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What are we scared of?: Does the threat of climate change and sea level rise present a unique opportunity to re-imagine the way we live with water?

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This dissertation is protected by copyright. Do not copy any part

of it for any purpose other than personal academic study without

the permission of the author.

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What are we scared of?: Does the threat of climate change and sea

level rise present a unique opportunity to re-imagine the way we

live with water?

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The issue of climate change and the various effects it will have

on sea level and extreme weather events has become increasingly

accepted by governments, architects and planners.

The aim of this study is to investigate whether these effects offer

an opportunity to adopt an entirely new architectural approach to

living with water.

The study first describes the scientific basis for the acceptance of

climate change as a phenomenon and then moves onto to examine

the current policy response within the UK. The outcome of this

policy analysis is then compared to proposals and studies produced

by various bodies investigating new approaches to flooding and

sea level rise in order to establish a criteria for innovative new

development.

This criteria is then used to analyse various case studies, from

vernacular architecture to highly theoretical and speculative

proposals to develop a understanding of the current state of

architectural responses to water.

Analysis of these case studies along with an understanding of the

scientific and policy context allows the conclusion to be drawn

that there is significant scope for new and plausible alternatives

to simply building higher and higher flood defences, provided the

government can take a visionary and directing role.

Abstract

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ContentsChapters

Introduction

Methodology

Scientific Context

Literature Review

Policy Review

Case Studies

Conclusion

References

Figure Credits

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Figure ListFigures

The centre of Bristol flooded

IPCC prediction of global sea level rise

UKCP09 prediction of sea level rise in S.E. England

Tewkesbury flooded in 2007

New Orleans flooded

Great Britain following a 70m rise in sea level

Aftermath of 1953 storm surge

LifE approach to rising sea levels and flooding

Vernacular response to a flooded landscape

Retreat, defend and attack diagrams

Typical flood resilient houses in the UK

Palafito houses in Chile

Surviving fortified houses in Texas

Fortified house design

Badjao people in the Phillipines

Oil Rocks aerial view

Oil Rocks road network

Floatel Superior in a Norwegian fjord

Mobile houseboat in Amsterdam

Stationary houseboats in Vancouver

Steigereiland site plan

Floating houses at Steigereiland

Steigereiland typologies

Salt House lifting method

Alison Brooks’ Salt House

Studio Linfors’ image of a flooded Times Square

Squint Opera’s image of fishing in London

Anthony Lau’s Maritime City

RIBA’s proposal for Hull to attack rising sea levels

A scheme for the flooded centre of Bristol

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1

“The bulk of the city had long since vanished, and only the steel

supported buildings of the central commercial and financial areas had

survived the encroaching flood waters.” (Ballard 1962, p19)

J G Ballard’s vision of a flooded city presents an extreme view of

the aftermath of climate change and a resultant sea-level rise in the

future as in figure 1. However, the issue of climate change and the

pressing need to both mitigate and adapt to its consequent effects

has come to the forefront of international and national policy in

recent years. This study takes this increased interest in climate

change and its impacts as a sign that developments in the built

environment will be forced by government policy and practical

necessity to reflect the predicted changes. Primarily the study will

investigate the current predictions for sea-level rise, the risk of

flooding and the reaction to this within architecture and planning

and then go beyond the immediate situation to investigate a

possible future world where living with water has become a part of

everyday life.

Introduction

figure 1 - the centre of Bristol flooded

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The most recent report from the United Nations (UN)

Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) presented

four scenarios based on different levels of emissions and reductions

that would have a significant effect on global sea levels, with the

minimum rise by 2100 estimated at 18 cm up to a maximum of

59 cm. The report also predicted that there would very likely be a

significant increase in extreme weather events, including periods of

heavy rainfall (Pachauri & Reisinger 2007, p.2).

In Britain the issue of climate change and its effects has risen in both

the public consciousness and in importance within government

policy. A major influence on UK government policy has been the

Stern review of 2006, which took an economic approach to the

issue of climate change and concluded that “adaptation is the only

response available for the impacts that will occur over the next

several decades before mitigation measures can have an effect.”

(Stern 2006, xxi).

This study investigates the possible architectural responses to

flooding, first by examining the scientific basis behind this new

concern for climate change, to establish the rationale for this

study. Following this, literature concerning the new concern for

climate change and its effects forms the central basis for the study.

This literature approaches the issue from two perspectives: firstly,

attitudes and responses to flooding and why people choose to

still live in areas under threat and, secondly, think-tank produced

papers making recommendations as to how the UK government

should respond to the problems. Government policy will then be

investigated in terms of the conclusions of the relevant texts to

analyse the current approach and evaluate its success.

These texts will then be used as the basis for an analysis of a selection

of case studies to establish the potential for architecture to address

the threats of climate change.

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The combination of the analysis drawn from these case studies and

the policy examined earlier will be used to consider and suggest an

answer to the research question and examine future possibilities

that may come to exist if the most extreme climatic changes take

place.

Will government policy drive a change in attitudes and lead to

a change in our relationship with water, or will dramatic natural

events force architects, planners and other shapers of the built

environment to come up with solutions to these changing

conditions?

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This study is formed from two supporting strands of research, the

first establishes the current consensus in science for the existence

of climate change and sea level rise, explores texts that make

recommendations for dealing with sea level rise and flooding and

finally examines current Government policy. The second strand

examines case studies and analyses these in the terms of the first

strand of research in order to identify useful precedents and

successful technologies.

The bulk of this report has been written using secondary research,

obtained from journal articles, government policy documents

and the publications of quangos and other public and private

organisations with an interest in the relationship between water

and the built environment.

In the process of the original literature search it became clear that

policy and research concerning living with water came from a

much wider disciplinary background than purely planning and

architecture. The scope of the secondary research was widened

to take this into account, including articles from the insurance

industry through to sociological research. This scope will be

discussed in the literature review.

The study then moves onto an investigation of case studies of

architectural responses to water. The studies are divided into four

sections - vernacular, 20th century, contemporary and speculative.

The categories cover the entire spectrum of construction and

ensure that examples from outside common western practice are

included. These sections give a wide variety of typologies and

construction methods, details that can either be used wholesale

in a new development, or adapted to fit specific circumstances. It

is felt that by dividing the case studies into these sections a clarity

and structure is given to the analysis that could otherwise become

mired in the vast array of available examples.

Methodology

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Vernacular covers all examples of buildings that have not been

expressly designed, but rather evolved through local practices in

response to specific conditions. Stilt houses around the world and

nomadic boat peoples are discussed, contrasting a typology with a

way of life that are both tolerant of water.

20th century takes into account modern construction methods

and technology and first investigates the Azerbaijani Oil Rocks

city, built on piles and manmade islands on the Caspian Sea and

secondly urban houseboats, two different technologies that could

be adapted to many sites to manage changing conditions.

Contemporary includes examples that are specifically addressing the

changes brought about by climate change and examines projects

on two very different scales: Marlies Rohmer’s Steigereiland

development, part of an urban extension to Amsterdam, which

comprises a mix of artificial islands, stilt buildings and floating

dwellings and Alison Brookes’ Salt House, a single dwelling that uses

a mix of resilient technologies to suit its flood threatened location

on the Essex coast. These contrasting scales allow an investigation

of water influenced architecture from a masterplanning level

down to specific construction details. The Netherlands example is

considered particularly relevant due to the approach taken in that

country, where the significant pressure of flooding and the risk

of the possible rise in sea-level caused by climate change has led

to a coordinated approach to deal with “new water management

problems” (Hooimeijer et al, 2005, p.8) and “Cities [that] are not

able to withstand the extreme conditions of flooding that have

occurred in recent years” (ibid).

Finally, Speculative compares illustrative projects that propose

fantasy versions of the results of climate change with Anthony

Lau’s Maritime City, a more realistic project to re-use maritime

infrastructure to create a floating city in the Thames Estuary. These

case studies give an opportunity to look at positive interpretations

of the changes that may occur as a result of climate change.

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These case studies are investigated and analysed based on criteria

extracted in the literature review to ascertain which factors could

be adopted for future developments.

Again the research into the case studies has been secondary

in nature, such is the volume of material produced regarding

these areas it was felt that there was sufficient depth to gain an

understanding of their strengths and weaknesses.

The penultimate stage of the study considers the issues raised both

from the analysis of policy and the available case studies in order

to answer the original research question and to suggest how the

knowledge gained should be applied, specifically within the UK.

This knowledge will be of particular relevance to areas such as

the Thames Gateway, a much discussed example of development

proposed in an area where:

“1.25 million people are already at risk from flooding by the Thames

and a major flood in the Thames Gateway could cost as much as £12

billion [and] according to the recent Association of British Insurers

report, climate change could increase fluvial and coastal flood risk

by a factor of 8 to 12 times” (London Assembly Environment

Committee, 2005, p.4).

Finally, the results of this analysis are examined to suggest areas of

further research.

As mentioned above, it is critical to this study to understand the

real world context of the issues being examined. The following

chapters examine and analyse this context.

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Scientific ContextWhile it is not within the scope of this study to critically examine

the arguments surrounding climate change, it is important to

establish the evidence base that is being used as a rationale for

the study. The notion of a global scientific consensus on climate

change is driven by the work of the Intergovernmental Panel

on Climate Change (IPCC), this body was set up jointly by the

United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the World

Meteorological Organisation (WMO) to “provide the world with

a clear scientific view on the current state of knowledge in climate

change and its potential environmental and socio-economic

impacts” (IPCC 2011). The IPCC produces regular reports on the

current state of climate science and aims to be “policy-relevant and

yet policy-neutral, never policy-prescriptive” (IPCC 2011).

To understand the current situation, the most recent report

produced by the IPCC is the fourth assessment report, Climate

Change 2007. This report contains a mass of climate data, but it is

summarised that “warming of the climate system is unequivocal”

(Pachouli & Reisinger 2007 p.2) and that “many natural systems

are being affected by regional climate changes” (ibid). The report

goes on to describe how “most of the observed increase in global

average temperatures since the mid-20th century is very likely

due to the observed increase in anthropogenic [greenhouse gas]

concentrations” (ibid p.5). Therefore, it is clear that a scientific

consensus exists that climate change is occurring and is likely to be

happening as a result of human activity.

The report then goes on to examine the likely effect of different

emissions scenarios on continued climate change, with the most

extreme scenario, assuming a lack of emissions control leading

to a possible 6.4°C rise in global temperatures and a 0.6m rise

in sea-level by 2100 (ibid p.8) (see figure 2). Evidence for this

being influenced by human activity is shown from archaeological

investigations that have established that sea levels stabilised around

3000 years ago, following the last ice-age and remained stable until

around 1850 (ibid). While a 0.6m rise in sea level does not seem

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massively significant, considering that tides can rise and fall by

10m per day around the British Isles, it is this in combination with

the likelihood of increased frequency of extreme weather and the

resulting storm surges (ibid) that represents a significant threat to

low-lying coastal areas.

In the UK, government acceptance of climate change is

demonstrated both in support for the work of the IPCC and in

references to climate change throughout government policy. An

obvious example of relevance to this study is mentioned above

in the Policy Review chapter, where the effects of climate change

are explicitly referenced in PPS25: Development and Flood Risk

(DCLG 2010). The Government has also commissioned the

UK Climate Projections (UKCP) to assess the impact of climate

change locally and to make suggestions as to how to deal with the

effects. This body provides data broken down by location around

the UK. Figure 3 shows the predicted sea level change for the south

east of England in a high emissions scenario, with no significant

reduction in the production of greenhouse gases. This is combined

with a continuing sinking of the land in the south east as a result of

the iso-static rebound of the north of the country after the melting

of ice from the last ice-age. The choice of a high emissions scenario

as a variable for this analysis is based on Curtis and van der Sande’s

assertion that design for flooding should be based on possible

1800 1850 1900 1950 2000 2050Year

Estimates ofthe past

Instrumental Record Projections ofthe future

Sea

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-100

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figure 2 - IPCC prediction of global sea level rise

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consequences, rather than the likelihood of them happening, to

avoid a catastrophic event (RIBA 2007 p.24).

This sea leavel rise along with the possibility of another storm surge

similar to the one that struck the east coast of England in 1953 has

the potential to cause water levels in excess of 6.5m above mean sea

level in the Thames Estuary.

It is obvious from this data that there is a clear need to prepare

for the increased likelihood of an event of this kind and that

architecture has a significant role to play in creating a new way of

living with water that minimises the risks of flooding.

The following chapter will examine the literature that has arisen

in this climate of scientific consensus for the acceptance of

anthropogenic climate change and the resulting increase in sea

level and extreme weather events.

0.0m

0.2m

0.4m

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5% Certain

50% Certain

95% Certain

212121112101209120812071206120512041203120212011

UKCP09 Relative sea level rise in high emissions scenario:South East United Kingdom

figure 3 - UKCP09 prediction of sea level rise in South East

England

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The academic justification for this study is based on two supporting

and related bodies of work. Firstly, the critical reaction to existing

government policy regarding how we live with water and secondly,

academic and real world suggestions of new ways of living with

water.

Criticism of the government’s approach has come from numerous

directions. Before the most recent large scale floods that hit the

UK in 2007 (see figure 4), White and Howe were convinced that

“current planning policy and practice, albeit unintentionally,

foster[s] an environment susceptible to flooding” (2002, p.743).

They argued that any attempt to improve the situation could

not simply rely on engineering schemes to control floodwater,

but would have to address the “economic, social and political

factors influencing wider society and underpinning the impact of

damaging floods” (ibid, p.744).

Literature Review

figure 4 - Tewkesbury flooded in 2007

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Another criticism of building larger and more elaborate flood

defences comes from Lewis and Kelman’s paper that investigates the

risk ecology of building housing in areas at risk of flooding. They

argue that “flood defences have so often implied a falsely absolute

protection, under the assumption of which more development has

taken place, leading to greater destruction, damage and casualties

when flooding eventually, inevitably, occurred” (2009, p.16) (see

figure 5). Therefore the existing practise of building in areas at

risk of flooding and then attempting to protect these areas with

massive engineering projects is unsustainable and unrealistic.

This argument is backed up by the UK government’s Foresight

Programme, which examined the challenges of flooding posed by

climate change and “found that if we used engineering alone to

manage the additional risks, it could cost £52 billion of investment.

This compares with £22 billion when using engineering in concert

with a range of non-engineering measures” (Evans & Hall 2004,

p.56).

figure 5 - New Orleans flooded after Hurricane Katrina,

August 2005

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However, this excessive cost does not mean that simply ignoring

the issue of sea level rise and increased flooding is realistic, in

Adapting Buildings and Cities for Climate Change, the possible

threat is outlined, with a minimum 300mm rise in global sea

levels likely by 2100 in a best case scenario and up to 700mm

if mitigation efforts fail (Roaf et al 2005, p.193). This effect is

compounded in the UK by the continued effects of the last ice

age, 18,000 years ago. This change, known as isostatic rebound

is causing land to fall in the south of England as the north of

the UK rebounds from the removed weight of the ice sheet and

the entire island tilts. This change combined with the effects of

climate change could cause an increase in sea level of 1000mm

by 2100 in the south east of England (ibid). In addition to this,

Roaf also speculates that with increased global temperatures, the

Greenland and Antarctic ice sheets may begin to melt and into

the 22nd century leading to massive increases in sea level of up

to 70m (ibid, p.192) (see figure 6). It is therefore clear that a

solution will need to be found. However, Roaf ’s book, despite its

figure 6 - Great Britain following a 70m rise in sea level

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title, suggests little in the way of mitigation measures or alternative

approaches beyond vague speculation that “we may then see, over

the next decades, the migrations of populations to less climatically

exposed regions of the British Isles” (ibid, p.204). This assertion is

undermined by evidence given in the same chapter, that London

has suffered from numerous catastrophic floods in its history, most

famously the 1953 flooding that resulted from a storm surge in the

North Sea, shown in figure 7, and yet is still the most populous

city in the UK and forecast to grow further (ibid p.203).

If we accept that population pressure in the south east of the UK is

likely to continue and that this area is the most susceptible to the

various threats resulting from climate change, then it is clear that a

considered approach is necessary. This leads to the LifE project, or

Long-term Initiatives for Flood-risk Environments. This text takes the

threat of climate change and its resultant effects as a given and states

that there are 5 million people in 2 million homes in England and

Wales at risk of flooding (baca architects, 2009, p.3). The report figure 7 - aftermath of 1953 storm surge

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proposes numerous strategies, applicable to different scenarios, for

dealing with flooding. The strategies are all characterised by being

both long-term and non-defensive and are underpinned by the

concept of “making space for water” and illustrated in figure 8 (ibid,

p.4), an approach suggested by the Department for Rural Affairs

(Defra) which is focused on “managing the risks from flooding [...]

by employing an integrated portfolio of approaches which reflect

both local and national priorities” (ibid). Making space for water

means controlling floodwater and mitigating its effects rather than

simply attempting to hold it at bay. The project proposes solutions

to flooding that attempt to mitigate the threat to both existing

and proposed developments as well as creating opportunities for

additional amenities and energy generation. This text goes much

further than Adapting Buildings and Cities for Climate Change and

takes real-life scenarios that have characteristics that appear across

the British Isles and proposes best practice solutions. This study

will return to the recommendations in the LifE report, but for

now it is most important to note that when considering the issue

of cost, the report suggests that the recommendations made may

incur expenses of up to 30% more than traditional construction

methods. However, this figure does not take into account the

additional cost of flood defences that may be needed or the costs

and time taken to repair any flood damage to developments that

do not make space for water, costs that should be offset by the

money saved after a single flooding event (ibid, p.26).

figure 8 - LifE approach

to rising sea levels and

flooding

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To focus this study on a single area in order to assess its success

and suitability this study has drawn on the work of the RIBA’s

Building Futures thinktank. This body produced a number of

texts dealing with the issue of flooding and living with water. The

collection of papers, Living with water - Visions of a flooded future,

examines first of all the threat facing the UK from climate change

and its effects and then presents papers from various professionals

working in the built environment. The threat of flooding is broken

down simply into its cost, currently a total of £2.2 billion per year,

made up of £800 million spent on defences and £1.4 billion spent

on repairing damage caused by flooding. The text also draws on

the UK government’s Foresight Project, that has been mentioned

previously, to argue that the cost of damage could rise to £25 billion

in the worst case scenario (RIBA 2007 p.3) and the number of

people in the UK at risk from flooding increase from 1.5 million to

3.5 million as a result of climate change. The introduction to this

text makes a number of statements regarding the ongoing threat of

flooding, of particular relevance to this study is the suggestion that

“Challenges [faced] now and in the coming years may drive us back

towards embracing the previously dynamic relation between land,

water and community” (ibid, p.5)

Visions of a flooded future also presents a quote from Bill Getting,

the RIBA President’s Sustainability Advisor,

Vernacular architecture somewhere in the world is probably already

designed to cope with the extremes of climate we will face - whether

flooding, drought or high winds. We can learn from these precedents

(ibid) (see figure 9).

The combination of these two notions has been particularly

influential on this study. The papers in this text contain a

number of inspiring statements, intended to spur discussion and

innovation, rather than specific solutions - statements specific

to the Thames Estuary - but applicable to any area at risk from

flooding. Kim Wilkie argues that an elemental landscape such as

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that of the estuary should set the priorities for new architecture

and encourage building forms sympathetic to the location and

tolerant or “even welcoming of water” (ibid, p.11). David Price

presents development in the Thames Estuary as “potentially the

most magical expression of our gradually evolving relationship

between land and water,” (ibid, p.12). In their paper, Paul Ruff

and Glenn Moorley examine two scenarios for development in the

estuary, the first reliant on a massive engineering intervention to

create a new barrage across the mouth of the river and the second a

softer and holistic approach that “gives the opportunity for each of

the areas’ problems to be addressed individually through tailored

solutions (ibid, p.21). They argue that this approach, with its scope

for flexibility, is the more seductive and provides the possibility

of developing a unique identity for the area through innovative

design. Finally, Kiran Curtis and Kees van der Sande challenge

the currently accepted wisdom of designing for probability - the

Environment Agency’s 1 in 100 or 1 in 1000 year flood levels - a

mindset that leaves us at risk of a “[flooding] event that has a low

figure 9 - a vernacular response to a flooded landscape

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chance of happening, but is catastrophic if it does” (ibid p.24). They

argue that an increased awareness of the risk of flooding amongst

the general public is needed to drive demand for mitigations

measures, an argument that reflects the conclusion of Lewis and

Kelman’s paper mentioned above.

Most relevant to this study is another Building Futures paper, the

2009 text, Facing up to Rising Sea-levels: Retreat, Defend, Attack?

This document takes the standpoint that there is a possibility of

sea-level rise of up to 1960 mm in some parts of the UK (UK

Climate Projections 2009). The problems caused by this sea-level

rise will be felt particularly in densely populated urban areas (RIBA

2009, p.2), ranging from flooding from rainwater, storm-surges

and increased wave damage and coastal erosion. Theses problems

require drastic solutions because the cities affected are important

to the national fabric both in terms of identity and economic

activity, either as ports and trading areas or as tourism draws (ibid

p.4). Therefore simply abandoning these areas and relocating their

populations is not a viable option. This document proposes three

varied approaches towards flood management, emphasising

a long-term strategic approach that provides a framework for

immediate action. These three options, as described in the title

are characterised as retreat, defend and attack and shown in

figure 10. Retreat is intended to be managed and long-term and

involves allowing water into areas that are not economically viable

to defend. This strategy, however, is not necessarily practical

in densely populated areas and does not provide solutions to

other conflicting issues such as population growth and creating

sustainable communities. Defend is the most expensive group of

solutions, and requires a great deal of coordination across large

areas, the high cost means that this strategy is only practical in

Retreat Defend Attack

figure 10 - retreat, defend and attack diagrams

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extremely high value areas such as the City of London. The final

approach, Attack, is also expensive but involves creating extremely

flexible and dynamic space for cities to expand into, areas that take

advantage of the amenity of waterside locations and could possibly

provide a significant economic return on the cost of investment

(ibid p.10).

Retreat, Defend, Attack? takes a similar approach to the LifE project

in describing the threat posed by climate change and sea-level rise,

proposing different solutions and then applying these to real-life

examples. In addition to these practical proposals, the text draws

three main conclusions that, it is argued, must be met in order to

successfully respond to the threat posed by sea-level rise. The first

conclusion is the original rationale for the thinktank’s work, that

the UK has limited resources and simply cannot afford to protect

the entirety of its coastline, therefore a variety of solutions are

required, solutions that are economically viable and can be shown

to generate an income or balance their costs against savings made

in other areas. Secondly, the report argues that due to the large

scale of the issue, solutions will require a coordinated approach

and strong leadership from a body with a strategic overview that

can communicate the threats and solutions effectively. Finally the

text goes much further than the LifE Project by looking at examples

concerning entire cities and proposing solutions that could provide

practical development options in extremely long term situations,

up to 200 years. This long term approach is presented as necessary

in contrast to the current situation where long term strategic

planning is crippled by the conflicting timescales of the four year

electoral cycle, 10 to 15 year scope of local planning, 20 year

timeframe of infrastructure development and 50 to 100 year, or

longer, scale of change in the climate and coastal environment. The

text proposes that to deal effectively with this, a successful proposal

will need to provide a long term framework for development, but

with the possibility of immediate action (ibid p.26).

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The literature examined in this chapter combined with the scientific

data described earlier provides the framework and theoretical

underpinnings of government policy in the UK; the next chapter

will examine the current state of this policy and consider its

effectiveness.

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In order to explain the architectural response to flooding in the

UK, this chapter will provide an overview of government policy as

it applies to flooding and development. Development policy in the

main is controlled by the Town and Country Planning system, this

system is comprised of a body of national policy that then informs

regional policy and finally plan making, objective setting and

decision making at a local level. Government policy therefore has

an indirect influence over all development taking place in locations

affected by flooding across the UK.

National planning policy is framed in overarching terms by

Planning Policy Statement (PPS) 1, Delivering Sustainable

Development (DCLG 2005), which sets out a set of objectives

that need to be “taken into account by regional planning bodies

[…], the Mayor of London […] and local planning authorities

in the preparation of local development documents (p. iii DCLG

2005). PPS1 makes “sustainable development the core principle

Policy Reviewunderpinning planning” (p.2 ibid) and bases this principle on the

classic definition given by the Brundtland Report:

“Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the

present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet

their own needs” (Brundtland 1987).

In terms of flooding PPS1 states that local planning authorities

should consider :

“the potential impact of the environment on proposed developments

by avoiding new development in areas at risk of flooding and sea-level

rise, and as far as possible, by accommodating natural hazards and the

impacts of climate change” (DCLG 2005 p.8)

Planning authorities also have a responsibility to prepare robust

policy that are based on objectives for the future of the area,

objectives that should include ensuring that developments “are

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sustainable, durable and adaptable (including taking account of

natural hazards such as flooding) and make efficient and prudent

use of resources” (p.14 ibid).

PPS1 influences all other planning policy, which when looking

specifically at flooding is controlled by PPS25, Development

and Flood Risk (DCLG 2010) which sets out the framework for

national policy on flooding and again outlines the objectives that

regional planning bodies, the Mayor of London and local planning

authorities must consider when preparing local development

documents.

PPS25 accepts that flooding is a natural, unavoidable process and

that we have to concentrate on management and reducing its

effects. PPS25 also describes the Government’s belief that climate

change is likely to mean “milder wetter winters and hotter drier

summers in the UK, while sea levels will continue to rise” (DCLG

2010 p.1) which will cause both an increased flooding where this is

already experienced and entirely new risks where flooding has not

occurred in the past. The aim of planning should be to “appraise,

manage and reduce this risk” (p.2 ibid) where possible.

To achieve this, PPS25 describes a risk based approach whereby

local planning authorities are required to deal with three factors,

firstly the source of flood risk, by reducing development in flood

risk areas and minimising run-off from new development. Secondly,

the pathways of floodwater, by managing the routes taken by flood

water and managing unavoidable run-off. Finally, the receptors of

floodwater, reducing the impact on anything affected by floods,

from people to property (p.6 ibid).

PPS25 insists that all applications for development within areas at

risk of flooding, designated by the Environment Agency, must be

accompanied by a flood risk assessment. This document, prepared

by the developer, must demonstrate the effect of flooding on the

proposed development, prove that the development is safe, will

25

not cause increased flooding elsewhere, reduces flood risk overall if

possible, and describe any measures proposed to combat flooding

(p.8 ibid). This assessment is then judged by the Environment

Agency and local authorities should take their verdict into account

when determining applications.

As an example of how this policy is interpreted by local authorities,

this study has also examined the proposed Core Strategy of

Dartford Borough Council. This council covers an area on the

south bank of the Thames Estuary, to the east of London and its

core strategy is the central planning document that will outline the

framework and objectives for development in the borough over

the next 10 to 15 years. It highlights the challenges facing the UK

in accommodating housing demand in the south east and dealing

with flooding, while PPS25 insists that development should be

avoided in flood risk areas, the Dartford Core Strategy, influenced

by other government objectives, states that 11,700 new homes

should be built in the Thames waterfront area (Dartford Borough

Council 2011 p. 44). The document also demonstrates a lack of

imagination when dealing with flooding, despite the current risk

and likely future increase, the Core Strategy simply refers back

to policies set out in PPS25 to require flood risk assessments and

the implementation of Sustainable Drainage Strategies (SUDS)

(p.85 ibid). The only local originality is a stated aim to safeguard

green infrastructure and make provision for water bodies in new

development (p.86 ibid).

The shortcomings in this document highlight the discrepancy

between the integrated approach described as absolutely necessary

in reports such as LifE in previous chapters and also required in

national policy and the reality of local planning today. It is in this

gap between recommendations and actual policy that this study

argues there is space for a new, integrated and ambitious approach

to living with water.

26

The preceding chapters demonstrate that there is not only a sci-

entific consensus that climate change is happening and will have

long lasting and dramatic effects but also a multitude of theoreti-

cal responses suggested and a political will to implement them.

However, in the UK development of any kind that responds

specifically to water in an innovative way is scarce and most likely

to take the form of houses with uninhabited ground floors, see

figure 11, a typology that creates a streetscape devoid of life and

seems an inappropriate response to a threat of flooding that could

become much more frequent, or even a permanent state of inun-

dation.

The following chapter investigates and analyses case studies from

around the world that take the challenge of flooding and rising

sea levels and use this constraint as an inspiration to create ways

of living with water that are new to the UK or implemented only

on a very small scale.

figure 11 - typical flood resilient houses in the UK

27

There is a massive variety of examples of the potential for

architecture to offer a new perspective on our attitude to water and

how to live with it. This study will examine these examples under

four categories, categories that will occasionally overlap but should

remain fairly distinct. Firstly, there is vernacular architecture,

or rather, structures created purely to deal with practical issues

of water encroaching onto land occupied by humans. These

structures have existed throughout human history and across

the planet, this study will examine various examples of these and

suggest building methods and typologies that could be adapted

to deal with contemporary issues. Secondly, twentieth century

examples, designs from the post-industrial revolution era that have

sort to address living with water, whether through necessity or

simply for effect. This period is particularly interesting due to the

application of different technologies that emerged, from building

with reinforced concrete to the high-technology building solutions

that emerged in the latter part of the century. The third category

is that of contemporary examples, with the growing recognition

of the issue of climate change and its effects, new approaches

have been taken to living with water, from prosaic examples of

resilient buildings in the UK that employ raised floor levels and

materials that can be easily cleaned to housing developments in the

Netherlands that have combined facets of that country’s houseboat

tradition with modern housing types to create floating estates that

can adapt to changing conditions. The final category under which

the case studies will be examined is that of speculative projects. As

mentioned before, the issue of climate change has been steadily

increasing in importance and recognition, this has resulted in a

rash of speculative architectural solutions to the problems caused,

from the adaptation of existing water-borne infrastructure to the

repurposing of entire cities once they become flooded. This chapter

will deal with these categories in turn and offer examples, analysis

and suggest features from each that could be adopted in an attempt

to find a new way to live with water.

Case Studies

28

Vernacular

When considering vernacular building types that respond to

flooding, the most obvious example is that of the stilt house. These

buildings are found around the world from Palafito houses in

Venezuela and Chile to Nipa huts and Pang uks in the Philippines

and Thailand to Crannogs in Scotland and Ireland (figure 12).

These buildings all share common locations, areas of large bodies

of water such as coasts, lakes and deltas, where the inhabitants lived

intimately with the water, often in subsistence lifestyles, using the

water to supply food and as a means of transport. As a result of this

lifestyle the buildings require minimal infrastructure, there is no

need for roads and modern day stilt houses in South East Asia often

still have no access to services such as running water and electricity.

They use local materials for construction - bamboo in Asia, timber

or stone in Scotland and timber in South America - and are very

flexible and adaptable in construction, easily extended, dismantled figure 12 - Palafito houses in Chile

29

or raised depending on local conditions such as weather or food

supplies. They also serve additional uses, such as in South East

Asia, providing space for building where the expanses of water

makes traditional construction impossible and land too valuable

for agricultural use to build on. In Scotland, island dwellings gave

protection and in South America provided space for living in areas

next to rivers, the major transport routes.

Stilt dwellings fill many of the criteria set out by the various texts

in the Literature Review chapter. In areas where various social,

economic and political factors have combined to induce people

to live, despite the risks of flooding (White & Howe 2002), they

provide reasonably safe accommodation for their inhabitants.

They are also much cheaper to build than the massive engineering

projects that would be needed to protect vast areas such as river

deltas from flooding and due to the nature of their construction

and the lifestyles of the people that inhabit them, they help to

prevent the false sense of safety and security that Lewis & Kelman

(2009) argue is responsible for the extremely high costs of damage

from flooding in areas that rely on defences. As an extension to this,

the close relationship that the buildings foster with water means

that the inhabitants are very sensitive to changes in climate and its

impacts and are likely to be much more aware of the consequences

of human activity on their lifestyles and therefore more likely to

be willing to make changes and adapt to prevent or mitigate such

consequences. Stilt houses also represent an architectural style that

responds particularly successfully to its environment, occupying

locations that take advantage of natural shelter, exploit resources

in a sustainable way and helping to create unique identities for

the areas in which they are built, all characteristics that Living

with water insists must be a part of new developments in flood-

prone areas in the UK (RIBA 2007). However, where vernacular

stilt houses fall down as examples of appropriate development

that could be adopted in the UK is in two key issues raised in

Retreat, defend, attack, specifically that for development to respond

to flooding on a large scale and offer a successful alternative, it

30

would need to be coordinated, strategically planned and very long-

term (RIBA 2009). In contrast to this the silt houses discussed

here are developed on a small scale, individuals responding to

specific conditions and constraints, using materials that are light

and easy to work but with fundamentally short life spans. While

this produces architecture incredibly well adapted to its location,

it does not necessarily provide a solution that can be adopted on

a large scale. However more modern developments have adapted

this typology, particularly in the South-eastern United States where

frequent hurricanes and a coordinated effort by the insurance

industry has created the Fortified...for safer living programme, this

specifies stilt houses, with living areas located above catastrophic

storm surge levels with decks and storage designed to breakaway

below. Figure 13 shows the a group of fortified homes, left standing

after Hurricane Ike hit Texas, amid the rubble of traditionally built

homes. This emphasises the success of this design (figure 14) and of

the importance of designing to possible consequences as opposed

to weighing up the probability of risks (RIBA 2007).

figure 13 - surviving fortified houses in Texas folowing

Hurricane Ike in in 2008

31

It is clear that the stilt house typology offers numerous advantages

that could be adopted and adapted in contemporary housing

to address the threat posed by climate change, sea level rise and

flooding and create a new way of living with water. However, new

challenges would also be created, how to supply and safeguard

services to housing that could often be surrounded by water or

threatened by storm surges.

Another, more extreme, vernacular approach to living with water,

is that of the nomadic populations of South East Asia, such as

the Badjao people of the Philippines and the Moken in Thailand

and Burma. These people live an even more transient existence

than those inhabiting stilt houses, their lives mainly conducted on

boats and often existing outside of constructed ideas of nationality

and property (figure 15). They rely on subsistence fishing and

small amounts of trading and visit land rarely. It is difficult to

appraise this lifestyle in an architectural sense, however, there are

facets of it that could be adapted to the UK, provided support

networks and infrastructure were provided to enable people to

live conveniently and hygienically on boats. The mobile nature of

their accommodation means that the nomadic people are able to

move entirely at will, to areas with better food supplies or to avoid

conflict. If sea levels did eventually rise to the extremes suggested

by Roaf (2005) then the scope for boats as both accommodation

and travel could increase massively in the UK and this could

rigid structure to resist wind and wave action

platform above predicted storm surge level

stairs and decks designed to break away

rigid piles strong enough to resist �oating debris

rigid piles sunk deep into solid ground

predicted storm surge

figure 14 - fortified house design

32

be adapted to moving to find employment, or improved living

conditions and not being restricted by ownership of a solid,

immovable building and the vagaries of the housing market. This

way of life also corresponds with the suggestions in the Living with

water paper, that solutions should address problems individually

and develop uniquely to specific areas. In the UK areas that are

already extremely low lying such as the Norfolk Broads and other

spaces that have been reclaimed from the sea, could be retreated

from and turned over instead to roving populations of boat people.

For this to succeed, again the assertion in the Retreat… report

(RIBA 2009) is key, that a long term, coordinated approach would

be needed to provide appropriate infrastructure.

figure 15 - Badjao people in the Phillipines

33

20th Century

The first 20th century case study chosen is not a development

that was intended to deal with flooding, but rather one that had

to approach water in a different way, driven by economic forces

to exploit resources. This is Neft Daslari or Oil Rocks, an oil

production facility on the Caspian Sea in Azerbaijan. Originally

built by the Soviets, construction started in 1949 and the complex

is still partially operational, with investment attracted by the

Azerbaijani government leading to new additions being added to

the original structure.

The complex itself is comprised of around 600 oil wells strung out

into the Caspian Sea, linked by 120 miles of trestle pathways to

each other and back to larger man-made islands (figure 16). The

original construction was built 34 miles offshore on piles using

sunken ships as foundations and as the complex grew larger the

islands were extended with earth and landfill. The islands now figure 16 - Oil Rocks

aerial view

34

support shops, hotels, cinemas and a Palace of Culture to occupy

the 5000 oil workers that spend week long shifts offshore.

Although Oil Rocks was not designed to respond to changing water

levels but rather the permanent presence of water (figure 17), it

does demonstrate a further development of the kind of technology

used in stilt houses mentioned above to create settlements that

exploit water while also making space for it (baca architects 2009).

It does this in a way that is permanent yet flexible and cheaper

than attempting to drain or protect a similar area from the water.

It also shows how an extremely coordinated response, with strong

leadership as suggested by the RIBA’s Retreat… report (2009),

can create very large engineering and development schemes,

although this highlights how difficult it may be to achieve similar

developments in the UK if it requires coordination on the level of

a communist dictatorship.

figure 17 - Oil Rocks road network

35

By developing the idea of Oil Rocks further, it is also possible to

see how this kind of development could meet many of the other

requirements from the various papers examined in the Literature

Review. Building housing on stilts out onto the water reduces

pressure on the land both in terms of space for housing and space

for water in times of flood, therefore, areas up- or down-stream or

further along the coast will not suffer increased flooding as space

has been left for water (baca architects 2009). Living over water

would also give the inhabitants a better perspective over the active

climate and river systems and make them more aware of changes,

their own impacts and the threat of flooding - helping to counter

the false sense of safety described by Lewis & Kelman (2009). A

large framework like Oil Rocks would also provide opportunities

for siting renewable power generation facilities as described in

the LifE Report, so a development could mitigate the effects of

climate change in multiple ways (baca architects 2009). Finally if

a development such as Oil Rocks was designed around a modular

framework it could be made flexible and dynamic, responding to

changing economic or climatic conditions, population change

or resource availability, growing in size to respond to demand or

changing shape to adapt to changing river or coastal morphology

in the manner recommended in the RIBA’s Retreat… (2009).

A second 20th century example of living with water is that of the

urban house-boat. These craft are found across the world and vary

in execution on a spectrum from boats that can be lived on to

houses that float. They can also vary in scale from units that would

provide enough space for one or two people up to massive floatels,

used in the offshore oil industry that provide accommodation for

around 500 people in safety and comfort in harsh locations such

as the North Sea (figure 18). One notable characteristic of smaller

houseboats is that they are often found in the harbour areas of

post-industrial cities, occupying waterfronts that no longer serve

any practical purpose. In these locations, colonisation by house-

boats frequently takes place before redevelopment of the former

industrial areas has gathered pace and the homes exist in a semi-

36

37

legal status, re-using obsolete docks and often converting boats

discarded by the post-industrial society. These house-boats also

have varied requirements; those such as the narrow boats found on

British canals are relatively self sufficient, generate their own power

and only require occasional facilities to fill up water tanks and

empty chemical toilets (figure 19). These house-boats represent

the ultimately flexible solution to living with water and are able

to move in response to economic or climatic conditions and settle

wherever there is space. In contrast, house-boats in places such as

Vancouver and Denmark are much more floating houses, requiring

permanent moorings and connections to services in order to

survive. These craft often have no form of propulsion, only moving

once in their existence, from shipyard to berth (figure 20).

As a solution to the threat of flooding, a mixture of these types of

house-boat seems appropriate - smaller, more self sufficient craft

could move around, providing accommodation where economic,

political or social reasons have created a demand for people to live,

preceding page - figure 18 - Floatel Superior in a Norwegian fjord

figure 19 - mobile houseboat in Amsterdam

38

able to exist regardless of flood risk (White & Howe 2002). More

permanent craft would be more suitable in areas where population

is more stable, but pressures from flooding are extreme enough to

require a solution more flexible and dynamic than stilt buildings.

House-boats of any kind would be adaptable to all consequences

of climate change and sea level rise, fulfilling Living with water’s

requirement that solutions accommodate possible consequences,

rather than judging their likelihood of occurring (RIBA 2007).

Furthermore they are the only accommodation that could cope

with the extreme sea level rise forecast by Roaf et al, were the polar

ice caps to melt (2005). House-boats would also seem to address

Lewis & Kelman’s (2009) concerns about false ideas of protection,

as inhabitants of houseboats would have the same relationship

to water as the nomadic south east Asian communities discussed

above, aware of every change in their environment and the effect

of human activity upon it. A criticism of houseboats may be that

they do not really create the unique architectural identity of an

area suggested in Living with water (2007), rather seeming to result figure 20 - stationary houseboats in Vancouver

39

in entirely individual approaches and solutions, although this

haphazard nature could be argued to be of more character than

uniform housing estates currently being built in Britain. A final

positive feature of house-boats is that due to their individualistic

nature, they would not require the same degree of leadership

and coordination demanded by the RIBA’s Retreat… (2009) and

therefore, may be more appropriate as an immediate solution,

prior to the establishment of longer term frameworks.

40

Contemporary

A very recent case study for architecture that responds to the

challenge of living with water is Architectenbureau Marlies

Rohmer’s Steigereiland development in Amsterdam (figure 21).

This development is being built in the Ijmeer to the east of

Amsterdam, on one of a series of new islands forming an urban

extension to the city, known as Ijburg. Ijburg is an archipelago of

seven islands constructed from dredged sand and intended to be

occupied, once completed, by 45,000 people and provide 12,000

jobs. The island extension was originally proposed in the 1960s

but plans were shelved until the 1990s when population pressures

in Amsterdam forced a reassessment of the city’s expansion. The

islands are bisected by both a main road and a tramline that

connects them to the city as well as a number of pedestrian and

bicycle bridges.

resilient lower �oor uses

stilt buildings�oating houses alongside pontoons

arti�cial island

road and tramway

figure 21 - Steigereiland site plan

41

Steigereiland itself is the first island in the chain and closest to

the centre of Amsterdam. Rohmer’s scheme lies partially on this

artificial island and partially floats in an area surrounded by

dykes to the north of the transport spine (figure 22). The scheme

comprises a mix of both programmes from houses to apartments,

offices and shops and a mix of water-tolerant typologies (figure

23). Uses that are more resilient to flooding, shops and offices, are

resilient lower�oor uses - shop etc

arti�cial island

protected escape route

stilt buildings - housing above shops

�oating houses on concrete pontoons

jetties

figure 23 - Steigereiland typologies

figure 22 - floating houses at Steigereiland

42

located on the ground floor of buildings that line the perimeter

of the site, with apartments above. On the shoreline, more

apartments that blur the edge of the dry land extend out over the

water on stilts. Finally housing units, individual homes, attached

dwellings and more apartments, constructed in timber, float on

concrete rafts, attached to jetties and bridges that stretch out into

an enclosed area of the Ijmeer, able to move up and down on steel

piles in response to changing water levels. The floating houses were

constructed in a shipyard and towed to site, they have no means of

propulsion and are intended to remain in-situ, fostering a sense of

permanence to counteract their vertically mobile nature and avoid

the nature of a transient community. The intention has been to

create a scheme that will appear as an addition to the city and

function as a community There is no attempt to foster a sense of

detachment from the rest of the city and the buildings are mixed

to create “a pleasantly varied character” (Rohmer in Architecture

Today 214, January 2011). Chris Foges argues in Architecture Today

that this sense of relationship to the rest of the city is what makes

the scheme successful, that there is no sense of isolation and that it

is “the foundation of the city, its social and technical organisation,

that make the project possible.” (Architecture Today, p.17). Foges

also points out that another factor, crucial in the success of the

project, is a perceived national consensus in the Netherlands to

work collectively to combat the problems of living with water

and achieve the incredibly high level of coordination for such a

complex project to succeed (ibid). For a scheme of this type to

succeed in the UK it may be questionable whether such a high

level of coordination can be achieved, this relates back to the

argument presented in the RIBA’s Retreat... that a coordinating

body is needed in the UK to successfully respond to the threats of

climate change (RIBA 2009, p.26).

On a much smaller scale, another example of architecture that

deals with flood risk is the Salt House by Alison Brooks Architects

(RIBA Journal November 2005). Completed in 2005, this house

is situated on the Essex coast in an area at significant risk of

43

flooding from the sea. This building is an example of an approach

that combines both short and long term measures to combat the

threat of flooding. In the short term the building is designed to be

resilient to flood waters; electrical supplies are brought down from

the first floor to supply the ground floor, doors are designed to

be fitted with extra panels to hold back the water and the sewage

system is designed to prevent waste flowing back into the house. As

a long-term strategy the building was constructed 500mm above

the current flood risk level, a level lower than that recommended

by the Environment Agency (EA).

This was agreed due to the floating pile method of construction

that has been used. The house is constructed as a steel portal frame

sitting on a ground floor slab, which was cast on top of the piles

and a bed of solid foam, which was then removed to leave the slab

suspended. In the event of a long term rise in sea level the piles

supporting the house can be cut and the entire building can be

jacked up to a higher level and additional caps added to the piles

to support this new level (figure 24). The building is designed to

allow flood waters to flow beneath it and remain occupied during

short periods of flooding.

On an individual level this design seems to meet the EA’s

requirements to defend against future flood risk. However, as an

example that could be adopted on a widespread scale, the notion

of jacking up the entire building is impractical, indeed in the

article it is mentioned that although the EA approved the flood

management strategy for the house, they did note that although

the house met current requirements, they believed that in the event

piles cut house jacked up caps added to piles

figure 24 - Salt House lifting method

44

of a breach of the sea wall, it would be impossible to lift the house

in time to avoid the rising water level. While obviously an example

of intriguing house design (figure 25) - the building having been

awarded the RIBA Manser Medal for the best one-off house (RIBA

Online) - it is also an example of innovative methods being used

to deal with the letter of the law regarding flood protection, rather

than a practical solution.

The reality of this project highlights the need for a powerful body

to coordinate and control development in areas at risk of flooding

to avoid this kind of solution that on the surface appears to be

acceptable but fails to deal with the threats outlined in the earlier

chapters.

figure 25 - Alison Brooks’ Salt House

45

Speculative

The rising awareness and public and political interest in climate

change and its resultant effects has spawned a massive variety of

speculative projects that attempt to look at possible future scenarios

and sometimes suggest solutions.

One branch of these projects is a series of fantastical images

produced by Studio Linfors, Squint Opera and for the London

Futures exhibition which show the results of extreme climate

change on familiar landmarks around the world where New York’s

Times Square is re-imagined as a Venetian landscape, St Paul’s is

transformed into a natural swimming pool and people fish outside

London churches (figures 26 & 27). These images, although highly

unrealistic, are useful in provoking thought about the possibility

of significant changes coming about as a result of climate change

- another way of overcoming the false security described by Lewis

and Kelman (2009). Hopefully these images will encourage people

figure 26 - Studio Linfors’ image of a flooded Times Square

46

to imagine solutions to problems that we may be facing, but are

also valuable in proposing positive views of future adaptation

rather than viewing the changes as disastrous.

One project that has more of a practical application is Anthony Lau’s

masters project for a new maritime city within the Thames Estuary

(figure 28), this project suggests using redundant oil industry

infrastructure and obsolete ships to create a new floating city within

the estuary. This proposal would site new living accommodation

where demand is greatest, meeting economic and social issues

as White and Howe (2002) demand. It would also satisfy Lewis

and Kelman’s (2009) concern that major engineering projects

give people a false sense of security about the threat of flooding

by exposing the inhabitants constantly to the water. However, the

solution is so extreme and large in scale that it risks creating a

new false sense of security, that threats from climate change are

inconsequential due to the massive new floating infrastructure

created and therefore efforts to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions

figure 27 - Squint Opera’s image of fishing

at St Mary Woolnoth in London

47

are unimportant because the effects have already been overcome.

In proposing the recycling of ships, the scheme on the surface does

seem cheaper than massive engineering solutions and this has to

be balanced against the argument that the scrap value of the ships

may far outweigh their value as real estate, depending on the future

population pressures in the region. The proposal also meets lots

of the recommendations of the RIBA’s Living with water (2007),

in proposing a massive scheme that would also be flexible using

smaller vessels and that would give the area a unique identity, if a

rather industrial one. Finally the scale of this proposal means that it

would again need the level of coordination and strategic leadership

suggested by Retreat… (2009), but also offers both a relatively

quick solution using existing structures that can be extended into

a longer term framework.

figure 28 - Anthony Lau’s

Maritime City

48

Despite the flaws in this project it has obvious potential and the

RIBA’s Retreat… paper adopted the notion of reusing oil industry

structures in its Attack proposal for the city of Hull, lining the

coast with interconnected rigs (2009) (figure 29).

While all of these case studies introduce new ways of living with

water, they are not perfect solutions individually and most would

rely on a massive collective change in attitude and lifestyle amongst

people in the UK. However, they do offer a vision of how things

could be and the changes needed may well be forced upon people

by the unstoppable results of climate change.

Any proposals would need to reconcile the advantages and

possibilities offered by these examples and consider how they

would sit with current policy and whether a more innovative

coordinating approach is needed. The final part of this study will

address this issue.

figure 29 - RIBA’s proposal for Hull to attack

rising sea levels

49

Our current attitude to the threat of flooding regards it as

an infrequent danger throughout the world. During normal

conditions water seems a harmless element, flowing smoothly

through river channels and lapping gently against the sea-shore.

The severity of flooding events is balanced out by their perceived

rarity. A flood may be catastrophic, but it occurs so irregularly that

our response to it is characterised by frantic activity to deal with

the immediate threat, followed by a gentle slide into disinterest

and public apathy, except among those directly affected and busy

rebuilding their homes and lives.

In the process of researching for this study it became clear that

in the UK there was a flurry of activity immediately after the

2007 floods, culminating in the Pitt Review (2007) and the

various reports and speculative documents produced by the RIBA.

However, since then, attention has shifted away from the threat of

flooding, even as global temperatures have crept upwards and sea

levels have continued their inexorable rise.

It is obvious that this sea level rise still presents a massive threat

to property and lives, particularly in the South East and that this

rise will change the way flooding happens. Over time, rather

than being an irregular event, measured in 100 or even 1000 year

instances, flooding will become a seasonal and then a constant

occurrence. In fact, considering it as flooding, merely a temporary

state of inundation, will become unreasonable; rather the land will

be claimed by the sea, permanently changing the shape of the UK’s

coastline and leading to long-lasting changes in where and how

people live.

From the literature and policy review it can be seen that there is

a slowly emerging consensus, framed by the notion that we need

both short term action and a long term framework to deal with

the more drastic possible changes that we face. However, no single

player has yet taken responsibility for establishing this framework,

planning departments and the Environment Agency disagree over

who is ultimately responsible for building in flooding threatened

Conclusion

50

areas and no overarching body exists. As the pressure exerted by

sea level rise grows greater each year, it will also start to have more

strategic impacts on the UK, as demand for farm land begins to

conflict with population pressures, particularly in the South-east

as more intense, but less sustained rainfall and higher extraction

for drinking water continues to impact on the productivity of

farmland.

The case studies described and analysed above show that there are

established and speculative proposals for both dealing with the

threat of flooding and the damage it causes to property and at the

same time creating more space for living that does not take up

valuable agricultural land. There is a potential for architecture to

contribute to a re-imagining of our entire relationship with water.

There is an opportunity for us to change our attitude, to learn to

live with water and to welcome it. To enjoy its proximity through

new forms of architecture that are not threatened by floodwater and

to exploit its potential to generate power and provide enjoyment

rather than danger. In taking this new approach we could manage

to both mitigate the effects of climate change and its causes, living

more sustainably in a changed environment.

Rohmer’s scheme for Ijburg in the Netherlands is the most

comprehensive example of this, that project provides flexible living

space, protected from rising sea levels and manages to create all

of this without occupying any additional land. In the UK this

model could be implemented in many of the larger towns and

cities, the majority of which are situated in coastal or river-side

locations (figure 30). However, to achieve this the most important

factor is a collective political will to create a strategic overarching

body that could mediate between different stakeholders such as

planning departments and the Environment Agency and provide

the positive environment and coordination that developers would

require to be willing to invest in schemes as innovative as Rohmer’s.

51

It is this need for a coordinated and strategic approach that is the

most fundamental issue to the success or failure of our adaptation to

climate change. Further study needs to go beyond the technological

and architectural solutions, which have been demonstrated to exist,

and examine the underlying structural issues and investigate White

and Howe’s (2002) economic, social and political reasons for why

people are willing to live in flood threatened areas. At present,

development in areas such as the Thames Gateway, a place at

significant threat from sea level rise, seems more of an experiment

into what happens when thousands of people decide to live in a

volatile river environment. Another opportunity for future study

would be to investigate whether specific locations in areas like the

Thames Estuary could accommodate schemes like Rohmer’s and

demonstrate that any additional costs in construction could be

outweighed in the long term by increased flood resistance and the

value of any land preserved elsewhere for more productive uses.

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following page - figure 30 - a scheme taking advantage of the

flooded centre of Bristol

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baca architects. (2009) The LiFE Report. London: BRE Press.

Ballard, J. G. (1962) The Drowned World. London: Harper Collins.

Brundtland, G. H. (chair) (1987) Our common future by the World Commission on Environment and Development. Oxford: Oxford University

Press

Cabinet Office (2007) The Pitt Review: Lessons learned from the 2007 floods. London: The Stationery Office.

Dartford Borough Council (2011) Dartford’s Core Strategy – Preferred Policy Approaches Document. London: Dartford Borough Council.

DCLG (2005) Planning Policy Statement 1: Delivering Sustainable Development. London: The Stationery Office

DCLG (2010) Planning Policy Statement 25: Development and Flood Risk. London: The Stationery Office

Evans, E. Hall, J. A new climate for flood planning. Ingenia 2004, (21), 51-56.

Foges, C. (2011) Liquid Assets. Architecture Today. (214), 12-17.

References

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Hooimeijer, F. Et al (eds). (2009) Atlas of Dutch Water Cities. 2nd Edition. Amsterdam: Sun.

IPCC. (2011) Organisation [online]. Available from: http://www.ipcc.ch/organization/organization.shtml. [Accessed 3rd April 2011].

Kucharek, J-C. (2005) Salt and vinegar. RIBA journal. 112 (11), 55-62.

Lewis, J & Kelman, I. (2009) Housing, Flooding and Risk Ecology. Journal of Architectural and Planning Research. 26 (1), 14-29.

London Assembly Environment Committee (2005) London under threat? Flooding risk in the Thames Gateway. London: Greater London

Authority.

Pachauri, R.K. and Reisinger, A. (Eds.) (2007) Contribution of Working Groups I, II and III to the Fourth Assessment Report of the

Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Geneva: IPCC.

RIBA. (2007) Salt House wins RIBA prize for the UKs best architect-designed home [online]. Available from: http://www.architecture.com/

NewsAndPress/News/AwardsNews/Press/2007/Salt%20House%20wins%20RIBA%20prize%20for%20the%20UKs%20.aspx. [Accessed 3rd

April 2011].

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RIBA (2007) Building Futures: Living With Water. London: RIBA.

RIBA (2009) Facing up to rising sea levels: Retreat? Defend? Attack? London: RIBA.

Roaf, S. (2005) Adapting buildings and cities for climate change : a 21st century survival guide. Oxford: Architectural Press

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[Accessed 3rd April 2011].

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and Management, 45: 5, 735 — 745

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Figures

The centre of Bristol flooded

IPCC prediction of global sea level rise

UKCP09 prediction of sea level rise in S.E. England

Tewkesbury flooded in 2007

New Orleans flooded

Great Britain following a 70m rise in sea level

Aftermath of 1953 storm surge

LifE approach to rising sea levels and flooding

Vernacular response to a flooded landscape

Retreat, defend and attack diagrams

Typical flood resilient houses in the UK

Palafito houses in Chile

Surviving fortified houses in Texas

Fortified house design

Badjao people in the Phillipines

Oil Rocks aerial view

Figure CreditsCredits

Bing Maps and author’s work

Fourth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change

UK Climate Projections

http://img.thesun.co.uk/multimedia/archive/00347/F_200707_July27ed__i347175a.jpg

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9f/KatrinaNewOrleansFlooded.jpg

Google Maps and author’s work

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9d/Watersnoodramp_1953.gif

LifE Report

https://picasaweb.google.com/lh/photo/Onli-nOQRFqEpNr_6gLxhA

Facing up to rising sea levels: Retreat? Defend? Attack?

http://images.portalimages.com/large/tp/92053/1591/ecimage1/527542.jpg

http://www.flickr.com/photos/bekahlp/1233160492/

http://www.texasgulfcoastonline.com/Portals/0/GilchristFortifiedHomesHoldUptoIke.jpg

Author’s work

http://www.flickr.com/photos/diamonds_in_the_soles_of_her_shoes/4793301692/sizes/o/in/photos/

Google Maps

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Oil Rocks road network

Floatel Superior in a Norwegian fjord

Mobile houseboat in Amsterdam

Stationary houseboats in Vancouver

Steigereiland site plan

Floating houses at Steigereiland figure

Steigereiland typologies

Salt House lifting method

Alison Brooks’ Salt House

Studio Linfors’ image of a flooded Times Square

Squint Opera’s image of fishing in London

Anthony Lau’s Maritime City

RIBA’s proposal for Hull to attack rising sea levels

A scheme for the flooded centre of Bristol

http://www.dcenvironmentalfilmfest.org/images/uploads/2/media.2692.jpg

http://www.flickr.com/photos/svein-age/5185089803/in/photostream/

http://www.flickr.com/photos/liz/3753907184/

http://www.flickr.com/photos/cronncc/5106325374/sizes/l/in/photostream/

Author’s work

http://www.rohmer.nl/

Author’s work

Author’s work

http://www.anglonautes.com/ill_pho_archi/ill_pho_archi_salt_house.jpg

http://www.designboom.com/weblog/cat/9/view/8222/studio-lindfors-aqualta.html

http://www.squintopera.com/blog/media/5_st_marys.jpg

http://www.flickr.com/photos/bldgblog/4740720078/in/set-72157624266798837/

Facing up to rising sea levels: Retreat? Defend? Attack?

Bing Maps and author’s work

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