denizens of alien worlds a survey of students and teachers at pakistan's urdu and english...

8/13/2019 Denizens of Alien Worlds a Survey of Students and Teachers at Pakistan's Urdu and English Language-medium Sc

1/21

This article was downloaded by: [University of Alberta]On: 06 June 2012, At: 10:30Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registeredoffice: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Contemporary South AsiaPublication details, including instructions for authors and

subscription information:

http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ccsa20

Denizens of alien worlds: A survey of

students and teachers at Pakistan's

Urdu and English language-medium

schools, and madrassasTariq Rahman

Available online: 02 Jul 2010

To cite this article:Tariq Rahman (2004): Denizens of alien worlds: A survey of students and

teachers at Pakistan's Urdu and English language-medium schools, and madrassas , Contemporary

South Asia, 13:3, 307-326

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0958493042000272212

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Anysubstantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing,systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden.

The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representationthat the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of anyinstructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primarysources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings,demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly orindirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0958493042000272212http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ccsa20http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditionshttp://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditionshttp://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0958493042000272212http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ccsa20


2/21

Contemporary South Asia 13(3), (September 2004) 307326

RESEARCH NOTE

Denizens of alien worlds: a surveyof students and teachers atPakistans Urdu and Englishlanguage-medium schools, andmadrassas

TARIQ RAHMAN

ABSTRACT This Research Note surveys the major types of schools in Pakistan. These are

Urdu language-medium schools, madrassas (Islamic seminaries) and elite English language-

medium schools (both cadet colleges and private institutions). These schools are divided

according to the medium of instruction and curriculum, as well as on the basis of socio-econ-omic class. While the English language-medium schools cater for the middle, upper-middle

and upper classes, the Urdu language-medium schools are aimed at the lower-middle and

working classes, and the madrassas provide education for poor, marginalized or very

religious people. The expenditure by society and the state on these institutions perpetuates

class divisions in Pakistan. Alarmingly, the world view of the students of these institutions,

especially the madrassas and private English language-medium schools, is so polarized on

issues of militancy (regarding Kashmir) and tolerance (of religious minorities and women)

that they seem to inhabit different, and violently opposed, worlds. In the future, this may be

a source of social instability, internal conflict and violence in Pakistan.

There is a dearth of literature on major types of schoolsUrdu language-me-dium schools, English language-medium schools, and madrassas (Islamic semi-naries)widespread today in Pakistan. A number of otherwise authoritativebooks1 on the countrys school system defend present policies, talk of thenecessity of nation-building and focus on public-funded schooling (i.e. vernacu-lar-medium schools), but fail to describe elitist English-medium schools andmadrassas, except in passing. While government reports (see later) do give somespace to madrassas and English-language medium cadet colleges, they treat the

Correspondence: Dr Tariq Rahman, Professor of Linguistics and South Asian Studies, Quaid-i-Azam Univer-

sity, Islamabad, Pakistan. E-mail: [email protected] and [email protected]

ISSN 0958-4935 print; 1469-364X online/04/030307-20 2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd

DOI: 10.1080/0958493042000272212


3/21

TARIQ RAHMAN

two types of schools as exceptions and therefore not deserving of detailedtreatment. Although Education and the State, a collection of articles edited byPervez Hoodbhoy on the fiftieth anniversary of the creation of Pakistan, is

exceptional in that it describes madrassas2 and schools run by non-governmentalorganizations3 as well as community-based organizations,4 it does not touchupon the elitist English-language medium schools.5

This lack of attention is alarming, especially as students of Urdu-languageschools, English-language schools and madrassas have such different opinionsas to live in different worlds. To understand these different institutions and theirgraduates is to understand how dangerously polarized Pakistani society today is,and how this has hampered national cohesion and a sense of commitment tounified policies. This article presents a survey of the three major types of schooleducationUrdu-medium, English-medium (both private and cadet college), and

madrassaswith a view to examining how they function and what kind ofopinions, or worldview, their students have gained.

Methodology

The historical part of this article relies upon official Pakistan governmentdocuments on education policy and published sources. Its description of thecondition of educational institutions at present comes from both published worksand unpublished sources, such as school budget statements, interviews ofteachers and administrators, and so on. The data on the family income of

students and faculty come from a small survey of 230 students and 100 teachersof Urdu-medium schools undertaken in December 2002 and January 2003 (forfull details, see Appendix A). This is followed by the results of a larger surveyof 618 students and 243 teachers carried out from December 2002 to June 2003in Urdu-medium schools, English-medium schools (including private institutionsand cadet colleges), and Sunni madrassas. This second survey seeks to ascertainthe views of students and faculty on controversial issues such as Kashmir, therights of minorities and women, and other sensitive topics (for full details, seeAppendix B).

Educational policies in Pakistan

Beginning with the National Education Conference of 1947, there have been atleast 22 major reports on education issued by the government from time to time.Among the most salient are the Report of the Commission on National Edu-cation,6 The New Education Policy,7 The Education Policy (19721980),8

National Education Policy,9 andNational Education Policy: 19982010.10 Thesereports have been summed up very ably by Kaiser Bengali who tells us thatsetting targets, bemoaning the failure to achieve the same, and setting newtargets with unqualified optimism has been a continuing game policy makers

have played ad nauseam and at great public expense over the last 50 years.11

308


4/21

SURVEY OF STUDENTS AND TEACHERS IN PAKISTAN

Table 1. Government schools in Pakistan

StudentNumber TeachersLevel strength

20,000,000 335,100170,000Primary19,100 3,988,000Middle 101,20012,900 1,704,000Secondary 165,000

Source: Government of Pakistan, The Economic Survey of Pak-istan (Islamabad: Planning Commission, 2003), pp 105106, 159.

While these educational reports focus on modern education provided in government schools, colleges and universities, separate government-commissioned

reports on madrassas are little better.12All educational policy documents emphasize the ideological role of education

in Pakistan. Nation-building is to be encouraged by suppressing ethnicity, andthis is to be achieved by ignoring the multi-lingual and multi-cultural aspects ofPakistani society. Islam is to be used as a unifying factor both against ethnicityand against India, the permanent other. Indeed, the security paradigm isparamount, and the countrys armed forces and wars are glorified and sanctifiedin the name of Islam and nationalism.

Urdu language-medium schools

As of today, there are over 200,000 primary, middle and secondary schools inPakistan, containing over 600,000 teachers and 25 million students (see Table 1).With the exception of Sindhi language-medium government schools (36,750 in1998) and Pashto language-medium primary schools (10,731 in 1999),13 most ofthese schools teach in Urdu.

Despite their high numbers, Urdu-language schools are not accessible to allchildren. Even where they do exist, attending them daily requires considerabletime, energy and money. Most children travel less than two kilometres to reachtheir school, although some travel more than five kilometres. Especially in

Balochistan and Sindh, girls going to school have to travel long distances, whichis both difficult and unsafe.14

Students in Urdu-language schools are taught through rote learning, andgiven corporal punishment for mistakes. Analysis is not encouraged atany level. Moreover, the schools are very sparsely furnished with no heatingin the winter. Some schools in the cities do have fans but none areair-conditioned. Students sit on hard benches and memorize lessons bysinging them in a chorus. The high student/teacher ration and low averageexpenditure per pupil per year in ordinary Urdu-medium government schoolscan be judged by looking at the schools of Rawalpindi District in 2003 (see

Table 2).

309


5/21

TARIQ RAHMAN

Table 2. Student/teacher ratio and cost per pupil per year in the Urdu-mediumschools of Rawalpindi District (2003)

Male TotalFemaleParameter

2404Schools 1191 1213170,696 559,955389,259Enrolment

6073Teachers 7236 13,30928/1Student/teacher ratio 54/1 42/1

Rs.1268 millionn.a.n.a.Budgetn.a.Cost per pupil per year n.a. Rs.2264.5

n.a. n.a.Cost to the state (per pupil per year) Rs.2264.5

Source: Office of the District Executive Officer (Education), Rawalpindi, Pakistan.n.a., not available.

Just as the poorest children have the lowest enrolment in schools, they alsotend to drop out more than others. Thus, 53% of the poorest quintile dropped outbefore completing class 6 compared with only 23% of the richest quintile.15

Many parents and teachers explain this failure rate as due to a lack of motivationby students. However, if one considers the extremely harsh conditions at homeand the cruel treatment children receive at school, one wonders why more do notdrop out.

As far as we can ascertain, the teachers and students in Urdu-language schoolscome from the working class and lower-middle class (see Table A2). Very few

families are in higher income brackets. However, note that, due to the socialstigma of poverty, over two-thirds of our small survey did not reveal their familyincome. Based on their monthly income, most teachers in our survey also belongto the lower-middle class (see Table A3). Unsurprisingly, those few familieswhere both spouses work enjoy a higher income that places them in theupper-middle class.

Urdu-medium students, being from the upper-working-class and lower-mid-dle-class backgrounds, are less exposed to Western discourses available on cabletelevision, in English books, and during conversations with peer group members,family and friends who have been abroad. Also, most students in Urdu-mediumschools study the textbooks provided by the Textbook Boards of the provinces

Punjab, Sindh, Northwest Frontier (NWFP), Balochistanthat constitute Pak-istan. Ethnicity is denied so as to create a Pakistani identity. Although thesecentrist policies have been resented by ethnic communities, still the textbooksreinforce them.16 There is also much glorification of war and the military, andmany anti-Hindu and anti-India remarks are interspersed throughout the books.17

However, according to our main survey (see Tables B4 and B5), most studentsand teachers at Urdu-medium schools do not support militant policies. Still,more would support an open war with India than low intensity conflict inKashmir. This group of students and teachers are also quite intolerant ofreligious minorities, although they do approve of men and women having equal

rights.

310


6/21


Table 3. Central boards ofmadrassas in Pakistan

Subsect Date establishedLocationBoard

MultanWafaq ul Madaris Deobandi 1958Lahore 1960BarelviTanzim ul MadarisLahoreShiaWafaq ul Madaris (Shia) 1962

Pakistan1986 (unifiedJamat-i-Islami LahoreRabta-tul-Madaris-al-Islamia

syllabus adopted)FaislabadWafaq-ul-Madaris-al-Salafia Ahl-i-Hadith 1978

Source: Offices of the respective boards.

Madrassas

Madrassas are considered by many as the breeding ground of the Jihadiculture,a term used for Islamic militancy in the English-language press of Pakistan.18

They also have been associated with the former Taliban rulers of Afghanistan,some of whom were students of these schools, as well as with supportingmilitancy in Kashmir. In India, madrassas have been attacked by Hinduextremists who accuse them of creating hatred against non-Muslims.19

There were approximately 137 madrassas in West Pakistan before indepen-dence in 1947.20 In April 2002, Minister of Religious Affairs Mahmood AhmedGhazi put their figure at 10,000, with 1.7 million students.21 While madrassas

belong to the major Sunni and Shia sects of Islam, Pakistani Muslims arepredominantly Sunni, and this is reflected in the few numbers of Shia madrassas(which includes three subsects; Deobandis, Barelvis and the Ahl-i-Hadith). Therevivalist Jamat-i-Islami also has its own madrassas. The number ofmadrassasnotably increased during the rule of General Zia ul Haq (197788). During theAfghanistan War, the United States sent money, arms and ammunition throughPakistan to help the mujahedeen combat the Soviet Union. Some of these fundsare said to have been used to support the madrassas. Later, presumably becausereligiously inspired madrassa students infiltrated across the line-of-control inKashmir to fight the Indian Army, they were supported by Pakistan, specificallythe Inter Services Intelligence directorate (as both the Inter Services Intelligence

and madrassas deny these links, exact amounts of financial assistance cannot bedetermined). However, the increase in the number of registered madrassas isphenomenal, rising from 2002 in 1988 to 9880 in 2002. The Deobandi madras-sas, the ones most closely allied to the Taliban, went up from 1779 to over 7000in number.

While there is hardly any credible information available for the mostlyunregistered madrassas, those that are registered are controlled by their owncentral organizations or boards (see Table 3). They determine the syllabus,collect registration and examination fees, send examination papers in Urdu andArabic to the madrassas where pupils sit for examinations, and declare results.

Before Mulla Nizam Uddin (d. 1748) standardized the curriculum known as the

311


7/21

TARIQ RAHMAN

Dars-i-Nizami, different teachers in different madrassas taught different booksto students. Today in Pakistan, while the canonical texts are used as a symbolof continuity, identity and to preserve Islamic heritage, more modern books are

used to supplement them.The vast majority ofmadrassas in Pakistan are financed by voluntary charity

provided by businessmen and others who believe that they are earning greatmerit by contributing to them. Others are allegedly funded by foreign govern-mentsthe Saudi government is said to help the Ahl-i-Hadith schools and theIranian government the Shia schoolsalthough proof of this is hard to come by.According to the Jamia Salfia of Faisalabad, the annual expenditure on its schoolof about 700 students is Rs.4,000,000. A Barelvi madrassa gave roughly thesame figure for the same number of students. This comes to Rs.5,714 per year;an incredibly small amount of money for education, books, boarding and

lodging.As the madrassas generally do not charge tuition fees (although they do

charge a small admission fee not exceeding Rs.400), they attract very poorstudents who would not receive any education otherwise. For instance, the:

Dar-ul-Uloom Haqqania, one of the most popular and influential Madrassahs [it includes

most of the Afghani Taliban leadership among its alumni]has a student body of 1500

boarding students and 1000 day students, from 6 years old upwards. Each year over 15,000

applicants from poor families vie for its 400 open spaces.22

Similarly:

more than 80 percent of the madrassa students in Peshawar, Multan, and Gujranwala werefound to be sons of small or landless peasants, rural artisans, or village imams of the

mosques. The remaining 20 percent came from families of small shopkeepers and rural

laborers.23

Our small survey also showed that both students and teachers at madrassasbelong to the working class (see Tables A4 and A5). In Pakistan, the madrassasare performing a vital role in the welfare of the poorer sections of society. Theyprovide free food, clothes, books, notebooks and even jobs (at least in mosques,schools and other madrassas). Their influence on rural people and poorersections of the urban proletariat will continue to increase as poverty increases.

While Radd (Refutation) has always been part of the religious education inPakistans madrassas, only in recent years has it been blamed for the unpre-cedented increase in the sectarian violence in the country. The inculcation ofsectarian bias is an offence and no madrassa teacher or administrator wouldconfess to teaching any text refuting the beliefs of other sects. Yet, that eachmadrassateaches its own maslak(interpretation of religion) makes their curricu-lum by definition sectarian or subsectarian. For instance, when questionedspecifically about the teaching of the maslak, students in the final year at JamiaRizvia Zia ul Uloom (Barelvi) in Rawalpindi said that sometimes some teachersrecommended supplementary reading material specifically for the refutation of

the doctrines of other sects and subsects.24 The printed syllabi of a number of

312


8/21


sects also list books that refute the beliefs of other sects, as well as heresieswithin the Islamic world.25 Pakistans madrassas also continue to refute chal-lenges to the Muslim ideological space, especially from the West. For instance,

judging from its 2002 syllabus, the Jamat-i-Islami probably goes to great lengthsto make its students aware of Western domination, the exploitative potential ofWestern political and economic ideas, and the disruptive influence of Westernliberty and individualism on Muslim societies.26

In an attempt to control religious extremism taught in madrassas, PakistanPresident General Pervez Musharrafs military government passed the Voluntary

Registration and Regulation Ordinance 2002. This law, however, has beenrejected by most madrassas, which want no state interference in their affairs.Indeed, only about one-tenth of Pakistans madrassas agreed to be registeredwith the government; the rest simply ignored the statute.27 Thus, while Radd

texts may not be formally taught in most madrassas in Pakistan, they are beingprintedwhich means they are in circulation. Apart from the madrassas proper,religious parties such as Lashkar-e-Tayyaba, Jaish-e-Mohammed and Harkat-ul-Mujahidin print militant literature that circulates among the madrassas and otherinstitutions. Although these parties recently have been banned, their members aresaid to be dispersed all over Pakistan, especially in the madrassas.

Although a madrassa education may be argued to produce a religious,sectarian, subsectarian and anti-Western bias, it should not be assumed that thisbias automatically translates into militancy and sectarian violence of the typePakistan has been experiencing. Other factorsthe arming of religious young

men to fight in Afghanistan and Kashmir, the states clampdown on freeexpression of political dissent during Zia ul Haqs martial law, the appallingpoverty of rural areas and urban slumsmust be taken into account. Nonethe-less, our major survey found madrassa studentsand their teachersto be themost intolerant of all educational groups in Pakistan (see Tables B4 and B5).They are the most supportive of an aggressive foreign policy, the most intolerantof religious minorities, and do not support equal rights for men and women.

English language-medium schools

The stated official policy of the Pakistan government is that public money will

be spent on schools that use Urdu (and Sindhi only in parts of Sindh) as themedium of instruction.28 It is often stated that private educational institutions arerun by private resources and enterprise. However, this is only partly true, as weshall now see.

Cadet colleges/public schools

As the armed forces and higher bureaucracy in Pakistan use English for officialpurposes, they demand entrants who are competent in that language. The armedforces, wishing to equip their own wards at lower cost than elite private schools

charged, established a number of cadet colleges and academies29 at the behest

313


9/21

TARIQ RAHMAN

Table 4. Donations, student numbers and cost per student at selected cadet colleges ofPakistan

Yearly cost perstudent to theDonation from the

Provincial National GovernmentInstitution Number of students (Rs.)Government (Rs.)

575 10,1215,819.800Cadet College Kohat4806,000,000 12,500Cadet College

Larkana700 20,49114,344,000Cadet College Pitaro

12,000,000 711Laurence College 16,87816,8678,096,000Cadet College 480

Hasanabdal

Source: Information about donations and number of students supplied by the offices of therespective institutions in 2003.

of President General Ayub Khan. In 1966, the students from less privilegedschools protested against these institutions. The government-appointed Com-mission on Students Welfare and Problems agreed that such schools violated theconstitutional assurance that all citizens are equal before law.30 Nonetheless,the Commission defended the institutions as the training schools of the futureleaders of the country and, as a result, cadet colleges multiplied. Today, the

armys Fauji Foundation runs 88 secondary schools and four higher secondaryschools (the navy and air force administer similar institutions).As Pakistans cadet colleges are subsidized by the state (see Table 4), they can

offer excellent boarding and lodging arrangements, spacious playgrounds, well-equipped libraries and laboratories and faculty with masters degrees. While therates of tuition vary from rural to urban areas, and from category to category,beneficiaries (retired military personnel) pay much lower fees for their childrenthan do civilians. For instance, The Military College Jhelum, a cadet collegeadministered by the army, charges its beneficiaries Rs.400 per month tuition andits civilians Rs.1000. Whatever these differences, the financial advantages ofcadet colleges means that the children of both groups, as well as their teachers,

can continue to enjoy a high standard of living (see Tables A6 and A7).As might be expected, the curriculum in Pakistans cadet colleges is vastly

different from that taught in madrassas. State control is higher; while theirtextbooks are in English, they are mostly those recommended by the govern-ments Textbook Boards. The teachers at cadet colleges, generally from themiddle class, expose students to anti-India and pro-military ideas. Also, as moststudents are boarders, they are not exposed to the wider world of cable televisionas are their elite school counterparts. Thus, children of cadet colleges, being lessexposed to Western sources of information and role models, are more supportiveof militant policies and denial of rights to minorities than are elite English-me-

dium children (see Table B4).

314


10/21


Private elitist English schools

Apart from the schools run by agencies of the state itselfin contravention of

Pakistans stated policy of providing vernacular-medium education for all atstate expensethere are private schools that deal in selling their English-lan-guage medium education at exorbitant prices to the sons and daughters of theupper middle-class and above (see Table A8). Private schools catering to theelite have existed since British times. In Pakistan, the convents were such typesof schools, and most Anglicized senior members of the elite are from suchinstitutions. However, these schools were not as expensive as those that replacedthem from 1985 onwards. The new schools have campuses all over the country(although all are not of equal quality), and charge tuition fees of at least Rs.1500per month. Their financial clout also allows them to reward faculty amply (seeTable A9).

As the aim of the elite English-language schools is to prepare students for theBritish Ordinary (O) level and Advanced (A) level examinations, theircurriculum is much more international in outlook than any of the other types ofschools mentioned earlier. Their students read textbooks containing discoursesoriginating in other countries and, both at school and at home, are exposed tocable television, dress, fiction and conversations with adults who themselves arefamiliar with other countries. Children from such schools tend to be moretolerant of the other, be it religious, the West or India, and less supportive ofmilitant policies in Kashmir than their counterparts in other schools (see TableB4). Perhaps surprisingly, themostly femaleteachers at these elite English-

language schools are neither as supportive of a peaceful foreign policy nor astolerant of religious minorities as their students (see Table B5). One explanationfor this is that the teachers belong to middle-class socio-economic backgroundswhereas the students belong to more affluent and Westernized ones.

Conclusion

Pakistans educational system is stratified according to socio-economic class andcan be expressed roughly in terms of type of educational institution. Themadrassas cater for very poor children mostly from rural and urban working-

class localities. The Urdu-medium schools cater for lower-middle-class andsome middle-class children, while the elite English-medium schools cater for theupper-middle class and above. The cost per student per year in these institutionsis perhaps the strongest indicator of the economic apartheid that prevails and issupported by the state in the educational system of Pakistan (see Table 5).

The worldview of the students in these schools is so different from each otherthat they seem to live in different worlds. The most acute polarization is betweenthemadrassastudents and those at elite English-medium schools. The former aredeprived, but they express their angerthe rage of the dispossessedvia theidiom of religion. This brings them in conflict with the Westernized elite, which

looks down upon them in contemptalthough its most powerful members

315


11/21

TARIQ RAHMAN

Table 5. Differences in costs in major types of educational institutions in Pakistan (rupees)

Cost to the state perAverage costper student per student per year

Institution Funder(s) (Rs.)year (Rs.)

Philanthropists and None reported5714 (includes boardMadrassasand lodging) (except for somereligious

organizations subsidies oncomputers, booksand othereducational materialsin some madrassas)

The state 2264.52264.5 (only tuition)Urdu-mediumschoolsCadet colleges/public Parents and the state 14,171 (average of 90,061 (includes

(average of six cadet five cadet collegestuition and allschoolsfacilities) only)colleges and one

public school)None reportedParents96,000 for A-levelEnglish-medium(except for theschools (tuition only); 36,000

for other levels provision of (tuition only) subsidized land in

some cantonments)

Source: Data obtained from several institutions by field research in 20022003.

continually legitimize their hold on the state apparatus in the name of Islam. Thestate has strengthened the Islamic lobby itself by Islamizing education andmaking the Kashmir dispute almost a matter of religion. Now that the state feelsobliged to reverse these policies, it is already facing resistance from the Islamiclobby. This may increase if madrassa-educated young men are marginalizedeven further while remaining both poor and armed.

The majority of the students from the Urdu-medium stream are also alienated,both from their madrassa as well as English-medium counterparts. In socio-economic terms, they belong roughly to the same class as the madrassa studentsbut their training is different and, hence, their views are also different. Moreover,not sharing the Westernization and the wealth of the English-medium students,

they are alienated from them as well, and have a vague sense of having beencheated.

These differences in views and dissatisfaction among Pakistans students donot augur well for nation-building or cohesion. They have a divisive potentialalong class lines that will probably be expressed in a nationalistic and religiousidiom in any future crisis. Also, if government spending continues to favour thearmed forces and the elite (virtually one and the same), social sector funding willsuffer. Indeed, this has already occurred, and both religious extremists and ethnicnationalists have tried to fill the vacant space. If the armies of the unemployedand the marginalized are not to be increased to the point where they become

unmanageable, the state should invest in the poor. Pakistans best investment

316


12/21


would be to create a fair and just education system that promotes tolerance,human values and nation-building.

Notes and references

1. See, for instance, Syed Abdul Quddus, Education and National Reconstruction of Pakistan (Lahore: S.I.Gilani, 1979); Umme Salma Zaman, Banners Unfurled: A Critical Analysis of Developments in Educationin Pakistan (Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1981); and Louis D. Hayes, The Crisis of Education inPakistan (Lahore: Vanguard, 1987).

2. A. H. Nayyar, Madrasah education: frozen in time, in Pervez Hoodbhoy (ed), Fifty Years of Educationin Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998), chapter 8.

3. Fayyaz Baqir, The role of NGOs in education, in Hoodbhoy, ibid, chapter 6.4. Akhtar Hameed Khan, Community-based schools and the Orangi Project, in Hoodbhoy, op cit, Ref 2,

chapter 7.5. For information on English-language schools in Pakistan in terms of language teaching and world-view,

see Tariq Rahman, Language, Ideology and Power: Language-learning Among the Muslims of Pakistanand North India (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2002).

6. Government of Pakistan, Report of the Commission on National Education (Karachi: Ministry ofEducation, 1959).

7. Government of Pakistan, The New Education Policy (Islamabad: Ministry of Education, 1970).8. Government of Pakistan, The Education Policy 19721980 (Islamabad: Ministry of Education, 1972).9. Government of Pakistan, National Education Policy (Islamabad: Planning Commission, 1992).

10. Government of Pakistan,National Education Policy 19982010(Islamabad: Ministry of Education: 1998).11. Kaiser Bengali, History of Education Policy Making and Planning in Pakistan (Islamabad: Sustainable

Development Policy Institute, 1999).12. See, for instance, Government of Pakistan, Qaumi Committee Barae Deeni Madaris [Urdu] (Islamabad:

Ministry of Religious Affairs, 1979); and Government of Pakistan, Deeni Madaris Ki Jame Report [Urdu](Islamabad: Islamic Education Research Cell, Ministry of Education, 1988).

13. Field research carried out in 20022003 (Appendix B).14. Government of Pakistan,Pakistan Integrated Household Survey Round 4: 20012002 (Islamabad: Federal

Bureau of Statistics, Statistics Division, 2002), p 17.

15. Ibid., p 15.16. See Tahir Amin, The Ethno-National Movements of Pakistan (Islamabad: Institute of Policy Studies,

1988); Tariq Rahman, Language and Politics in Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1996); andFeroz Ahmed, Ethnicity and Politics in Pakistan (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998).

17. See K. K. Aziz, The Murder of History in Pakistan (Lahore: Vanguard 1993); and Rubina Saigol,Knowledge and Identity: Articulation of Gender in Educational Discourse in Pakistan (Lahore: ASRPublication, 1995). For a comparison between the history textbooks of India and Pakistan, see KrishnaKumar, Prejudice and Pride: School Histories of the Freedom Struggle in Pakistan and India(New Delhi:Penguin Books India, 2001).

18. See, for instance, P. W. Singer, Pakistans madrassas: ensuring a system of education not jihad AnalysisPaper 14, November 2001, http://www.brookings.edu/views/papers/singer/20020103.htm, accessed 4February 2004; Ahmed Rashid, Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in Central Asia (London:I.B. Taurus, 2000), pp 191192; and Hussain Haqqani, Islams medieval outposts, Foreign Policy No.133, December 2002, pp 58-64.

19. Yoginder Sikand, Indian state and the madrassa, Himal, September 2001, http://www.himalmag.comaccessed 4 February 2004.

20. Jamal Malik, Colonization of Islam.21. International Crisis Group, Pakistan: Madrassas, Extremism and the Military (Islamabad/Brussels:

International Advisory Group Asia), Report No. 36, 29 July 2002.22. Singer, op cit, Ref. 18.23. Mumtaz Ahmad. Continuity and change in the traditional system of Islamic education: the case of

Pakistan, in Craig Baxter and Charles H Kennedy (eds), Pakistan 2000(Karachi: Oxford University Press,2000).

24. Many ulema and most students of madrassas did not want their interviews to be recorded by name. Thosewho allowed their names to be mentioned are: Mohammad Hussain, interview with the Nazim-e-Daftar ofJamiat us Safia, Islamabad, 13 December, 2002; and Mohammad Iqbal Zafar, interview with the Head ofJamia Rizvia Zia ul Uloom, Satellite Town, Rawalpindi, 26 December, 2002.

25. For examples, see, for instance, Government of Pakistan 1988, op cit, Ref. 12.

26. Ralta-tal-Madaris: 2002 syllabus, Mansurah, Lahore.

317


13/21

TARIQ RAHMAN

27. Singer, op cit, Ref 18.28. Op cit, Ref 7.29. Ayub Khan, Friends not Masters (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1967), p 43.30. Government of Pakistan, Report of the Commission on Students Problems and Welfare and Problems

(Islamabad: Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, 1966), p 18.31. The quintiles are divided according to income (in rupees) per month as follows: first quintile of Rs.620.45

and below; second quintile of Rs.620.46 to 769.9; third quintile of Rs.769.1947.53; fourth quintile ofRs.947.541254.53; and fifth quintile of Rs.1254.54 and above, op cit, Ref 14, Appendix C.

Appendix A: Survey of socio-economic class and income

Note: While the government of Pakistan provides income statistics in quintiles,31 this survey divides itsrespondents according to income in rupees per month and therefore socio-economic class (see Table A1).

Table A1. Socio-economic class and income (Rupees) permonth

Income per month (Rs.)Socio-economic class

Up to 5000Working (lower) class500110,000Lower-middle class

10,00120,000Middle class20,00150,000Upper-middle class

50,001100,000Lower-upper classAbove 100,000Middle-upper class

318


14/21


319

T

ableA2

.Fam

ily

incomeo

fUrd

u-me

dium

schoo

lstu

dents(rup

eespermonth)

Rs

.50

,000

Above

UptoRs.

5000

Rs.

20

,001

50

,000

R

s.5001

10

,000

1

00

,000

Source

Rs.

100

,000

Rs.

10

,001

20,000

T

otal

Father

83(61.4

8%)

36(26.6

6%)

13(9.6

3%)

3(2.2

2%)

0

(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

135(100%)*

8(80%)

2(20%)

0(0.0

0%)

M

other

0(0.0

0%)

0

(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

10(1

00%)**

Fatherand

10(1

00%)**

2(20%)

4(40%)

4(40%)

0(0.0

0%)

0

(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

m

other

N

ote:*Outof230respondents,o

nly135chosetoanswerthisquestionandthepercentagesarefortheserespondentsonly.

**Out

of230

re

spondents,only10chosetoanswerthisquestionandthepercent

agesarefortheserespondentson

ly.

T

ableA3

.Fam

ily

incomeo

fUrd

u-me

dium

schoo

lteac

hers

(rup

eespermonth)

Rs

.50,0

00

Above

UptoRs.5000

1

00,0

00

Rs.20,0

01

50,0

00

Source

Rs.100,0

00

R

s.500110,0

00

Rs.10,0

0120,000

T

otal

17(18.0

9%)

62(65.9

6%)

15(15.9

6%

)

Self

0(0.0

0%)

0

(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

94(100%)*

3(16.6

6%)

6(33.3

3%)

7(38.8

9%)

Spouse

2(11.1

1%)

0

(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

18(1

00%)**

Selfand

0(0.0

0%)

18(1

00%)**

0(0.0

0%)

9(50%)

9(50%)

0

(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

spouse

N


nly94chosetoanswerthisques

tionandthepercentagesarefor

theserespondentsonly.

**Outo

f100

re



ly.


15/21

TARIQ RAHMAN

320

Ta

bleA4

.Fam

ily

incomeofM

adrassastu

dents(rupeespermonth)

UptoRs.5000

Rs.500110,0

00

Rs.10,0

01

20,0

00

Rs.20,0

01

50,0

00

Rs.50,0

00100,0

00

Source

Tota

l

59(76.6

2%)

10(14.8

6%)

4(5.1

9%)

Father

4(5.1

9%)

0(0.0

0%)

77(100

%)*

Mother

2(66.6

6%)

1(33.3

3%)

0(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

3(100%

)**

Fatherand

1(33.3

3%)

1(33.3

3%)

1(33.33%)

0(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

3(100%

)**

mother

Note:*Outof142respondents,only77chosetoanswerthisq

uestionandthepercentagesarefortheserespondentsonly.

**Outof

142respondents,onlythreechosetoanswerthisquestionandthepercentagesarefortheserespondentsonly.

Ta

bleA5

.Fam

ily

incomeofm

adrassateac

hers

(rupeesperm

onth)

Source

UptoRs.5000

Rs.500110,0

00

Rs.10,0

01

20,0

00

Rs.20,0

01

50,0

00

Rs.50,0

00100,0

00

Tota

l

13(72.2

2%)

3(16.6

6%)

2(11.11%)

0(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

Self

18(100

%)*

1(100%)

0(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

Spouse

0(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

1(100%

)**

Selfand

0(0.0

0%)

1(100%

)**

1(100%)

0(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

spouse

Note:*Outof27respondents,

only18chosetoanswerthisqu

estionandthepercentagesarefo

rtheserespondentsonly.

**Outof27

respondents,onlyonechoseto

answerthisquestionandthepercentagesareforthisrespondents

only.


16/21


321

T

ableA6

.Fam

ily

incomeo

fcadetco

llege

/pu

blicsc

hoo

lstu

dents

(rupeespermonth)

Rs

.50,0

00

Above

UptoRs.5000

Source

1

00,0

00

Rs.10,0

0120,000

R

s.500110,0

00

Rs.100,0

00

Rs.20,0

01

50,0

00

T

otal

0(0.0

0%)

5(8.6

2%)

17(29.3

1%

)

33(56.9

0%)

Father

3

(5.1

7%)

0(0.0

0%)

58(100%)*

M

other

2(10.5

3%)

8(42.1

1%)

4(21.0

5%)

5(26.3

2%)

0

(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

19(1

00%)**

Father

and

0(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

2(10.5

3%)

11(57.8

9%)

4(21.0

5%)

0(0.0

0%)

19(1

00%)**

m

other

N

ote:*Outof130respondents,

only58chosetoanswerthisquestionandthepercentagesare

fortheserespondentsonly.

**O

utof130

re



ly.

T

ableA7

.Fam

ily

incomeo

fcadetco

llege

/pu

blicsc

hoo

lteac

hers

(rupeespermonth)

Rs

.50,0

00

Above

R

s.500110,0

00

Rs.20,0

01

50,0

00

UptoRs.5000

1

00,0

00

Source

Rs.100,0

00

Rs.10,0

0120,000

T

otal

1(2%)

17(34%)

Self

28(56%)

4(8%)

0

(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

50(100%)*

0(0.0

0%)

1(16.6

6%)

5(83.3

3%)

Spouse

0(0.0

0%)

0

(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

6(100%)**

Selfand

0(0.0

0%)

6(100%)**

0(0.0

0%)

1(16.6

6%)

5(83.3

3%)

0

(0.0

0%)

0(0.0

0%)

spouse

N

ote:*Outof51respondents,on

ly50chosetoanswerthisquestionandthepercentagesarefortheserespondentsonly.

**Outof

51

re

spondents,onlysixchosetoans

werthisquestionandthepercentagesarefortheserespondentsonly.


17/21

TARIQ RAHMAN

322

T

ableA8

.Fam

ily

incomeo

fEng

lish-me

dium

schoo

lstu

dents(rupeespermonth)

Above

Rs

.50,0

00

Rs.10,0

0120,000

1

00,0

00

R

s.500110,0

00

Rs.20,0

01

50,0

00

Rs.100,0

00

Source

UptoRs.5000

T

otal

0(0.0

0%)

1(2.8

6%)

3(8.5

7%)

Father

18(51.4

3%)

8(22.8

6%)

5(14.2

9%)

35(100%)*

1(6.6

6%)

3(20%)

2(13.3

3%)

8(53.3

3%)

1

(6.6

6%)

M

other

0(0.0

0%)

15(

100)**

15(1

00%)**

1(6.6

6%)

2(13.3

3%)

0(0.0

0%)

Fatherand

4(26.6

6%)

5(33.3

3%)

3(20%)

m

other

N


nly35chosetoanswerthisques

tionandthepercentagesarefor

theserespondentsonly.

**Outo

f116

re



ly.

T

ableA9

.Fam

ily

incomeo

fEng

lish-me

dium

schoo

lteac

hers

(rupeespermonth)

Rs

.50,0

00

Above

UptoRs.5000

1

00,0

00

Rs.20,0

01

50,0

00

Source

Rs.100,0

00

R

s.500110,0

00

Rs.10,0

0120,000

T

otal

3(5.5

5%)

22(40.7

4%)

18(33.3

3%

)

10(15.3

8%)

Self

1

(1.8

5%)

0(0.0

0%)

54(100%)*

0(0.0

0%)

1(10%)

6(60%)

Spouse

2(20%)

1

(10%)

0(0.0

0%)

10(1

00%)**

Selfand

0(0.0

0%)

10(1

00%)**

0(0.0

0%)

3(30%)

4(40%)

2

(20%)

01of10

(10%)

spouse

N

ote:*Outof65respondents,on

ly54chosetoanswerthisquestionandthepercentagesarefortheserespondentsonly.

**Outof

65

re



ly.


18/21


Appendix B: 2003 survey of schools and madrassas

This survey was conducted between December 2002 and April 2003 with the help of research assistants ImranFarid and Shahid Gondal. The locations were Peshawar (NWFP) and Rawalpindi, Faisalabad, Lahore, Multan,

Bahawalpur and Mandi Bahauddin (Punjab). Institutions were used as clusters but only students of class 10and equivalent were given questionnaires in Urdu or English. The major stratas are: (1) Urdu-medium schools,(2) English-medium schools (3) cadet colleges/public schools, and (4) madrassas(see Tables B1 and B2). Theage of students is also presented (see Table B3).

Survey questionnaires

The questionnaires used in our survey for students and teachers are reproduced here. Please note that whilepart 1 is different for students and teachers, part 2 (on opinions) is exactly the same for both. The results forpart 2 are collated for students and teachers (see Tables B4 and B5).

Part 1: for faculty only

DO NOT WRITE YOUR NAME TO ENSURE SECRECY. WRITE THE NAME of the institution in whichyou teach with medium of Instruction.

(1) Sex (1) Male (2) Female(2)Education: (1) Below B.A (2) B.A (3) M.A (4) M. Phil (5) Ph.D(3)Which subject (s) do you teach?What is the occupation of your spouse Give his or her rank, title, occupational status; salary; grade; incomefrom all sources etc?

Table B1. Classification of teachers surveyed

TotalFemaleMaleSchool type

4718 65English-medium51 0 51Cadet college/public schools

Urdu-medium 42 58 100

27 0Madrassas 27105138Grand total 243

Table B2. Classification of students surveyed

School type Male Female Total

English-medium 62 11652130 130Cadet college/public schools Nil

Urdu-medium 123 230107Madrassas 142 Nil 142Grand total 457 159 618

Table B3. Ages of students surveyed

Mean RangeMode(years)(years)Institution (years)

12191515.5Cadet colleges14272019Madrassas

English-medium schools 1514.1 1318

Note: In the case ofmadrassas, the age range is higher because some of the sanvia class groups

had older boys who had joined the seminary late.

323


19/21

TARIQ RAHMAN

What is your average total monthly income (write income from all sources such as tuition, publications,consultancies, rent etc.What is the medium of instruction of the school in which your children study (or studied)?What was medium of instruction of the school in which you studied most?

Part 1: for students only

DO NOT WRITE YOUR NAME TO ENSURE SECRECY. WRITE THE NAME of your SCHOOL withmedium of Instruction.age.ClassSex (1) Male (2) FemaleWhat is the occupation of your father? Give his rank, title, occupational status; salary; grade; income from allsources etc?What is the occupation of your mother? Give her rank, title, occupational status, salary, grade, income fromall sources etc?

Part 2: for both faculty and students

What should be Pakistans priorities?

1. Take Kashmir away from India by an open war?(1) Yes (2) No (3) Dont Know2. Take Kashmir away from India by supporting Jihadi groups to fight with the Indian army?

(1) Yes (2) No (3) Dont Know3. Support Kashmir cause through peaceful means only (i.e. no open war or sending Jihadigroups across theline of control?).

(1) Yes (2) No (3) Dont Know4. Give equal rights to Ahmedis in all jobs etc?

(1) Yes (2) No (3) Dont Know5. Give equal rights to Pakistani Hindus in all jobs etc?

(1) Yes (2) No (3) Dont Know6. Give equal rights to Pakistani Christians in all jobs etc?

(1) Yes (2) No (3) Dont Know7. Give equal rights to men and women as in Western countries?

(1) Yes (2) No (3) Dont Know

324


20/21


Table B4. A comparative chart of student opinions (%)

CadetUrdu- English- Colleges/

Abbreviated medium medium Publicquestion Response Madrassas s chools schools schools

36.921. Open war Yes 59.86 25.8639.5664.66No 31.69 53.04 60.00

9.48 3.087.39Dont Know 8.4553.082. Jihadi groups Yes 52.82 22.4133.04

60.34No 32.39 45.22 40.006.9217.2421.74Dont Know 14.79

75.653. 72.41Peaceful means 56.15Yes 33.8018.97No 54.93 18.26 36.92

6.928.626.09Dont Know 11.27

41.544. Ahmedis Yes 12.68 46.95 65.529.48No 82.39 36.95 36.92

21.5425.0016.09Dont Know 4.9347.395. 78.45Hindus 64.62Yes 16.90

13.79No 76.06 42.61 31.547.76 3.8510.00Dont Know 7.04

65.656. Christians Yes 83.6218.31 76.928.62No 73.24 26.52 18.46

4.627.767.83Dont Know 8.4575.227. Women Yes 90.5216.90 67.69

6.03 25.3817.39No 77.467.39 3.45 6.92Dont Know 5.63

325


21/21

TARIQ RAHMAN

Table B5. A comparative chart of teacher opinions (%)

CadetUrdu- English- Colleges/

Abbreviated medium medium Publicquestion Response Madrassas schools schools schools

Open war Yes 70.37 20 26.151. 19.61No 68.6322.22 70 64.62

10 9.23 11.767.41Dont KnowJihadi groups Yes 59.26 19 38.462. 39.22

50.776829.63 52.94No11.11 13 10.77 7.84Dont Know29.63 85 60.00 66.663. Peaceful means Yes

No 19.6166.67 10 33.853.70Dont Know 13.735 6.15

43.073.70 29.41274. Ahmedis Yes36.926596.30 62.75No

0.00 8 20.00 7.84Dont Know14.81 37 61.54 60.785. Hindus Yes

No 35.2985.19 58 26.1512.31 3.92Dont Know 50.00

60.78Yes 18.52 526. 81.54ChristiansNo 33.3377.77 42 10.77

63.70Dont Know 7.69 5.8837.25Yes 3.70 617. 78.46Women

96.30 33 58.8213.85No3.92Dont Know 0.00 6 7.69

326

denizens of alien worlds a survey of students and teachers at pakistan's urdu and english...

Documents