Embodying Value? The Transformation of Objects in and from the Ancient World

Edited by

Annabel BokernClare Rowan

BAR International Series 25922014

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Coin finds beyond the Danube: functions of fourth century gold coins

within barbarian societies

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This paper seeks to examine the role of Roman gold coins from the fourth century AD found in barbarian territory beyond the Danube. The area under discussion is that of present day northern Serbia (Banat), Romania, and western Ukraine, which form part of the Carpathian basin. How were these coins perceived and used in Barbaricum? They most probably served special purposes in a prestige economy and they shared this function with a number of other media of exchange. They were often worn as jewellery, forming a status symbol for the owner, and this paper examines the possible transformation of the iconography these coins carried. What value did Roman coins and their associated iconography have for barbarian peoples? It has been argued that the imperial portrait must have been fascinating for the barbarian elite. But although the obverse of a coin, with its imperial portrait, obviously held a fascination for the barbarians, it is clear that the reverse iconography of these coins also had a value for their owner. Even if the obverse was most commonly displayed, there are still clear instances where the reverse was on display and was thus obviously also valued, and we need to begin asking ourselves why, and in what contexts this occurred.

gold coins, Barbaricum, transformation of value, iconography, monetary pendants (jewellery)

Im Folgenden wird die Bedeutung rmischer Goldmnzen des 4. Jh. n. Chr., die auf barbarischem Territorium jenseits der Donau gefunden wurden, untersucht. Es handelt sich um Teile des Karpatischen Beckens: das heutige nrdliche Serbien (Banat), Rumnien und der Westen der Ukraine. Wie wurden diese Mnzen im Barbarikum wahrgenommen und verwendet? Mit groer Wahrscheinlichkeit dienten sie besonderen Zwecken innerhalb einer Prestige-Wirtschaft und teilten diese Funktion mit anderen Tauschobjekten. Hufig sind sie als Schmuck nachweisbar, als Statussymbol fr den Trger. Hier soll in diesem Zusammenhang vor allem die mgliche Transformation der Ikonographie der Mnzen betrachtet werden. Welchen Wert hatten rmische Mnzen und die mit ihnen verbundene Ikonographie fr die Menschen des Barbarikum? Es wird in der Forschung vorausgesetzt, dass das kaiserliche Portrt eine Faszination auf die barbarische Elite ausgebt habe. Aber obwohl der Avers der Mnze, mit dem Portrt des Kaisers, offensichtlich eine Faszination ausbte, wird deutlich, dass auch die Ikonographie der Rckseite einen Wert fr den Besitzer darstellte. Auch wenn die ursprngliche Vorderseite meist als Ansichtsseite nachweisbar bleibt, gibt es Hinweise darauf, dass der Revers bewusst gezeigt und so auch wertgeschtzt wurde. Wir mssen uns nun die Frage stellen, warum und in welchem Kontext dies geschah.

Goldmnzen, Barbarikum, Transformation von Wert, Ikonographie, Mnzschmuck (Anhnger)

Introduction

This paper seeks to examine the role of Roman gold coins from the fourth century AD found in barbarian territory beyond the Danube.1 The area under discussion is that of present day northern Serbia (Banat), Romania, and western Ukraine, which form part of the Carpathian basin.

1 I would like to thank Dr. Clare Rowan and Prof. Fleur Kemmers for comments upon an earlier draft of this paper, and Dr. Clare Rowan for correcting my English. Thanks are also due to Prof. Hans-Markus von Kaenel, who has provided research guidance and support over several years.

The main aim of the paper is to see whether, and to what extent, the coins that were produced and used for payment within the Roman world changed their role once they left the Roman Empire; whether these items served another purpose within Barbarian society. In other words, how were these coins perceived and used in Barbaricum? How did this differ from their use and value within the later Roman Empire? Did the coins carry Roman values into Barbaricum? How were coins minted under the authority of a foreign power (the Roman Emperor) perceived? People in Barbaricum did not produce coinage of their own. What economic value did Roman coins possess, if any?

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The presence of Roman coins in Barbaricum has been a topic of some interest. Aleksander Bursche in particular has dealt with the phenomenon in a number of his works.2 He mainly investigated the territory further north, east of the Elbe and north of the Carpathian Mountains and successfully demonstrated that Roman coins in Northern Europe, among other things, were often reused as amulets, ornaments or jewellery. They were perceived as high status commodities. They were also occasionally melted down and reused to construct more familiar, native valuables. The coins in northern Barbaricum most probably served special purposes in a prestige economy and they shared this function with a number of other media of exchange. Prohaska has demonstrated something similar for the Carpathian basin,3 but little work has been done on the transformation of the iconography these coins carried and this is what I will examine in this article. What value did Roman coins and their associated iconography have for Barbarian peoples living in the Carpathian basin?

The area under consideration was home to a variety of barbarian peoples in the 4th century, but in general the Sarmatians can be found closer to the Danube,4 and the Goths and Gepids are located further north. The southern section of the region just north of the Danube is a difficult one to study, as it appears that Romans were also present in the area in the fourth century.5 Further north it is clear that the area was settled by barbarian peoples and therefore the finds from this region can be linked more securely to barbarian owners. Of course it is difficult or near impossible to determine ethnicity in the archaeological record, but the location of the finds further north suggests a non-Roman context.

Roman gold coins in Barbaricum

To start examining the function of Roman coins within Barbaricum, we need first to see how these objects were used in the Roman world. There are differing opinions about the use of coins within the Roman Empire, let alone in Barbaricum. There are basically two opposing views on Roman money: one presumes a primitive situation where the state did not have an understanding of monetary affairs, while the other view supposes a fully monetised imperial system.6

2 Bursche 1996; Bursche 1998; Bursche 2000, 758-71; Bursche 2001, 83-102; Bursche 2008, 395-416 3 Prohszka 2009, 471- 90 4 Soproni 1969, 121-2 5 Although it was previously assumed that the territories across the Danube were part of Barbaricum, recent research has demonstrated that WKHOHIWVLGHRIWKHDQXEHSUHVHQWGD\VRXWK%DNDDQG%DQDWLQ6HUELDZDVXQGHUWKHFRQWURORIWKH5RPDQ(PSLUH6HH0RUHYLF33. 6 Greene 1992, 50. For a good recent overview of the extent to which we can speak about a monetised economy in the Roman Empire, and the benefits of economic anthropology, see Aarts 2005, 1- 28.

Even if we assume that the Roman Empire was a highly monetised state, there were nevertheless other forms of exchange. It is not the purpose of this paper to go into a detailed discussion and to re-examine previous works exploring how much the Roman world was really monetised, but it is important to note that even in the Roman Empire, at least in some instances, we do find other modes of exchange,7 and coins served other purposes and roles beyond their monetary function.8

Bursche suggested that the most promising path to examine the function of Roman coins beyond the Rhine and the Danube lies in anthropological theories regarding the non-market economy, featured in the substantivist and primitivist debates sparked by K. Polanyi, with discussions relevant to our subject material by G. Dalto and R. Hodges.9 In many past societies the need for economic profit was not that important and social relationships were regulated by prestige and honour. The primitivist model can be very successfully applied to the study of the role of coins in Barbaricum.10

In Barbaricum, coins probably served special purposes in a prestige economy, and circulated as means of payment in socially or politically motivated transactions. Roman currency may have been used alongside other objects in gift exchange.11

How did Roman coins end up in Barbaricum? There are basically two possibilities in the fourth century: either the coins formed pay for the barbarians that served in the Roman army, or the coins were given to barbarian leaders as subsidies or diplomatic payments for good behaviour.12 Coins may also have arrived in the context of trade or as booty.13 Finds of gold coins are very rare in Barbaricum, which shows that these objects were part of a prestige economy.

Many gold coins found in Barbaricum were pierced, or had suspension loops attached, which show clearly that they were intended to be worn as pendants. In Bursches study he observes that Roman coins also had an ideological role in barbarian society because of their iconography.14 He argued that the imperial portrait in particular would have been mysterious and fascinating to barbarian society, since portraiture was generally avoided in Barbaricum.

7 For an analysis of other methods of exchange within the Roman Empire see Verboven 2009, 91-124. 8 van Heesch 2008, 49-57 9 Bursche 2008, 396 10 Bursche 2008, 397 11 Bursche 2008, 398 12 Using the literary evidence, Bursche gives the following mechanisms by which Roman coins could end up in Barbaricum: a one-off tribute (contribution), the ransoming of captives (redemptio captivorum), annual tribute (annua munera), army pay (stipendia and donativa) to barbarians serving in Roman auxiliary forces, the payment of specified sums under a treaty alliance with the barbarians (annonae foederaticae), and diplomatic gifts (Bursche 1996, 105 -23).13 e.g. Duncan 1994, 14 14 See, for example, Bursche 2008, 400.

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century are rather stereotyped, and tend to focus on the representation of the figure of the emperor, and frequently depict Victory, Roma, or Constantinopolis. In this sense, the images chosen by the barbarians correspond well with the language of images current in the Roman Empire in this period. However, albeit more rarely, other types did appear from time to time which were more connected with current affairs, and we cannot exclude the possibility that there was some selection process in choosing the coins. In particular it is noticeable that barbarian imitations imitate not just the obverse, but also the reverse of Roman types. In a society where the reverse was of no significance, this phenomenon was unlikely to occur.

The most common type in this hoard is the emperor and victory. This iconography will also dominate the hoards examined below. The reverse scene could have provoked some psychological effect in their owners. It is evident that the imperial portrait on the obverse of Roman coinage was an important part of the object for barbarian owners. But if and when the emperor also appeared on the reverse of the coin (as in the examples here), could this have made the coin more attractive? The earlier example discussed above (Figure 1) is also an example of a coin in which the

Figure 2+RDUGVRIWKHWKFHQWXU\IURPWKH&DUSDWKLDQEDVLQFRQVLGHUHGLQWKLVDUWLFOH6WDUHYRLPOHX6LOYDQLHLDQGBrestov). (Map created by Dr. Orsolya Heinrich-Tamaska).

emperor appeared on the reverse. The theme of Victory could also be appreciated by a variety of different people and easily adopted into many contexts. This may also have influenced barbarians in their selection of coins to convert into jewellery. Ultimately, however, the meaning RUYDOXHDVVLJQHGWRWKHVHLPDJHVLVGLIILFXOWWRGLVFHUQdid barbarians understand iconography in the same way as a Roman or not? It is impossible to know, but the use of Roman coinage as jewellery must to some extent have been influenced by the fact that Roman coins carried particular iconography. When a Roman coin was converted into a piece of jewellery both the object, and its associated iconography, underwent a transformation in value. Let us now turn to the remaining two hoards.

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northern Serbia. Unfortunately the context of the find is not known. Three golden Zwiebelknopf fibulae, a golden torque, two golden earrings, 12 gold coins (two of them counterfeit) and silver plate were found.25 Seven gold coins ended up in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna.26 Initially the find was associated with a Germanic owner, based on the two counterfeit gold coins, the torque, and the earrings.27+RZHYHU9DVLVXJJHVWHGWKDWWKHRZQHUPLJKWhave been a Roman soldier, giving the following reasons: a torque might also have been worn by Roman soldiers, WKH6WDUHYRKRDUGZDVIRXQGLQDWHUULWRU\YHU\FORVHWRthe Danube and thus possibly under Roman control, and the suggestion that the counterfeit coins were Roman, not barbarian, creations.28 However, it still seems more convincing that this hoard should be linked to a Sarmatian leader,29 since two imitations of Roman solidi were part of the find. It is thus less likely that the hoard represents an official donation to a distinguished Roman citizen.30

All of the coins in the hoard were perforated, and two out of the twelve coins had loops attached so they could be worn as jewellery.31 Loops are not uncommon in the Roman world, where coins were also worn as jewellery, and coins with loops could even appear again in circulation. However, the fact that the coins in this hoard were all pierced means that the find is perhaps better associated with a barbarian owner. These pierced specimens could not have easily re-entered monetary circulation, since they had lost some of their weight. In addition, it was not normal Roman practice to pierce solidi; to do so would be a sacrilege (maiestas) to the Imperial majesty.32 The Late Roman method of converting coins into jewellery was not to pierce them, but to place the coins in decorated frames,33 or to solder a loop on the edge of the coin (Figure 4),34 although it cannot be excluded that pierced coins were used as necklace pendants in the Roman territories, since a large amount of pierced coins are found in the early Byzantine period.35 But in Callu and Loriots study only seven examples out of the 1,922 single finds from Gaul and Germany are pierced.36 Piercing coins for use as jewellery is thus a more widespread phenomenon in Barbaricum.37 In addition to the two imitation coins in the

25 Two hundred and forty denarii were found in the area as well, but it has been assumed that these are not connected with the fourth century find 9DVL261ROOFLWHGLQ3RSRYL271ROOFLWHGLQ3RSRYL289DVL9DVLDOVRVXJJHVWVWKDWWKHILQGIURP6WDUHYRcould have belonged to a senior officer of the Roman army or perhaps a foederatus9DVL29,YDQLHYL%XJDUVNL307KURXJK D FRPSDULVRQ ZLWK RWKHU KRDUGV9DVL UHJDUGV WKH 6WDUHYRhoard as an official imperial largitio9DVL31 According to Kenner, the two specimens concerned had their pierced KROHV ILOOHG ZLWK VLOYHU 9DVL DVVXPHG WKDW WKHVH WZR FRLQV ZHUHILWWHGZLWKWKHORRSV3RSRYL329DVL33 3RSRYL )RU PRUH GHWDLO DQG DQ DQDO\VLV RI PRQHWDU\SHQGDQWVVHH3RSRYL343RSRYL356HHDPRQJVWRWKHUV3RSRYL36 Callu and Loriot 1990, cited in Bland 2012, 4. 37 Callu 1991

385,&UHIHUHQFHDFFRUGLQJWR9DVL39 Lehczky 1892; Kuzsinszky 1892; Kropotkin 1962, 222; Kropotkin 200540 Kropotkin 2005, 123 41 Kuzsinszky 1892, 336-8. I would like to thank Dr. Melinda Torbgyi for being so kind as to show me the coins and inventory book.

Figure 4 Solidus of Crispus. RIC VII, 471, no. 24, National Museum in Budapest.

KRDUGRI6WDUHYRDVHULHVRIRWKHU5RPDQJROGFRLQVZHUHfound (Figure 5).38

This once again leads us to wonder whether the barbarian fascination with the portrait of the emperor had an influence on the selection of particular coins to convert into jewellery, meaning that coins which had the emperor on the obverse and the reverse may have been more attractive. Such a suggestion implies an understanding of Roman reverse numismatic iconography on behalf of the barbarian peoples, or at least, the ability to recognise the image of an emperor outside of the obverse imperial portrait.

In order to know whether these coins were deliberately selected, one would need to first examine the frequency of these types within the Roman Empire, and then compare this with the hoards from Barbaricum. If there were a significantly higher number of coins with reverse types showing the emperor in Barbaricum hoards, then we might see a deliberate selection process. One would require a significantly higher number of hoards than presented here in order to obtain statistically valid information, but the path remains open for future research.

The last hoard examined here demonstrates the potential of research in this area. The wear of the coins in this hoard reveals something of the value assigned to these items by their new owners. The Ormd hoard (Brestov) was discovered in 1892 in Brestov in western Ukraine.39 Three of the coins in the hoard were pierced, and ten had suspension loops. The find also included golden chain fragments and small ingots.40 The find is kept today in the National Museum in Budapest and from the museum inventory book and early publication I was able to reconstruct some of the coin types in the hoard (Figure 6).41

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Figure 6 Coins from the Ormd hoard.

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