designs for change full report-the big picture
TRANSCRIPT
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Te Big PictureSchool-Initiated Reforms,
Centrally Initiated Reforms,and Elementary School
Achievement in Chicago
(1990 to 2005)
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This study and related Designs for Change research studies and resource materials
about effective urban schools and school improvement are available at www.
designsforchange.org.
A Word of Thanks
The research team deeply appreciates the cooperation of the staff, students, Local School
Council, and parents of Carson Elementary School and Earhart Options for Knowledge
School. They allowed us to observe their activities, participated in interviews, and
provided a wide range of data about their schools.
Donald R. Moore, Ed.D., provided leadership in designing and writing this study. Virgin-
ia Valdez conducted most of the statistical analyses and aided in writing the study report.
Anthony Ragona conducted the bi-variate regression analysis. Greg Mount aided withstatistical data analysis. Jean Newcomer designed and prepared the publication.
This research effort has been supported by grants from The Spencer Foundation, The
Joyce Foundation, and The Ford Foundation. Designs for Change is responsible for study
findings and interpretations, which do not necessarily reflect the views of the studys
funders.
Other foundations and corporations that have supported DFCs school improvement andpolicy reform efforts in the last fifteen years have helped create the knowledge base that
has informed this study: Chicago Annenberg Challenge, Chicago Community Trust, Chi-
cago Tribune Company, Chicago Tribune Foundation, Edna McConnell Clark Foundation,
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Executive Summary
Key Finding: 144 InnerCity Chicago ElementarySchools Have Shown 15 Years
of Substantial SustainedAchievement Gains
Research analyzing elementary school
achievement over the past 15 years in Chi-
cago reveals 144 public inner city elemen-
tary schools all of them low-achieving
in 1990 that have shown substantial and
sustained improvement in reading test
score gains, with the typical school in this
group now reading at the national average
on the Iowa Reading Test.
These 144 Substantially Up Schools
serve nearly 100,000 students, a number
equal to the entire school system enrollment
in cities the size of Baltimore.
These successful Chicago schools are
distributed throughout the city, including
many in some of the citys poorest neigh-
tracked the progress or lack of it in
Chicago public elementary schools during
a reform process that began in 1988, when
the Illinois General Assembly shifted major
authority from the central school adminis-
tration to each individual Chicago school.
The 1988 Chicago School Reform Act
established an elected Local School Council
with the power to hire and fire its principal
and gave principals and teachers additional
authority that was unique in big cities.
In 1990, only about 20% of the almost100,000 students in the 144 Substantially
Up Schools identified in the study could
read at or above the national average, based
on Iowa Reading Test results. Today the
average for this group of schools has risen,
in almost unbroken progression, to 50%
the national average for a cross-section
of urban, suburban, and rural schools. The
number of students in these schools reading
at or above the national average has more
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for deciding which schools will be labeled
as needing improvement under the federal
No Child Left Behind law.
Although schools like Carson and Earhart
are different in many of their specifics,
researchers who have studied such ef-
fective schools in Chicago and across the
nation pinpoint some common underlying
principles.
The most consistent feature of these schools
is that all adults work as a team to improveeducation, including the teachers, parents,
Local School Council, principal, and com-
munity agencies (Adult Teamwork).
The study indicates that the most effective
and long-lasting improvements occurred
when schools took swift advantage of major
authority granted by the legislature in the1988 reform legislation, and kept building on
their success. Effective Local School Councils
hired a principal who was a strong leader,
but welcomed everyones participation.
Designs for Change has organized the
common practices of such effective schools
around Five Essential Supports for StudentLearning found consistently in schools like
Carson and Earhart:
Eff ti S h l L d hi
Most important, these effective schools can
help other schools that are not educating
their students, so that these schools can
master and carry out the Five Essential Sup-ports for Student Learning.
Further, since the schools that have im-
proved have had the flexibility to choose
an excellent principal, central and area staff
should halt interference in the principal
selection process.
The Designs for Change findings:
Lend strength to the 1988 decision
of the Illinois General Assembly to
shift significant initiative for school
improvement to the school level,
including principal hiring, school
improvement planning, and control
of funds. Now that the evidence isclear about how much schools can
improve with school-level improvement
authority, the General Assembly needs to
protect and expand this authority.
Support the decision announced by
the Chicago Public Schools earlier
this summer to remove many central
administration restrictions from 85 highperforming schools and indicate that this
program should be expanded.
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dissatisfied with the pace of test score
improvement in 1995, Chicagos Mayor was
given increased authority to intervene in an
effort to improve student performance.
Test score performance improved for
several years, but it has flat-lined under at
least three expensive central administra-
tion initiatives over the past five years, as
documented in this study:
Among the elementary schools placed
on school probation in fall 1996 or fall1997, only 6 of the 68 schools still open
reached the current Chicago probation
standard of 40% in spring 2005.
Among the 100 elementary schools that
had the highest grade retention rates in
grades 3, 6, and 8 combined in summer
1997, only 8 of the 88 schools still open
reached the Chicago probation standard
of 40% in spring 2005.
Among the 114 low-achieving
elementary schools that were assigned
Reading Specialists in fall 2001, none of
the 101 schools still open exceeded the
Chicago probation standard of 40% in
spring 2005.
Unfortunately, these programs are not be-
ing phased out, but are either being main-
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The Big Picture:School-Initiated Reforms,
Centrally Initiated Reforms,
and Elementary School Achievement
in Chicago (1990 to 2005)
Designs for ChangeSeptember 2005
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Section 1. Study Context and Purposes .....................................................................................1
Study Context: Some Key Events in the History of Chicago School Reform ..................................... 2
The Chicago Reform Act of 1988 ........................................................................................................ ........ 2
The 1995 Reform Act Amendments .............................................................................. ............................ 6
The Mayors First Leadership Team .................................................... ......................................................... 7
The Mayors Second Leadership Team ....................................................... ............................................... 8
Overview of Study Purposes ...................................... ........................................................... ............................ 9
Section 2. Patterns of School-Level Student Achievement from 1990 to 2005 .....................11
Relevant Study Methods .....................................................................................................................................11
Elementary Schools Included in the Analysis ........................................................................................11
Analyzing Chicago Elementary Schools That Had LowVersus Adequate to Good Achievement in 1990 ..................................................... ..........................11
Trend Analysis Methods for Assessing School Progress .................................................... ................12
Methods for Analyzing State ISAT Tests ..................................................... .............................................. 15
The High Stakes that Are Attached to the Iowa and ISAT Measures Studied ............................ 15
Achievement Trends of Schools that Were Low-Achieving in 1990 .................................................... 16
Iowa Reading Test Results for the Three Trend Groups ...................................................... ................18
ISAT Test Results for the Three Trend Groups ..................................................... .................................... 25
Mathematics Results for Substantially Up, Tending Up, and No Trend Schools ............................. 27
Overall Achievement Patterns for All Elementary Schools Analyzed ................................................. 29
Section 3. Distinctive Practices of Unusually Effective Urban Elementary Schools ..............33
National and International Research Has Documented thePractices of Unusually Effective Schools .......................................................................................................33
Contents
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Grade Retention .....................................................................................................................................................52
Retentions Scale and Costs in Chicago ...................................................................................................55
Impact on the Achievement of Chicagos Retained Students ......................................................... 55Impact on the Dropout Rates of Retained Students ....................................................... ....................56
School System Sidesteps Research Evidence .......................................................... .............................. 56
Alleged Motivational Benefits of the Threat of Retention for Students Systemwide ..........56
The Current Studys Analysis of Retention .............................................................................................57
Reading Specialists ...............................................................................................................................................57
Chicago Board Initiatives and the Five Essential Supports for Student Learning .......................... 63
Section 5. Key Study Implications .............................................................................................65
The Opportunity to Build on the Strengths of Chicagos Successful Schools ................................. 65
The Need to Examine the Effectiveness of Central Administration Programs ................................ 66
Impact of School-Initiated Versus Centrally Initiated Efforts to Raise Achievement ....................66
End Notes ....................................................................................................................................67
Appendix A .................................................................................................................................73
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During the period from 1985 to 2005,the Chicago Public Schools initi-ated a number ofmajor reforms aimed at
improving educational quality and student
achievement. A briefchronology of somekey events in this twenty-year reform
period is summarized in Chart 1.
One set of changes resulted from the 1988
decision of the Illinois state legislature to
radically restructure the Chicago school
system, shifting some key school deci-
sion-making and improvement authorityto the school level.1 This legislative change
resulted from a grassroots movement that
began in 1985 to develop a detailed frame-
work for the 1988 legislation, which was
ultimately supported by a broad coalition
of school reform, parent, business, and
community groups.2
These changes created a school-based de-
cision-making structure that was unprec-
edented in big cities, but resembled the
CHART 1.Some Key Events in the
Chicago School Reform Timeline
Study Context and Purposes
1S E C T I O N
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CHART 2.Percentage of Low-Income Students in the 20 U.S.
Big City School Systems with the Largest Enrollment
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transforming what had been a highly cen-
tralized system into a system in which many
key decisions were made at each school.8
This fundamental restructuring resultedfrom an organizing and legislative advo-
cacy campaign carried out by a coalition of
school reform, business, parent, and com-
munity groups and was the culmination of a
reform effort that began in about 1985.9
Among the key changes that the 1988 law
made were the following:
Local School Councils. Created an
elected Local School Council (LSC) ateach of Chicagos schools. These LSCs
were composed of six elected parents,
two elected community representatives,
Council, abolishing the lifetime princi-
pal tenure that had previously existed.
New Principal Powers. Gave principals
a pivotal school leadership role and moreauthority in establishing and carrying
out instructional and budget priorities,
as well as in hiring and supervising
school staff. Principals were permitted
to hire any certified teacher for an
open teaching position, without regard
to teacher seniority, which enabled
proactive principals to shape a cohesiveschool staff.
New Teacher Powers. Gave teachersa greater decision making and advisory
voice, through their two seats on the
Local School Council and a teacher
committee that worked with the
principal on curriculum and school
improvement (the Professional Personnel
Advisory Committee).
Infusion of Funds, Targeted toLow-Income Schools and Under
School Control. Required that, over a
five-year period, state money that was
generated based on a schools enrollment
of low-income students (State Chapter1 funds) must be increasingly placed
under school control and must be made
supplementary to a fair share of other
In the early 1990s, the Local
School Council at Earhart
Options for Knowledge
School set the goal of creating
a school where student
achievement surpassed manysuburban schools. As described
in Section 3, Earhart succeeded.
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school-level initiative, of enforcing
critical systemwide standards in such
areas as civil rights, and of creating a
systemwide framework of educationalobjectives and assessments.
Educational policy analysts recognized the
scope of this legislative change. Stanford
political scientist Michael Kirst observed
that this is the biggest change in American
school control since the 1900s.It is the
most dramatic change in any school system
I can think of. It is absolutely precedent-
breaking.12[emphasis added]
One way in which Chicago school reform
differed from school-based decision-mak-
ing reforms that had been carried out
in other cities in the past was that major
authority was actually shifted to the school
site in Chicago, and that this shift of author-ity was embodied in state law (and thus
not subject to being taken away by the
decisions of a subsequent school district
administration). In other school-based man-
agement reforms, the transfer of authority
to the school site was small and/or ambigu-
ous and resulted in little change in school-
level practice.13
The most controversial aspect of the Chica-
go restructuring plan was to allocate a ma-
about 110 of these small districts were in the
Chicago Metro Area, with some of them just
a few blocks outside of Chicagos borders.
While the Chicago metro area is well-knownfor its high school districts that consist of
one or two high schools, 57 of the small dis-
tricts in the Chicago Metro Area are K-8 dis-
tricts that enroll fewer than 700 students.15
Proponents argued that such small school
districts (with elected lay school boards)
were a good model for the proposed Lo-
cal School Councils planned for Chicago,
because such small school districts gener-
ally functioned well. They cited research
evidence indicating that the achievement of
students in general and low-income students
in particular was higher in small school
districts, rather than large ones (controlling
for student background).16
Proponents argued that parents and commu-
nity residents had substantial organizational
leadership experiences in their churches,
jobs, and other community institutions and
would respect and complement the knowl-
edge and skills of their schools teachers
and administrators. Proponents envisionedthat successful Local School Councils would
typically help foster teamwork among all
the adults who could make critical contribu-
Elected school boards
in small Illinois school
districts were a model
for Chicagos Local
School Councils.
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and as many parent and community
candidates ran in low-income schools as
in middle-income schools.19 Chicagos
Local School Councils constituted thelargest concentration of elected officials
of color in the United States, with 2,500
African American and Latino LSC
members.20
Early studies of teacher and principalattitudes towards the new system carried
out by the Consortium on Chicago School
Research at the University of Chicagoshowed that teacher and principal
attitudes were generally positive. For
example, 63% of teachers agreed or
strongly agreed in spring 1991 with the
statement that Since reform, I am more
optimistic this school will improve.21
And in a study of principal attitudes
towards reform carried out in spring
1992, 62% of principals agreed or strongly
agreed with the statement that Since
reform, this school is getting better. In
contrast, only 29% of principals agreed or
strongly agreed with the statement that
Since reform, there is more conflict in
this school.
22
A more extensive Consortium study that
analyzed the first three years of reform im-
plementation indicated that about 31% of the
evolving in ways that can lead to major
improvements in student learning?
We answer yes.25
At the same time, the Consortium study in-
dicated that about 34% of Chicagos elemen-
tary schools operated under conditions of
consolidated principal power or sus-
tained conflict and had improved little.26
The Consortiums researchers labeled these
schools schools left behind by reform.
How best to improve these schools has beena continuing source of controversy from
1990 to 2005. The impact of three efforts
to improve these schools left behind by
reform by the Mayors education team that
was appointed after 1995 are analyzed in
Section 4. The Interpretive Summary in Sec-
tion 5 makes recommendations about how
these schools can be improved, based on thefindings of the current study.
Finally, a Consortium study of a city-wide
cross-section of Local School Councils indi-
cated that many of the stereotypes of LSC
members and their competence were inaccu-
rate. Based on an analysis of a representative
cross-section of Local School Councils, theConsortium concluded that:
50%-60% of LSCs were high functioning
i i t th i k ibiliti
Is the restructur-
ing of the Chicago
public school systemevolving in ways that
can lead to major
improvements in
student learning?
We answer yes.
Consortium on ChicagoSchool Research, 1993
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Although the Republicans were impressed
by some documented school-level improve-
ments that had occurred as a result of the
1988 Reform Act and were sympathetic tothe ideology of local control, they were
also highly critical of continuing corruption
in the school systems central office, the lack
of major systemwide test score gains at that
point, and the school systems continuing
financial crises.
Further, legislators responded to the Chi-
cago Mayors complaint that the process for
selecting the central school board that was
established by the 1988 Reform Act left him
with inadequate authority to select Board
members, even though the public held him
accountable for school quality and student
achievement.
As a result, the General Assembly made
several major changes in the Chicago School
Reform Act in May 1995. The basic struc-
ture ofschool-level decision making was
kept intact; indeed, principals were, for the
first time, given clear authority over school
custodians and food service staff. However,
the state legislature gave Chicagos Mayora major role in making crucial systemwide
decisions, which included the following:
The Mayor was granted authority to
over wages and benefits, but not over
working conditions.29
The Mayors First Leadership Team.In
June 1995,Chicagos MayorDaley appoint-ed his former Budget Director, Paul Val-
las, as the school systems Chief Executive
Officer, and his former Chief of Staff, Gery
Chico, as President of the school systems
Board of Trustees.
The Mayors team essentially chosenot
tobuild on the accomplishments of theschool-based improvement efforts carried
out over the previous five years. Vallas
characterized these efforts as a failed exper-
iment that led to confusion and corruption
and did not improve student achievement.
In a February 1996 interview with Catalyst
magazine, for example, Vallas asserted:
I am inundated with complaints about
local school councils from parents,
teachers and principalsand other local
school council members. Investigate this,
investigate that. Patronage, nepotism,
people declaring custody over kids so
that they can remain on local school
councils. People intimidating parents.Its a continual onslaught. I believe
they are, to quote Shakespeare, much
ado about nothing.30
In 1995, the state leg-
islature gave Chicagos
Mayor a major role in
making crucial system-
wide decisions, while
keeping school-level
decision making intact.
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In spring 1997, the Central Board required
students at grades 3, 6, and 8 to attend
summer school if they scored below a
minimum level on the Iowa Test of Basic
Skills in either reading or math, and
required students who failedto makesufficient test score progress by the end of
summer school to repeat a grade (about
10,000 on average at these three grade
levels in subsequent years).32
Since many of the leaderships educational
reforms have been test-driven, there hasbeen great pressure on schools to focus on
raising test scores on the particular tests on
which critical decisions about each school
hinged.33 This pressure some-
times creates school-level
conflicts between (1) sticking
with longer-term strategies to
restructure the school and im-
prove instruction (as described
in Section 3 of this report)
and (2) placing the primary
focus on short-term tactics
for improving test scores on a
particular test (such as devot-
ing large amounts of timeto test prep materials for a
particular test).34 These issues
are discussed in greater detail
the mayor took over the schools. While
the Mayor did not take over the schools,
Chicagos Central Board and administration
were given some key powers that are notexercised by the leadership of most other
big city school systems (such as sweeping
authority to reconstitute schools and actu-
ally dismiss, rather than transfer, teachers
and principals at these schools). This situa-
tion has created ongoing conflictbetween
Local School Councils and advocates for
local school initiative, on the one hand, andan aggressive central administration, on the
other.
The Mayors Second Leadership Team.
In summer 2001, the Vallas-Chico team
was eased out by the Mayor, and replaced
by a team headed by Arne Duncan (Chief
Executive Officer) and Michael Scott (BoardChair), who were initially more accommo-
dating to school-level decision making. The
new team developed a systemwide im-
provement plan (Every Child, Every School)
with wide participation, which was accept-
able to most advocates for local control and
which was released in August 2002.36
The stated priority of the second leader-
ship team has been to focus on improving
instruction above all else A top initiative
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Since spring 2004, the leadership teams
strategy has shifted to a top-down focus
and a renewed hostility to Local School
Councils.Standards for placing schools on proba-
tion were dramatically tightened in spring
2004, and 167 elementary schools and 45
high schools were placed on probation in
fall 2004. Placing these schools on proba-
tion allowed the central administration to
severely limit the decision-making rights
of LSCs and principals in these schools.38
However, in contrast to previous probation
efforts, schools were not given additional
resources, but instead were required to
spend their discretionary funds on similar
staff and activities citywide (for example,
each elementary school was required to hire
two Reading Specialists).39
In July 2004, Mayor Daley announced that
he would implement a major new initia-
tive called Renaissance 2010, in which 60
low-achieving schools would be closed, to
be replaced by 100 charter schools, small
schools, and performance schools most
without Local School Councils and manywithout unionized teachers.40 This initia-
tive has been actively resisted by a coalition
of Local School Council members, com-
To analyze elementary school
achievement test data that illuminate
the impact of the shift of educational
decision making to the school level as a
result of the 1988 Reform Act (Section 2).
To analyze research evidence about
school-level educational practices that
help account for the major sustained test
score improvements of a sizable group
of elementary schools from 1990 to 2005
(Section 3).
To analyze elementary school
achievement test data that illuminate
the impact of three initiatives of the
Mayors leadership team: school
probation, student grade retention, and
the assignment of Reading Specialists to
low-achieving schools (Section 4).
The Iowa Tests were administered to Chi-cago elementary students from 1990 to 2005
in grades 3 to 8 in reading and math. These
Iowa Test results provide the only year-to-
year test measure available to help judge
the progress of elementary schools
with respect to the shift to school-
based decision making, school pro-
bation, student grade retention, andReading Specialists. Analyzing Iowa
Reading Test results and their implica-
h l h f h
This study draws on test
score data to analyze
the impact of the 1988
Reform Act, schoolprobation, student
grade retention, and
the Reading Specialist
Initiative.
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Patterns of School-Level StudentAchievement from 1990 to 2005
2S E C T I O N
Relevant Study Methods
This analysis builds on a previousDesigns for Change study focused onanalyzing multi-year test score trends of
Chicago elementary schools from 1990 to
1997.41 That study identified 111 elementary
schools with a substantial trend ofim-
proved reading achievement from 1990 to
1997, including 87 elementary schools that
were low-achieving in 1990.
The current study analyzes elementary
school patterns of test score achievementfrom 1990 to 2005. For reasons explained
below, the heart of the analysis examines
multi-year test score trends from 1990 to
2003 using a regression analysis focused on
analyzing each schools Iowa Reading Test
scores for grades 3 to 8 combined. Both the
previous study and current study em-
ployed methods for analyzing multi-year
test score trends developed by the research
department of the Chicago Public Schools.42
Some Key Section 2 Findings
144 Chicago elementary schools that were low-achieving in
1990 showed a sustained upward trend on the Iowa ReadingTest from 1990 to 2003 (Substantially Up Schools).
The number of students in these Substantially Up Schools
reading at or above the national average more than doubled
from 21.4% in 1990 to 45% in 2003.
Based on year 2000 national norms recently adopted by Chicago,
these 144 Substantially Up Schools reached the national average
of 50% in 2004 and 2005.
These 144 elementary schools serve nearly 100,000 students
as many students as attend the Baltimore Public Schools.
These schools are 87.2% low-income a larger low-income
percentage than any big city school system in the nation.
All of these 144 Substantially Up Schools had Local School
Councils that chose their principals and had unionized teachers.
In 1990, not one of these Substantially Up Schools exceeded the
current Chicago probation standard of 40% on the Iowa Reading
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baseline year for judging progress subse-
quent to the Chicago School Reform Act of
1988).
Thus, the current analysis followed the prac-tice of DFCs previous research on Chicago
elementary school achievement by dividing
the elementary schools into two catego-
ries, based on whether or not 40% of their
students scored at or above the national
average on the Iowa Reading Test in grades
3 to 8 combined in 1990 (see Chart 3):
Low Achievement in 1990.Less than
40% of students scored at or above the
national average in 1990 on the Iowa
Reading Test in grades 3 to 8 combined.44
Adequate to Good Achievement in
1990. 40% or more of students scored
at or above the national average in 1990
on the Iowa Reading Test in grades 3 to 8
combined.45
As reflected in Chart 3, 85% of the 433
elementary schools analyzed (368 schools)
fell into the Low Achievement category
in 1990, while 15% of the elementary
schools analyzed (65 schools) fell into the
Adequate to Good Achievement category.
As reflected in Chart 2 in Section 1, Chicago
elementary schools that were in the Low
Achievement category in 1990 served a sub-
stantially larger percentage of low-income
students (i.e., 90.4%) than any of the 20 big
city school districts in the United Stateswith the largest student enrollments.
Trend Analysis Methods for Assess-
ing School Progress. As in DFCs earlier
study of test score trends, the researchers
employed a procedure developed by the
research department of the Chicago Public
Schools that employs a bi-weight regres-
sion analysis to analyze multi-year school
test score trends.46 This procedure allows
researchers to gauge the extent of change
over a period of years using a trend line
for each school. This particular type of
regression analysis minimizes the effect of
unusual variations in results for any indi-
vidual year.47
The key school statistic employed has been
the schools year-to-year percent of students
scoring at or above the national average
on the Iowa Reading Test in grades 3 to 8
combined, which has been a high stakes
measure in Chicago since fall 1996 that has
been used, for example, to place elemen-
tary schools on probation and to evaluate
principals.
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Ideally, we would have liked to carry out
this multi-year trend analysis for the period
from 1990 to 2005. However, the Chi-
cago school system introduced a differentnational norming sample in spring 2002,
which it now uses to calculate the Iowa Test
achievement results of Chicago students.
(In spring 2002, Chicago switched from
comparing Chicagos students to a national
cross-section of students who took the Iowa
Test in 1988 to a national cross-section of
students who took the Iowa Test in 2000.)
This change means the combined percent
of students scoring at or above the national
average at a typical elementary school that
tests students in grades 3 to 8 is increased
by about 3.5%, simply by the introduction
of these new national norms. The school
systems adoption of these 2000 nationalnorms (and their unwillingness to publish
complete data that would allow researchers
to translate student or school scores be-
tween the 1988 and 2000 norming systems)
made it impossible for DFC to carry out
multi-year trend analysis beyond spring
2003, for reasons explained in the accompa-
nying End Note.48
Using available data, DFC (1) conducted a
trend analysis of Iowa Reading Test results
Down. Since there were no Tending Down
Schools from 1990 to 2003 and only one Sub-
stantially Down School, the analysis focused
on schools that were Substantially Up, Tend-ing Up, or No Trend (see Chart 5-a):
A Substantially Up School gained at
a rate of at least 1.5% per year in its
percentage of students scoring at or
above the national average from 1990
to 2003 (an increase in the percentage of
students scoring at or above the national
average at a rate of atleast 19.5% from 1990
to 2003).
A Tending Up School
gained at a rate
between 1.0% per year
and 1.49% per year
in its percentage ofstudents scoring at
or above the national
average from 1990 to
2003 (an increase in the
percentage of students at or above the
national average at a rate of at least 13%
from 1990 to 2003).
A No Trend School gained at a rate ofless than 1.0% per year in its percentage
of students scoring at or above the
national average from 1990 to 2003 (an
Carson sixth-grader works on
her digital portfolio, as part of an
interactive project with museum
experts on Peru.
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CHART 4.
Distribution of Illinois K-8 Schools Rankedby Percentage of Low-Income Students
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Chart 4 further emphasizes the heavy
concentration of low-income students in
the Chicago elementary schools in all three
trend groupsthat were low-achieving in1990. Chart 4 depicts the number of Illinois
elementary or middle schools serving some
combination of grades K-8 with various
percentages of low-income students in the
2003-2004 school year.
Chart 4 shows, for example, that Illinois had
448 schools serving some combination of
grade K-8 students that served 0% to 5% low-
income students and 200 K-8 schools that
served 95% to 100% low-income students.
The Chicago elementary schools that were
low-achieving in 1990 are represented by
the dark blue, green, and orangebars that
are clustered on the right side of Chart 4.
Chart 4 reflects the fact that 58% of IllinoisK-8 schools that serve more than 75% low-
income students are included in the 368
low-achieving Chicago K-8 schools that are
being analyzed in this study.
Methods for Analyzing State ISAT Tests.
In addition to the Iowa Tests, Chicago began
to administer state-wide tests called theIllinois Standards Achievement Tests (ISAT
Tests) in reading, math, and other subjects
i i 1999 d ti t d i i t
have complete ISAT data) to assess the ISAT
Test progress of the groups of schools that
were Substantially Up Schools, Tending Up
Schools, and No Trend Schools on two ISATtests described below.
The High Stakes that Are Attached to
the Iowa and ISAT Measures Studied.Chicago elementary schools may currently
be identified as deficient based on Chicago
standards (probation), Illinois standards
(academic early warning list and aca-
demic watch list), or federal standards
(school in need of improvement).
The three indicators of Iowa and ISAT
school-level scores that are the focus of
the current analysis have become criti-
cal in making these high stakes decisions
about Chicago elementary schools, and this
high stakes pressure was intensified bythe Chicago Board through its decision to
dramatically raise its probation standard in
fall 2004.
Thus, the current study analyzed three
test results that are central in determin-
ing whether particular schools are judged
adequate or deficient according to Chicago,Illinois, and federal standards:
Iowa Reading Results.The percentage
The three test results
analyzed are the basis
for the most critical
decisions made about
Chicagos K-8 schools
each year.
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ISAT Reading Results.The percentage
of students meeting or exceeding
standards on the ISAT Reading Test
and the ISAT Math Test are the current
criteria for determining whether an
Illinois elementary school has made
adequate yearly progress under the
federal No Child Left Behind Act.
In spring 2004, at least 40% of a schools
students had to meet or exceed state
standards in reading (based on results
for grades 3, 5,and 8 combined) andin math (based on results for grades 3,
5,and 8 combined), in order to make
adequate yearly progress.
These standards applied not only to
the student body as a whole but also to
several subgroups within the student
body.
In spring 2005, this minimum standard
for ISAT Reading and Math in Illinois
was raised to 47.5%; however, detailed
school-by-school results to judge which
schools have met these criteria have not
yet been publicly released by the Illinois
State Board of Education.
Schools that fail to meet adequate yearlyprogress criteria for two years in a row
or more are designated schools in need
of improvement and are subject to a
subjects and all grades in which ISAT
Tests are administered. If40% of a
Chicago schools students do not meet
or exceed the cutoff for ISAT Overall,
the school will be placed on Chicago
probation (unless the school meets the
Iowa Reading Test standard described
previously).
Thus, the three school-level test scores that
are the focus of the current analysis are cen-
tral to the test-based school accountability
systems in Chicago and in Illinois. All Chi-cago elementary schools are under intense
pressure to improve these particular scores.
Further, these three test scores are impor-
tant indicators that can enable the public to
analyze each schools academic progress,
since they include both of the major read-
ing tests administered to Chicago elemen-tary school students, as well as the states
major indicator of achievement that cuts
across individual subjects.
Achievement Trends ofSchools that Were Low-
Achieving in 1990Of critical interest are the achievement
trends of the 85% of Chicago elementary
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CHART 5.
Achievement Score Trends for Chicago K-8 Elementary Schools thatWere Low Achieving in 1990 and Were Substantially Up, Tending Up,
or No Trend on the Iowa Reading Test from 1990 to 2003
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Progress Over Time. Does the trend
group (such as Substantially Up
Schools) show a pattern of sustained
improvement over time, does it remain
fairly flat over time, or does it decline?
Absolute Level of Achievement.
Are groups of schools achieving at an
adequate pace to meet critical cutoff
scores within a reasonable timeframe,
even if they have been making some
progress? A set of schools that begins
at very low levels of achievement mustmake substantial consistent gains to
catch up. Even an upward movement
for a few years can still leave a school or
group of schools far below minimum
standards (such as Chicagos probation
standard). Chart 10-a, for example,
shows that 104 of Chicagos Substantially
Up Schools (73% of them) are meetingthe Chicago probation standard on the
Iowa Reading Test, while only 14 of
Chicagos No Trend Schools (13% of
them) are meeting this standard.
As discussed earlier, it is also important to
examine multi-year patterns of scores and
not to focus on short-term losses and gains
between particular years. Meaningful pat-
terns begin to emerge when one examines
scores over a period of four years or more.
system, they would be the 26th largest
school system in the nation (about the
same size as Baltimore or Milwaukee, as
shown in Chart 7-a).50
The Substantially Up Schools were 87.2%
low-income a larger percentage of
low-income students than the 20 big city
school districts in the United States with
the largest enrollments, as reflected in
Chart 2 and Chart 7-b.
As reflected in Chart 5-a, the Substan-
tially Up Schools increased the
percentage of their students at or above
the national average from 21.4% in 1990
to 45.0% in 2003 (based on 1988 national
norms). Thus, the number of students in
these Substantially Up Schools reading at
or above the national average more than
doubled over these 13 years.
Based on 1988 national norms for the
Iowa Tests, the typical Substantially
Up School was approaching the
national average of50% in 2003. (The
national average of 50% compares these
Substantially Up Schools with a national
cross-section of urban, suburban, and
rural schools.)
Based on the 2000 national norms for
the Iowa Tests that Chicago adopted
Chicagos 144
Substantially Up
Schools that werelow achieving in 1990
more than doubled
the percentage of their
students reading at
or above the national
average in 13 years.
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CHART 6.Latest Achievement Scores for Chicago K-8 Elementary Schools that
Were Low Achieving in 1990 and Were Substantially Up or No Trendon the Iowa Reading Test from 1990 to 2003
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state tests (the IGAP Tests) were the
major accountability measure on which
educators and the public focused.
Under the Mayors leadership team, theIowa Test became the overriding focus for
placing schools on probation, for student
grade promotion, and for principal evalu-
ation after fall 1996. From 1996 to 2003, the
gap between the Substantially Up Schools,
on the one hand, and the Tending Up
CHART 7-a.
Student Enrollment Comparisons
Schools and No Trend Schools, on the other,
continued to widen substantially on the
Iowa Reading Test.
Indeed, Chart 5-a indicates that the city-wide improvement in Iowa Reading Test
scores from 1995 to 2003 was due in large
part to the increased test scores of the Sub-
stantially Up Schools (which had already
improved their average test scores signifi-
cantly before the Mayor was given new
Chicagos Substantially
Up Schools, which
showed a consistent
trend of improved
reading scores from
1991 to 2005, serve
as many students as
the Baltimore Public
Schools.
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powers, with this improvement occurring
in a period when the Iowa Reading Test
was a low-stakes test).
One interpretation of this finding (theevidence for which is discussed in Section
3) is that the Substantially Up Schools had
attained a level ofcoherent social organiza-
tion by 1995 that allowed these schools to
respond to the new demands for increased
test score achievement by increasing educa-
tional quality, while the No Trend Schools
lacked this coherent social organization and
focused on implementing such limited strat-
egies as drilling students for the Iowa Tests.51
One indication of the degree of test score
improvement in the Substantially Up
Schools from 1990 to 2003 is that based on
1988 national norms in 1990 not a single
Substantially Up School exceeded the Chi-cago probation standard of 40% that was
mandated for the Iowa Reading Test begin-
ning in fall 2004 (see Chart 8). Yet by 2005,
104 of the 142 Substantially Up Schools still
open exceeded the 40% standard, and 19
more were within five percentile points of
the 40% standard based on 2000 national
norms (see Chart 8).
At a time when the Mayors school lead-
hi t d b f th
for a period of years and then dropped off.
Clearly, the overall results for Substantially
Up Schools are encouraging, but many of
these schools must still improve markedly.
In contrast to the achievement gains of
the Substantially Up Schools, Chart 10-a
indicates that only 14 of the 109 No Trend
Schools still open in spring 2005 exceeded
the current Chicago probation standard
of 40% on the Iowa Reading Test in 2005.
Further, of the 95 No Trend Schools that
were below the probation standard, 84 of
these No Trend Schools were more than 5
percentile points below the 40% probation
standard.
One possible explanation for the gains of
the Substantially Up Schools from 1990 to
2003 is that these schools attracted more
advantaged students over time, and thatthese more advantaged students helped
account for the improved test scores of the
Substantially Up Schools. This is undoubt-
edly true in some schools. However, from
1990 to 2003 the overall percentage of
low-income students in these Substan-
tially Up Schools rose from 78% to 87% (a
9% increase), and the percentage of white
students in these Substantially Up Schools
declined from 16% to 13% (a 3% decrease).52
The 144 Substantially
Up Schools have
brought about major
improvements in
student achievement
with elected Local
School Councils and
unionized teachers.
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CHART 8.
Distribution of 1990 and 2005 Iowa Reading Scores for ChicagoK-8 Elementary Schools that Were Low Achieving in 1990 and WereSubstantially Up on the Iowa Reading Test from 1990 to 2003
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lunch can include a range of incomes, and
it is probably true that the students attend-
ing the No Trend Schools were (on average)
somewhat poorer than the students in the
Substantially Up Schools.
However, Charts 2 and 4 dramatize the fact
that the Substantially Up Schools had one
of the highest concentrations of poverty
among big cities in the nation. There is a
great deal of overlap between the economic
conditions of the Substantially Up Schools
and No Trend Schools with some No
Trend and Substantially Up Schools located
within a few blocks of each other.
Still another possible explanation of the
gains of the Substantially Up Schools is that
they benefited from the initiatives of the
Mayorsleadership team. This possibility is
analyzed in Chart 9. As Chart 9 indicates:
Only 13% of Substantially Up Schools
were placed on probation in 1996 or 1997.
Only 12% of Substantially Up Schools
were among the 100 K-8 schools with
the highest rates of grade retention in
summer 1997.
Only 3% of Substantially Up Schools were
assigned a Reading Specialist in fall 2001.
I t t
munity can carry out that contribute to the
progress of Substantially Up Schools (see
analysis in Section 3).
No Trend Schools. The fifteen-yeartrend of increased Iowa Reading Test scores
for the Substantially Up Schools contrasts
sharply with the pattern of achievement on
the Iowa Reading Test indicated in Charts
5-a and 6-a for the No Trend Schools.
Charts 5-a and 6-a indicate that the No
Trend Schools:
Made no achievement gain from 1990 to
1995.
Registered an increase of about 8% from
1995 to 1999 (during the time that the
Iowa Test became the key high stakes
test in Chicago).
Made no substantial achievement gainfrom 1999 through 2005 (i.e., their Iowa
Reading Test scores flat-lined from
1999 to 2005).
The pattern of test scores for the No Trend
Schools depicted in Charts 5-a and 6-a has
repeatedly been documented by research-
ers studying standardized test score trends,
as described in a review article that ap-
peared in Education Week:
Test scores follow a predictable cycle
In schools that follow a
test prep strategy, test
scores rise quickly for
several years, and then
flat-line.
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CHART 9.Percent of Schools Substantially Up, Tending Up, and No Trend Chicago
K-8 Elementary Schools that Were Low Achieving in 1990 and Were:
Placed on Probation in Fall 1996 or Fall 1997
Among the 100 K-8 Elementary Schools with the Highest GradeRetention Rates in Grades 3, 6, and 8 Combined in Summer 1997
Assigned a Reading Specialist in Fall 2001
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are asked and sometimes even the
precise questions they drill students
on how to perform well on the tests.53
Mayor Daleys leadership team was explicitin encouraging teachers to drill students on
the specific format and types of questions
that appeared on the Iowa Reading Test.54 A
committee of the National Research Council
studied standardized testing in Chicago in
the late 1990s, and the Committees Chair
summarized the Committees conclusions
about Chicago test results as follows:
The NRC Committee concluded that
Chicagos regular year and summer
school curricula were so closely geared
to the ITBS [the Iowa Test] that it was
impossible to distinguish real subject
mastery from mastery of skills and
knowledge useful for passing thisparticular test.55
The No Trend groups pattern of short-term
gain followed by flat-lining is consistent
with the familiar pattern observed by test ex-
perts when tests like the Iowa Reading Test
are employed under high stakes conditions
and teachers respond primarily by drilling
students for one specific high stakes test.
The end result for the No Trend Schools is
h l % f h d i N T d
One important reason for comparing Iowa
Test and ISAT Test results is that research-
ers who study testing have frequently
found that when students and teachers are
pressed to improve scores on a particular
achievement test under high stakes condi-
tions, students raise their scores on this
particular high stakes test for several years.
However, when these students are given a
different test that covers generally the same
subject matter, their gains disappear.56
Thus, one way to determine whether the
sustained Iowa Reading Test gains of the
Substantially Up Group reflect genuine
learning (rather than simply test prepara-
tion for the Iowa Reading Test) is to ex-
amine how the Substantially Up Schools
performed on the ISAT Reading Test and
ISAT Overall Test.The following research findings help clarify
this issue:
In 1990, the three trend groups differed
only slightly on the Iowa Reading Test
(for example, 21.4% at or above the
national average for the Substantially
Up Schools, compared with 18.5% forthe No Trend Schools, as indicated in
Chart 5-a). Thus, if the subsequent Iowa
Reading Test gains for the Substantially
Significant gains on
the ISAT Tests forthe Substantially Up
Schools buttress the
view that their Iowa
Reading Test gains
reflected genuine
learning.
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CHART 10.Distribution of 2005 Scores for Chicago K-8 Elementary Schools
that Were Low Achieving in 1990 and Were Substantially Up andNo Trend on the Iowa Reading Test from 1990 to 2003
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Trend Schools on the Iowa Reading Test
in 1999 was also reflected in a sizeable
difference between the two trend groups
on both the ISAT measures by 1999.
The difference between the Substantially
Up Schools and No Trend Schools on
the two ISAT tests continued to widen
somewhat from 1999 to 2003. On the
ISAT Reading Test, the gap grew from
14.9% in 1999 to 18.6% in 2003. On the
ISAT Overall Test, the gap widened from
12.5% to 19.0% (see Charts 5-b and 5-c).These widening gaps reflect the fact
that the Substantially Up Schools made
larger gains from 1999 to 2003 on both
ISAT Tests, as compared with the No
Trend Schools.
Differing scores on the ISAT Tests cre-
ated major differences in the number of
schools in the Substantially Up and No
Trend groups that met the cutoff stan-
dards on ISAT Reading Tests that served
as a key part of the basis for federal, state,
and Chicago sanctions in spring 2004 and
spring 2005. These differences are depicted
in Chart 10.
On the ISAT Reading Test in spring 2004,113 of the 140 Substantially Up Schools
still open and for which we could obtain
Substantially Up Schools on the Iowa Read-
ing Test reflect genuine learning and are
not simply the result of drilling students for
a specific test.
In addition, the fact that more than 70% of
Substantially Up Schools scored above vari-
ous cutoffs for Chicago, Illinois, and federal
sanctions enables these schools to avoid
the loss of autonomy and the stigma that
are associated with being labeled a proba-
tion school or a school in need of im-
provement or being placed on the states
academic early warning list or academic
watch list.
At the same time, between 27 and 38
schools in the Substantially Up group
failed to meet one or more of these cutoffs
(see Chart 10). And even those Substantially
Up Schools with 40%-50% of their studentsmeeting particular cutoffs demonstrate a
major need for further improvement, a
point discussed further in Section 5.
Mathematics Results forSubstantially Up, Tending Up,
and No Trend SchoolsAlthough this study has primarily focused
on reading achievement, we also con-
On the ISAT Reading
Test in spring 2004,113
of 140 Substantially
Up Schools met federal
reading standards. In
contrast, only 23 of 113
No Trend Schools metfederal standards.
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CHART 11.Latest Achievement Score Trends for Chicago K-8 Elementary
Schools that Were Low Achieving in 1990 and Were Substantially Up,Tending Up, or No Trend on the Iowa Math Test from 1990 to 2003
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The following major patterns are apparent
in the math results presented in Chart 11:
A very positive finding is that many
more schools that were low achieving in1990 were in the Substantially Up trend
group on the Iowa Math Test than on the
Iowa Reading Test (253 schools in math
versus 144 in reading). This larger group
of Substantially Up Schools showed
steady improvement from 1994 on and
had reached 50% (the national average)
by 2003.
Further, only 54 schools were in the
Tending Up group on the Iowa Math
Test and only 59 schools were in the
No Trend group on the Iowa Math Test.
However, the Tending Up and No Trend
groups showed the dismaying pattern
of leveling off in 2000 and flat-lining in
subsequent years on the Iowa Math Test.
Overall AchievementPatterns for AllElementary Schools
AnalyzedBased on analyses of the achievement levels
and trends for both (1) elementary schools
that had Low Achievement in 1990 and (2)
elementary schools that had Adequate to
Good Achievement in 1990 (see Chart 3),
we classified the 433 elementary schools
analyzed into four groups. (Trend analy-
ses for Adequate to Good Schools were
carried out, but are not presented in this
report.) These four groups reflect long-term
achievement patterns of these 433 schools
on the Iowa Reading Test from 1990 to
2003. This analysis is presented in Chart 12:
CHART 12.Nature of Iowa Reading Test Progress from 1990 to 2003
(Includes Schools with Low Achievement in 1990 andSchools with Adequate to Good Achievement in 1990)
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Substantial Trend of Progress.166elementary schools (38% of the total)
were Substantially Up on the Iowa
Reading Test from 1990 to 2003 (i.e. they
increased their percentage of students ator above the national average at a rate
of 19.5% or more from 1990 to 2003). Of
these 166 schools that were Substantially
Up from 1990 to 2003, 144 had Low
Achievement in 1990 and 22 had
Adequate to Good Achievement in 1990.
Maintained Good Achievement(50%or more at or above the national averagein 2003). 38 schools (9% of the total)
maintained good achievement and had
50% or more of their students at or above
the national average in 2003. These
were primarily schools that began with
Adequate or Good Achievement in 1990
and maintained it, although they werenot Substantially Up from 1990 to 2003.
Limited Trend of Progress(less than50% at or above the national average
in 2003). 110 schools (25% of the total)
were in the Tending Up trend group, but
still had less than 50% of their students
achieving at or above the national
average in 2003.
No Trend of Progress(less than 50% ator above the national average in 2003)
As the map in Chart 13 indicates, schools
that have shown a Substantial Trend of
Progress and have Maintained Good
Achievement are distributed across Chi-
cago, including many of the citys poorest
neighborhoods. Often schools that have
made substantial progress are within a few
blocks of schools that had unacceptable
achievement and failed to improve. At the
same time, some neighborhoods have no
Substantially Up Schools or Schools that
have Maintained Good Achievement on theIowa Reading Test.
If schools that have improved significantly
are employing a distinctive set of practices,
the city can build on this success and adapt
these lessons to schools that are failing to
improve. This issue is the focus of Section 3.
Nearly half of Chicago
K-8 schools showed
a Substantial Trendof Progress or
Maintained Good
Achievement between
1990 and 2003.
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Ebinger
Onahan
NorwoodPark
Wildwood
EdgebrookSauganash Solomon Clinton
Stone
Decatur
Rogers
Armstrong, G Field
Kilmer
Hayt
SwiftHitch
Farnsworth
Prussing
Smyser
BridgeDever
Reinberg
Gray
PortagePark
Schubert
Canty
Dore
Pasteur
Clark, M Sumner
Dvorak
Nobel
Falconer
Scammon
Belding
PalmerVolta
Jamieson
Budlong
Chappell
PeirceTrumbull
Goudy
Hibbard
Coonley
ClevelandBell
HamiltonBlaine
Audubon
Brentano
Darwin Goethe
Yates
Pulaski
Jahn
Cameron LafayetteDe Diego
SabinPritzker
Ryerson ChopinColumbus
Pickard
RuzSaucedo
BrightonPark
Gunsaulus
CarsonBontemps
Graham
Evergreen
Greene, N
Holden
Cooper
JungmanOrozco
GalileoJackson, A
TalcottOtis
Mitchell
Peabody
LincolnNewberry
BurleyHawthorne
Inter-American
Disney
LaSalle
Franklin
Haines
PershingMcClellan
Mayo
McCorkle
ColmanBeethoven
ParkmanBeasley
Overton
WoodsonNorth
Carter Carnegie
Ray
Murray
Harte
Dirksen
Kellman
King
Chavez Canter
Kinzie
Alcott
Arai
Andersen
Bateman
Burr
Carpenter
Casals
Chase
Drake
FarrenEdwards
Finkl
Greeley
Healy
Hughes, C.
Irving
Jordan
LeMoyneLinne
Logandale
Lovett
Lowell
MarshallMiddle
McAuliffe
McCormick
McCutcheon
McPherson
OriolePark
PilsenPlamondon
Ravenswood
Schiller
Seward
Stockton
Twain
Walsh
Whittier
Boone
Garvy
Hale
Byrne
Sheridan
Ogden
Sayre
Thorp,O
Edison
PetersonAlbany
Park
WoodsonSouth
Ward, J
De la Cruz
Grant
CHART 13.
Substantially Up Schools and Schools that Have Maintained
Good Achievement on the Iowa Reading Test (1990-2003)
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Distinctive Practices of Unusually
Effective Urban Elementary Schools
3S E C T I O N
Some Key Section 3 Findings
For more than 40 years, researchers in the United States and world-
wide have conducted careful studies to understand the practicesof unusually effective schools schools that serve large
percentages of low-income students but significantly outperform
schools serving similar student bodies.
In the early 1990s, Designs for Change reviewed this research and
identified a set of distinctive practices found in unusually effective
urban elementary K-8 schools. Designs for Change organized these
distinctive practices around Five Essential Supports for Student
Learning, which DFC currently describes as:
1. School Leadership Focused on Success for All Students
2. Social Supports for Learning (School Culture)
3. Family and Community Partnerships Support Learning
4. Adults Collaborate and Learn
5. Quality Learning Activities (with a Special Focus on Literacy)
Extensive research carried out in Chicago during the past decade by
the Consortium on Chicago Research, Designs for Change, and other
researchers further clarifies the distinctive practices of unusually
effective urban elementary K-8 schools that are related to these Five
As documented in Section 2, the re-search study identified 144 Substan-tially Up Schools that were low achieving
in 1990. These grade K-8 schools serve as
many students as the Baltimore PublicSchools and have a higher poverty rate
than the students attending any of the 20
big city schools in the U.S. with the largest
student enrollments.
Yet, Chart 6-a documents that the typical
school in this group has risen from 21.4%
at or above the national average on theIowa Reading Test in 1990 (based on 1988
national norms) to 50% in 2005 (based on
2000 national norms). In other words, the
typical Substantially Up School has reached
the national average.
National and InternationalResearch Has Documentedthe Practices of UnusuallyEffective Schools
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schools schools that serve a large per-
centage of low-income students, but where
students achieve substantially better than
schools serving similar student bodies. For
example, reviews of this research appear in
The International Handbook of School Effec-
tiveness Research and in Unusually Effective
Schools: A Review and Analysis of Research and
Practices.58
In Section 3, we (1) briefly summarize the
practices of unusually effective urban el-
ementary schools and (2) provide profiles oftwo such neighborhood schools in Chica-
go: Earhart Options for Knowledge School
and Carson Elementary School.
Both Earhart and Carson are
neighborhood schools with an
effective Local School Council
who have been active leadersin improving their school and
in involving families and the
community in school improve-
ment. Both Local School Coun-
cils hired and supported a
principal who was the catalyst
for transforming the school.
Both schools are now achiev-
ing significantly above national averages
on the Iowa Tests in reading and math and
unusually effective schools, in order to help
researchers, educators, Local School Coun-
cil members, and others to understand this
research and apply it in improving Chicago
elementary schools.60
The result of this effort was a framework
for analyzing and carrying out school
improvement, called the Five Essential
Supports for Student Learning, which
has been widely employed in Chicago. It
is important to understand that the Five
Essential Supports for Student Learning arenot simply a summary of research carried
out by Designs for Change, but rather a
framework that summarizes the findings
ofscores of studies of unusually effective
schools from Chicago, other U.S. cities, and
other countries.
The Consortium on Chicago SchoolResearch has employed this framework
to shape its own research and has refined
this framework through its own extensive
studies of Chicago schools and classrooms
during the past decade. Here is what the
Consortium concludes about the Five
Essential Supports for Student Learning:
The Consortium has conducted
extensive, in-depth studies of Chicagos
public schools since 1990 This
Earhart teachers not only have
high academic expectations,
but develop warm caring
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beneficial to consider each support in
relation to the others.
The Essential Supports are most likely to
develop in schools where relational trustsuffuses working relationships across the
school community.61
In April 1998, Designs for Change pub-
lished its initial research study of achieve-
ment trends in Chicago elementary schools
from 1990 to 1997.62 As part of this study,
Designs for Change analyzed teacher and
student survey data from the Consortium
on Chicago School Research to determine
whether Substantially Up Schools carried
out a set of distinctive practices, which
differed from the practices of No Trend
Schools at a statistically significant level.63
The practices identified through this
Designs for Change research in 1998 aredepicted in Chart 14, and are organized
around the Five Essential Supports for Stu-
dent Learning. For example, the DFC study
indicated that the Substantially Up Schools
had active Local School Councils as well
as principals who acted on a clear vision
for improving their school, while involving
others in developing and carrying out this
vision. And these effective schools had a
high level of collaboration among staff, as
In the balance of Section 3,
we present an overview of
the Five Essential Supports
for Student Learning and re-
lated educational practices,
ending Section 3 with brief
profiles of Earhart and Car-
son that illustrate how two
unusually effective urban
elementary schools carry out
the Five Essential Supports
for Student Learning.One of the ironies of Chicago
school reform in 2005 is that
Chicago has scores of effec-
tive schools (like Earhart and
Carson) that typically oper-
ate in obscurity and are not employed as
a source of expertise to help other schools
improve, while the school system leader-
ship spends millions in the effort to create
the very model schools that already exist
in Chicago in abundance.
Five Essential Supports forStudent Learning
Research about the distinctive practices
of unusually effective urban elementary
schools like Earhart and Carson can be or
Carson kindergarten students
read and act out the story of the
Three Little Pigs in Spanish.
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CHART 14.What Makes Schools with Substantially Improved
Reading Achievement Stand Out?*
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A common thread runs through all Five
Essential Supports: Adult Teamwork to Im-
prove Student Learning and Development.
Each is described in turn below.
Essential Support 1. School Leadership
Focused on Success for All Students.
The Local School Council (LSC) is a signifi-
cant source of leadership in the school that
conscientiously carries out its mandated
responsibilities for principal selection and
evaluation and for involvement in schoolimprovement planning and budget de-
velopment. The LSC also fosters parent
involvement and builds helpful relation-
ships with community agencies. Many LSC
members volunteer in the school.65
The LSC also organizes politically when
Central Board decisions have the potential
to aid or harm the school.
The Local School Councils most critical
decision is to take great care inhiring an
excellent principal, and to continue to sup-
port a principal who proves to be effective.
Even if they choose a good principal, the
Local School Council remains actively in-
volved in refining and maintaining a school
vision, helping shape school improvement
and budget priorities, carefully evaluating
The principal carefully monitors all aspects
of activity in the school to ensure appropri-
ate implementation of the schools improve-
ment strategy, while encouraging broad buy-
in to the schools objectives and practices.
The principal carefully selects and mentors
staff who have the necessary expertise and
commitments to implement the schools
vision. Thus, teacher turnover is generally
low, and teachers stay long term
to develop skills and experience
that enable them to significantlyincrease their contributions.
The principal (and/or school
leaders acting with the principals
strong support) provide active
educational leadership to teachers
in the classroom and are commit-
ted to educational developmentfor all staff and for other key
school community leaders.
Active teacher leaders and other
staff leaders shape and carry out
the schools educational priorities
and practices. This staff leader-
ship includes shaping strategies to strength-en the schools instructional programs
and professional development, as well as
i th h l t th d k
Earhart principal Patricia Walshdiscusses their end-of-the-year
writing projects with third-
grade students.
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for coordinating a long-term restructuringprocess. They mentor other members of the
school community who master these skills.
Essential Support 2. Social Supports
for Learning (School Culture). The
school community consistently creates and
maintains a school environment (school cul-
ture) that effectively supports high studentattendance, a safe atmosphere conducive
to learning, and the engagement of all stu-
dents in challenging educational activities.
Students move beyond externally imposed
discipline to learn self-discipline. The
schools physical environment, educational
materials, and technology are carefully
assembled and maintained to support
learning.
h h h h
Essential Support 3. Family and Com-
munity Partnerships Support Learning.
Families and community agencies are im-
portant partners in planning and carrying
out the educational program.
A critical first step is to ensure that when
parents enter the school (often bringing
negative past experiences with schools),
they are treated with respect and the issues
that brought them to school are resolved.
The school seeks to draw parents into aset ofincreasing levels of involvement, a
process which often begins with participa-
tion in school activities such as childrens
performances, classroom visits, and Report
Card Pick-Up Day and can progress to
adult education classes at the school, volun-
teering, and participation on school com-
mittees or the Local School Council.
Parents collaborate with the school to sup-
port childrens learning at home. School
staff send home a steady stream of home-
work assignments, with which parents are
asked to assist their children.
Essential Support 4. Adults Collabo-
rate and Learn. Principal leadership and
shared teacher beliefs facilitate a high level
ofcollaboration, trust, and peer support
A first-grade teacher
team at Carson prepares
recommendations about
how to ensure balance and
diversity in student classes for
the next school year.
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The members of the school community de-
velop effective partnerships with sources
of external assistance (for example, univer-
sities and nonprofit assistance organiza-
tions). They also participate in networks
with peers in other school communities to
share ideas. At the same time, the schools
key strategies for educational improvement
continue to depend upon (1) a core group
of leaders within the school community
who remain active over an extended period
of time and (2) mutual trust and collabora-tion among school community members.
Other key stakeholders in the school com-
munity besides staff (including the Lo-
cal School Council and other parent and
community leaders) collaborate with the
staff to assess current practices, to plan for
improvement, and to foster a shared sense
of responsibility for the school and its stu-
dents. The Local School Council and other
parent and community leaders active in the
school participate in educational develop-
ment programs and assistance that help
them carry out their school improvement
responsibilities effectively.
Essential Support 5. Quality Learn-
ing Activities (with a Special Focus
on Literacy). The school staff, with the
struction in word analysis and comprehen-
sion, the development of reading fluency,
strong support for independent reading,
and regular opportunities to write. The
school also emphasizes the development of
speaking and listening skills. Regular learn-
ing activities outside school target reading
and language development.
A Common Thread: Adult Teamwork to
Improve Student Learning and Devel-
opment. A common thread runs through
the implementation of the Five EssentialSupports for Student Learning in unusually
effective grade K-8 schools that serve a sub-
stantial percentage of low-income students.
All adult members of the school commu-
nity (including the Local School Council,
parents, the principal, teachers, other school
staff, community agencies, and volunteers)achieve a high degree of Adult Team-
work to improve student learning and
development.
These adults demonstrate high levels of
mutual trust and unselfish assistance to
each other. They exhibit a high level of
skill in accomplishing tasks by working asgroups. They exhibit what social scientists
have called a high level of social capital.66
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CHART 15.
Box Plot for Cooperative Adult Effort for School Improvement(Adult Teamwork). Elementary Schools on Probation in Fall
1996 Compared with Elementary Schools that Were SubstantiallyUp from 1990 to 1997
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Mutually Reinforcing Sourcesof Evidence
The mutually reinforcing sources of evi-
dence summarized above underscore theconclusions that:
The Five Essential Supports for Student
Learning accurately organize crucial
practices of unusually effective urban
elementary schools that successfully
educate a large percentage of low-
income students.
Effective practices identified previously
by employing the Five Essential Support
frameworktypically characterize the
distinctive practices of the Substantially
Up Schools depicted in Chart 5 and
listed in Appendix A.
Chicago has a unique opportunity to
further analyze the practices of its largenumber of unusually effective schools and
to devise strategies for drawing on these ef-
fective schools as resources to help improve
each other and to improve schools that are
failing to educate their students.
In the balance of Section 3, we present brief
profiles of two of these unusually effective
Chicago K-8 schools that successfully edu-
cate student bodies with a large percentage
of low-income students.
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Address: 1710 East 93rd St.Neighborhood: Calumet Heights
Principal: Patricia WalshLSC Chair: Climtonia Evans
Students in 2003-04: 291 enrolled100% African American77% Low-Income
Grades Served: K-8Attendance Rate: 97%
EARHART SCHOOL FACTS
Surpassing the Suburbs
Spend a day at Earhart, and you will conclude
that words like self-discipline and confidence
have taken on a reality in students lives and are
not just school slogans.
One piece of supporting evidence
is that Earharts standardized test
scores were above the state-wide
average for students meeting and
exceeding state standards in ev-
ery subject at every grade level
in 2004.
Much public concern has rightly
been focused on the racial
achievement gap. Earharts eighth graders had
a higherpercentage of students meeting
and exceeding state standards in reading and
writing than was achieved by white students
statewide in 2004, and Earhart eighth graders
matched white students statewide in math.
Evanston and Oak Park are two school districts
that have devoted substantial effort to closing
average.) Earhart achievement has remained
extremely high to the present time. In 2005,
75% of Earhart students met or exceeded the
national average on the Iowa Reading Test (see
chart).
Earhart admits all students from its neighbor-
hood who want to attend (currently about 70%
of Earharts student body). The balance are
selected through a lottery among applicants
from outside the neighborhood.
A notable strength of Earharts history is that
the school maintained its exceptionally high
levels of achievement while making a success-ful transition from the schools original princi-
pal to current principal Patricia Walsh in 1998.
When she became principal, Walsh maintained
many features of the existing educational
program, while putting her own stamp on the
schools continued improvement.
Central to Walshs views about Earhartsstrengths are its curriculum standards and
academic climate.Students wear impeccable
School Profile:Earhart Options for Knowledge School
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Further, students find that the structure and
the press to excel academically at Earhart are
balanced by a personal concern for their emo-tional well being, with teachers viewing a stu-
dents emotional growth as integral to learning.
Principal Walsh works with the staff to focus
Earharts school improvement plan on helping
students master state learning standards, as
opposed to teaching to the test.
She spends 70% of the time that students arein school in classrooms, observing teachers
and advising them. She presses for constant
collaboration and analysis among teachers,
aimed at determining What is working? and
What needs work?
My parents taught me at an early age to
achieve and seek excellence in everything Idid, says Walsh. I believe it is my professional
responsibility to ensure that our youngsters are
exposed to similar values. I will never settle for
less.
In language arts, Earhart teaches both word
analysis (phonics) and literature from kin-
dergarten on. And students write carefully
revised compositions each month that are dis-
played throughout the school.
A major year long project illustrates how the
spelled out in a year-
long plan for Amelia
Earharts School WideTechnology Research
Project: The Wonder-
ful World of Puppets
a plan and related
calendar of events
were shared with the
entire school commu-
nity at the beginning
of the school year.
Earharts LSC remains
very active. Encourag-
ing parent involve-
ment through volun-
teering and through
helping organizestudent performances
and sports programs
have been a major
recent focus, according to out-going LSC Chair
Anita Howard-Smith, who has recently com-
pleted her studies to become a school nurse.
Earharts Iowa Reading Test
Achievement (1990 to 2005)
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
National Average
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001