genealogical references). The fundamental study on Ariosto's sources is Pio Rajna, Le fonti dell' Orlando furioso, Florence, 1876. On Bellini's "mythological portraits" see Wind, op.cit., pp. 36ff.

39- Cf. the excellent study by Patricia Egan, "Poesia and the Fete Champetre," ART BULLETIN, XLI, 1959, 303-313.

DESIGNS FOR SCULPTURE BY ANDREA POZZO

BERNHARD KERBER

In keeping with the Baroque spirit of universality, the rich oeuvre of the Jesuit father, Andrea Pozzo, encompasses the most varied artistic forms: church architecture, festival and theater decorations, fresco cy- cles, religious paintings, and portraits. Yet, until now it has seldom been asked whether Pozzo also designed the sculptures that decorate his architecture, although contemporary reports in the correspondence of the French Academy in Rome inform us that he provided oil sketches of his own as patterns for the sculptors who carried out the band of seven gilded bronze reliefs above the mensa and across the entire width of the altar of St. Ignatius in the church of the Gesiih.

However, Klaus Lankheit has recently interpreted another contemporary source as casting doubt upon the frate's role in the design of the reliefs. Lankheit published a note from the autobiography of the Florentine goldsmith Lorenzo Merlini, in which the latter claims to have produced both the "disegno" and "modello" for the central relief panel2 representing Peter appear- ing to the wounded St. Ignatius. On the basis of this claim, Lankheit states that ". .. it must be doubted that an oil sketch by Pozzo was responsible for the design," goes on to suggest that Pozzo merely gave his

i. Anatole de Montaiglon, Correspondance des directeurs de l'acadimie de France a Rome avec les surintendants des bdtiments publics d'apres les manuscrits des archives nationales 1666-1804, Paris, 1877-1912, No. 644, p. 168, October 25, 1695 and No. 165o, p. I75, November 15, I695.

2. Florentinische Barockplastik. Die Kunst am Hofe der letzten Medici. r670-1743, Munich, 1962, pp. I83-I85, p. 228 under No. 25. "Aus der Vitensammlung des F. M. N. Gabberi," according to BNF. MS E. B. 9, 5, III, pp. 1755-1757.



500 THE ART BULLETIN

"approvazione" to the reliefs, and concludes that, in any case, stylistic analysis reveals that the prototypes for the conception, modeling, casting, and chasing are to be found "not in the Roman late Baroque, but in Flor- ence." Lankheit suggests that the reliefs are close to the work of Giovanni Battista Foggini, the teacher of Merlini, especially to those on the shrine of St. Francis Xavier made for Goa, the plan of which had been sent to Rome by Grand Duke Cosimo, together with the announcement of a bequest for the chapel of St. Ignatius in the Gesui. In a letter of September 30, 1695, the General of the Jesuit order praised the design and thanked the grand duke for it. For this rea- son, Lankheit believes it probable that the General's desire to decorate the altar of St. Ignatius with bronze reliefs was inspired by plans for the Goa monument. Merlini reports in his autobiography that the casting of the remaining six reliefs also was assigned to him and that he was, in addition, to finish three of them. Lankheit comments that "so far as these accounts are known, they support Merlini's participation on the other panels: in 1697 Lorenzo received payment 'per una cera del modello del Spiritato,' which is usually attributed to the collaboration of Angelo Rossi and Johann Gaap, although stylistically closely related to the central relief. But Gaap himself presumably came from the workshop of an important Florentine caster, Maximilian Soldani. He and Merlini must have known one another. Like Merlini, Gaap made use of his ex- periences at the court of the Medici."

Lankheit bases his interpretation entirely on the validity of Merlini's statements. But the assertions of the Florentine are contradicted by the documents and accounts for the altar of St. Ignatius, which have been preserved in an unusually complete state. The idea of using relief decoration could not have been inspired either by the St. Francis Xavier shrine or by Merlini, since Pozzo's altar plan of February 20, 1695 already indicated a series of relief panels.3 Moreover, the first relief was being worked on (October 25, see below) before Merlini received the commission (November 12).' To be sure, the statement that Merlini was to cast all the reliefs in bronze is also found in a letter of La Teuliere's,5 but this appears to have been only a statement of intent. That the intention was never re- alized is made clear by the documents, where Merlini

is in no instance made personally responsible for the casting. The "cera del modello del spiritato" was not made by Merlini until May, 1697. Yet, the relief not only was already cast, but even chased in July of the preceding year. Merlini's wax model must, therefore, have been made for another, unrelated purpose."

Although whatever oil sketches Pozzo may have made for the relief are apparently now lost, it is possible, nevertheless, to demonstrate a clear link between the design of the reliefs and Pozzo's work as a painter. A series of frescoes by Pozzo in the corridor extend- ing in front of the Camere di Sant'Ignazio in the chapter house of the Gesii seems to be a forerunner of the relief compositions. The frescoes date from between 1682 and I686, a whole decade earlier than the reliefs.7

The first of the smaller high relief panels shows St. Ignatius miraculously extinguishing a fire (Fig. I). The conception of the scene goes back to Pozzo's fresco,8 but its structure has undergone a fundamental change. The fresco representation (Fig. 2) is con- ceived as a painting hung on a wall, its illusionistic frame and architecture acting as a double barrier which creates a formal distance between the pictorial space- and the observer. Whereas the fresco painting is developed on a flat surface, the altar is a three-dimen-- sional, architectural structure. The barrier of illusionistic architecture has been eliminated and the ob-- server finds himself directly confronted by the relief surface. Through this closeness, the concrete quality of the relief gains an even greater sense of reality. Pozzo's sculptural design emphasizes this new and' more direct reality by changes in the composition. The space has been made shallower, the perspective has been shifted, and the principal carriers of the action have been moved into the foreground. The miracle-work- ing saint no longer appears in the background but now dominates the composition. In this way, the event is. given greater clarity. The greater idealization of figures and costumes raises the scene to a nobler plane of existence, without robbing the action of its dramatic content.

The clay model for the relief was executed from an oil sketch of Pozzo's by Rene Fremin.' Work already was in progress by October 25, 1695. Giuseppe Piser- one and Natale Miglie were responsible for making-

3. Rom. 14o, fol. 47. This, and all the sources cited below are in the Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu and published in part by Pio Pecchiai, Il Gesui di Roma, Rome, 1952.

4. Rom. 141, fol. 173-1745 FG Inform. 138/494 fol. 316, account settled with Merlini for June 13 and 21, 1696; ACG, vol. 2056, p. 20o4, December I, 1696, payment; loc.cit., p. 219, January 23, 1697, payment for the gilding of seventeen screws; the relief was cast by Cordier: ACG, vol. 2056, p. 135, July 12, 1696; Carlo Spagna did the chasing; loc.cit., p. 141, July 25, 1696; the gilding was applied by Giovanni Andrea Lorenziani: loc.cit., p. 231, March 5, 1697.

5. Montaiglon, op.cit., No. 662, p. 192, December 27, 1695, "un Florentin doit faire un de bronze et doit jetter tout ce que sera de ce metal."

6. ACG, vol. 2056, p. 254, May 14, 1697, b. 60 to Mer- lini "per comprar rasa per temperare detta cera per cavarne

una dalla forma del Bassorilievo del Spiritato"; loc.cit., p. 258, May 22, 1697, "Sig.r Angelo Rossi al Sr. Merlini sc.. quattro per una cera del modello del spiritato."

7. Pietro Tacchi-Venturi, La casa di S. Ignazio di Loiola in Roma, Rome, n.d. (1929) 5 2nd revised ed., La prima casa- di S. Ignazio di Loyola in Roma o le sue cappellette al Gesi,. Rome, 1951, n. 16.

8. Pozzo's Extinguishing of the Fire was inspired by Raph- ael's Fire in the Borgo. Also, Ludovico Carracci's Miracles- of St. Benedict in San Michele in Bosco in Bologna may have played a part in its creation; cf. also Strenna storica bolognese,. 12, 1962, pp. 165-201.

9. FG Inform. 138/494 fol. 297; Montaiglon, op.cit., No. 644, p. 168, October 25, 1695, "Le Sr. Fremin fait un modeller de terre."



NOTES 501

the wax impression for the casting, reworking it, and chasing the rough cast.'x Francesco Ferreri completed the process by applying the gilding."

The relief on the front of the left column base de- picts the healing of a possessed man (Fig. 5). In this case, Pozzo apparently no longer considered the fresco representation (Fig. 6)12 to be satisfactory, for the original conception was retained only in the general grouping and a few details. The possessed man and the exorcist dominate the composition. Around them, the remaining figures form a nichelike grouping, the semi- circle of which is gradually flattened to the relief plane by a complex, interpenetrating background architecture. In the foreground, however, the force of the narrative action bursts out of the frame, projecting the event into actual space."3

Pozzo's design was carried out by the Genovese Angelo de Rossi."4 The model probably was already begun by December 27, 1695 and was paid for on February 11, 1696. On November 27, 1695, a con- tract was made with Adolf Gaap"5 for the execution of the entire project, and on February 6, Rossi's model was delivered into his hands.'6 Giovanni Federico Lu- dovici, a German trained in Ulm, took part in the casting; and Antonio Sertorio, otherwise known only as an ebenista, in the chasing.l7

Rudolf Berlinerx attributes an important role to Gaap in the creation of the relief: "Certainly . . . , at least the precision and forcefulness of its expression must be ascribed to Gaap, since, for example, the contrast between the two primary motifs of the composition, the exalted calm of the saint's face and his com- manding gesture, and the distorted face and nervous hands of the possessed man, is the result of the casting and chasing." On the whole, however, the creative contribution of the individual sculptors is very diffi- cult to assess without a fuller examination of their

work. Rossi's statue of S. Giacomo Minore in the Lateran, at any rate, distinctly recalls the figure of the possessed man in gestures and expression.'9

The modeling, casting, and chasing of the Healing of a Nun (Fig. 3)20 are the work of Peter Paul Reiff. This relief is the weakest of the entire group, for the artist has not succeeded in translating into sculptural terms the more painterly elements of Pozzo's corre- sponding fresco (Fig. 4), such as the clouds and rays of light. In addition, the modeling of the figures is brittle and lacks vitality. Yet, the strict rectangle of the relief allows the figure of St. Ignatius to be brought into closer connection with the group below and to participate more directly in the event, a purpose which is also served by the reduced foreground and the clearer relationship of the figures to one another. Space is represented here only by the difference in the sizes of the figures.21

The panel on the front of the right column base, which represents the meeting of Sts. Ignatius and Fi- lippo Neri, was executed by Francesco Nuvolone.22 As is true for the central panel by Merlini, its design does not have a counterpart in Pozzo's fresco cycle or other works.

The sixth relief, like the first, was modeled by Rene Fremin. He himself made the wax model,23 and the casting was undertaken by Antonio Cordier.24 The panel represents a number of miracles which, begin- ning on March 12, 1622, took place when St. Igna- tius was evoked and the sick rubbed with the oil of lamps that burned in front of his image (Fig. 7).

Such miraculous cures by means of oil had already been recorded for S. Diego and the Abbot Nilus, and, although both of these miracles took place in front of an image of the Madonna,25 Pozzo drew upon representations of these miracles by Albani (on the design

lo. Rom. 141, fol. 234-235; FG Inform. 138/494 fol.

286; ACG, vol. 2056, p. 241. 11. ACG, vol. 2056, pp. 18o, 196, 05, z211. 12. A hitherto unnoticed bozzetto is hanging in an ante-

chamber of the Camere di San Stanislao in Sant'Andrea al Quirinale.

13. There was a rich pictorial tradition for such scenes of exorcism. See Paul Richer, L'art et la midecine, Paris, 1902, pp. io-128.

14. Montaiglon, op.cit., No. 662, p. 192, December 27, 1695; FG Inform. 138/494, fol. 286 and ACG, vol. 2057, p. 51.

15. Rom. 141, fol. 188. I6. Loc.cit., fol. 189; on fol. 190, receipts for payment;

ACG, vol. 2056, p. 196, November io, 1696, payment of 170 scudi.

17. ACG, vol. 2056, p. 137, July 20, 1696. 18. Rudolf Berliner, "Johann Adolf Gaap. Fragmente

zur Biographie eines deutsch-italienischen Metallkiinstlers," Miinchner Jahrbuch der Bildenden Kunst, 3rd ser., III/IV, 1952/1953, pp. 233-252, especially p. 239.

I9. In the I8th century, Pozzo's Healing of a Possessed Man inspired Andrea Bergondi's stucco relief, the Exorcism by S. Tommaso da Villanova in the left transept of Sant' Agostino. Elements from Pozzo's work were also used by Sebastiano Conca in his painting of S. Domenico resurrecting a mason killed during the building of San Clemente, in the Cappella San Domenico in San Clemente, executed ca. 1715

according to Carlo Cecchelli, San Clemente, Rome, n.d., p. 94. zo. FG Inform. 138/494, fol. 286; ACG, vol. 2056, p.

146, July 30, 1696; loc.cit., p. 282, August 3, 1697. 21. The Kunstmuseum in Diisseldorf possesses an unpub-

lished preliminary sketch for the fresco, FP 1995, AR No. 993+5, 255 x 390mm, brown paper, pencil, gray wash, heightened with white.

22. FG Inform. 138/494, fol. 286; ACG, vol. 2056, p. 84, March 21, 1696; ACG, vol. 2057, P. 51, March z21, 1696. Bernardino Brogi took over the job of casting: FG Inform. 138/494, fol. 286; ACG, vol. 2056, p. zoo, No- vember 20o, 1696; ACG, vol. 2057, P. 51. Marie Risselin- Steenebrugen, "Filet brode retragant des episodes de la vie de saint Ignace de Loyola," Bulletin des Muszes royaux d'art et d'histoire (Brussels), xIx, 1948, p. 99 n. 3, recognizes as the prototype plate 73 in the anonymous Vita beati P. Ignatii Loiolae Societatis Jesu fundatoris, Rome, 16o9.

23. FG Inform. 138/494, fol. 286; Montaiglon, op.cit., No. 657, December 6, 1695; No. 681, pp. 21o-211, March 6, 1696; ACG, vol. 2056, p. 81; ACG, vol. 2057, P. 51, accounts settled for March 17, 1696 for both models.

24. ACG, vol. 2056, p. 173, September 29, x696; ACG, vol. 2057, P. 51.

25. Georg Schreiber, Deutschland und Spanien, Volkskund- liche und kulturkundliche Beziehungen, Diisseldorf, 1936, p. 151. For the St. Nilus miracle, see Acta Sanctorum, Septem- ber 26, vII, p. 137.



502 THE ART BULLETIN

of Annibale Carracci) and Domenichino,26 for the design of his fresco (Fig. 8).

In the relief, the unimportant background architecture has lost some of its depth and has been given a simpler articulation. A bust of the saint, which is more easily rendered in sculptural terms, has replaced the painted image. Pozzo has again clarified the event by emphasizing the main group. It is no longer the act of taking the oil which is essential, but rather the miraculous healing."2

The Freeing of the Captives (Fig. 9), which com- pletes the series, was modeled by Pierre Etienne Mon- not.28 In this case as well, many motifs were taken over from Pozzo's fresco (Fig. o). Because the top section of the painting was omitted in the relief, the frame, and, therefore, also the barred window, were lowered; the space was made narrower; and the background closed off. Monnot compensated for this loss in depth by the rapid change in the scale of the figures.

Inasmuch as five of the seven reliefs on the altar of St. Ignatius can be shown to depend upon paintings by Pozzo, the place of the reliefs-Merlini's excepted-- in the context of Roman rather than Florentine art is assured. Moreover, Nuvolone's Meeting of Sts. Igna- tius and Filippo Neri, while not based on a work by Pozzo, is Roman in style. The chronology of the works also excludes an inspiration by the shrine of St. Francis Xavier.

(Translated by Renate Baron Franciscono)

26. See Donald Posner, "Annibale Carracci and His School, the Painting of the Herrera Chapel," Arte antica e moderna, 9, 1960, PP. 397-4125 Jacob Hess, Die Kinstlerbiographien v'on Giovanni und Battista Passerei, Leipzig and Vienna, 1934, p. 265 n. i, comments: "A drawing published in The

Studio, January, I931, p. 42, as Andrea del Sarto's may be connected with the works discussed here"; Renato Roli, "Di-

pinti inediti di Donato Creti," Arte antica e moderna, 6, 1963, pp. 247-253, who publishes (p. 252) a painting by Creti in San Bernardino di Rimini (1732) representing a similar miracle of S. Diego. Between 16o2-16o7, on commission from the Herrera family, Albani had already painted a fresco of the miracles of S. Diego for the church of San Giacomo degli Spagnuoli, after a design by Annibale Carracci. In 16o9, Carracci procured a commission from Cardinal Odoardo Far- nese for his pupil Domenichino to decorate the chapel of Abbot Nilus in the abbey of Grottaferrata. Domenichino used his teacher's work as a model for his fresco of a monk curing the possessed son of the Calabrian commander Polyeuctes through the intercession of St. Nilus.

27. This relief also was imitated by Bergondi. 28. FG Inform. 138/494, fol. 2865 ACG, vol. 2056, p. 44,

November 28, 1695; ACG, vol. 2057, p. 51; Montaiglon, op.cit., No. 662, p. 192, December 27, 1695. The wax model was reworked by Bernardetti: ACG, vol. 2056, p. 147, July 31, 1696. The casting was done by Thomas Germain: FG Inform. 138/494, fol. 286; ACG, vol. 2056, p. 277; ACG, vol. 2057, p. 281, August 1, 1697.

AN INTERPRETATION OF ANDREA DEL SARTO'S BOGHERINI

HOLY FAMILY

JAMES F. O'GORMAN

Perhaps the portraits, Holy Families, Madonnas and the like which constitute the bulk of Andrea del Sarto's

oeuvre seem barren ground for iconographical study, but I have not been able to shake the impression that his so-called Bogherini Holy Family in the Metro- politan Museum is more than just another straight- forward religious painting (Fig. I). I think there is compelling circumstantial evidence which suggests that this representation of Mary, Joseph, the Christ Child and the young John the Baptist reflects one aspect of contemporary Florentine politics: the theocratic ideal, inherited from Savonarola, of Christ as king of the city. I would like to outline that evidence here.'

Representations of the Holy Family which include the young Baptist became frequent in Florentine painting after the middle of the fifteenth century despite the lack of New Testament authority for such a group.2 Yet one aspect of our painting seems unprecedented. Earlier scenes of this type link John to Christ through one of several prophetic motifs: the waters of the Jor- dan in which John will later baptize Christ; a cross- topped staff carried by John, at times a scroll bearing the legend ECCE AGNUS DEI, in allusion to Christ's ultimate sacrifice; or the sacrificial lamb itself.s It is true that the traditional cross appears in our painting, in the lower left-hand corner, but its symbolic impact is clearly subordinate to the main action above. There, as Vasari remarks, "an infant St. John . . . gives Christ a ball signifying the world."' The Bap- tist gives Christ the orb, the symbol of political sov-

ereignty absorbed by the mediaeval Church from Ro- man imperial iconography and Christianized by the

superimposed cross.5 There are earlier works grouping the young Bap-

tist and the Child in which this symbol is also present., In Mino da Fiesole's Virgin and Saints Adoring the Child in the Cathedral of Fiesole, the infant Baptist kneels before the Child who holds the orb in one hand

x. The point developed here formed part of a paper writ- ten for Prof. S. J. Freedberg, and was mentioned by him in his Andrea del Sarto: Catalogue Raisonnee, Cambridge, Mass., 1963, p. 156. He dates the painting ca. 1527. See also

J. Shearman, Andrea del Sarto, Oxford, 1965, II, pp. 276ff. 2. M. A. Lavin, "Giovannino Battista: a Study in Renais-

sance Religious Symbolism," ART BULLETIN, XXXVII, 1955, pp. 85-o10; idem, "Giovannino Battista: a Supplement," ART

BULLETIN, XLIII, 1961, pp. 319-326; and B. Berenson, Three

Essays in Method, Oxford, 1927, PP. Ioiff. 3. Lavin, op.cit., 1955, PP. 92ff. 4. "un San Giovanni putto . . . porge a Cristo una palla

figurata per il mondo," G. Vasari, Le vite de' pi' eccellenti

pittori, etc., G. Milanesi, ed., Florence, 1878-1885, v, p. 52. 5. It can be traced, for example, from Roman coins to the

portrait of Otto II (or III) from a copy (ca. 983) of the Registrum Gregorii now at Chantilly, and on into the Renais- sance. In the Chantilly illustration Otto holds a cross-inscribed orb while receiving the homage of four women bearing smaller orbs representing the four parts of his empire. This is a direct ancestor of the Parmigianino allegorical portrait of Charles V mentioned below. For the Chantilly portrait see C. Nordenfalk, "Die Meister des Registrum Gregorii," Miinchner Jahrbuch, 3rd ser., I, 1950, pp. 61-77 and fig. 10.

6. There are also even earlier paintings in which the elder

Baptist is shown, such as the Tabernacle of the Arte dei Linaiuoli in the Museo di S. Marco in Florence, but I will not discuss them here.



I. Altar of St. Ignatius, St. Ignatius miraculously extinguishing a fire. Rome, Gesfi

2. Pozzo, St. Ignatius miraculously extinguishing a fire. Rome, Gesfi

3. Altar of St. Ignatius, Healing of a nun. Rome, Gesui 4. Pozzo, Healing of a nun. Rome, Gesii



5. Altar of St. Ignatius, Healing of a possessed man. Rome, Gesi

6. Pozzo, Healing of a possessed man. Rome, Gesii



7. Altar of St. Ignatius, Miracles of healing with oil Rome, Ges i

8. Pozzo, Miracles of healing with oil. Rome, Geshi

9. Altar of St. Ignatius, Freeing of the captives. Rome, Gesui I o. Pozzo, Freeing of the captives. Rome, Gesui



designs for sculpture by andrea pozzo

Documents