Contents

DEATH AND THE

SHONA CHRISTIANS

a theological analysis of the catholic burial rite

berry muchemwa

Harare, Zimbabwe

2007

2

CONTENTS

Abbreviations & Acronyms ..................................................................................................... 4

Preface ....................................................................................................................................... 5

Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 6

1 The History of the Christian Funerals .......................................................................... 8

Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 8

1.1 The Apostolic and Patristic Periods (100-799 A.D) .................................................... 8

1.2 The Medieval Period (800-1499 A.D.) ..................................................................... 12

1.3 The Reformation Period (1500-1699 A.D.) .............................................................. 13

1.4 The Tridentine Period (1700-1962 A.D.) .................................................................. 15

1.5 The Vatican II Period (1965- ) .................................................................................. 16

Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 21

2 Death and Burial in Shona Culture ............................................................................. 22

Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 22

2.1 The Moment of Death ............................................................................................... 22

2.2 Ritual of Burial Preparation ...................................................................................... 24

2.3 Ritual Procession ....................................................................................................... 31

2.4 Ritual of Internment .................................................................................................. 32

2.5 Ritual Purification ..................................................................................................... 36

Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 37

3 The Church and Inculturation in Zimbabwe ............................................................. 38

Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 38

3.1 The Church and Local Cultures ................................................................................ 39

3.2 The Development of an Indigenous Shona Burial Rite ............................................. 44

3.3 Shona Order for Burial .............................................................................................. 47

Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 51

3

4 An Inculturated Shona Burial Rite ............................................................................. 51

Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 51

4.1 Critical Appraisal of the Shona Order for Burial ...................................................... 52

4.2 Fundamental areas in traditional burial ritual............................................................ 57

4.3 A Proposed Shona Order for Burial Rite .................................................................. 62

Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 69

Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 70

Appendix 1: Glossary of Shona Words & Phrases .............................................................. 72

Appendix 2: Shona Proverds on Death ................................................................................ 74

Sources ..................................................................................................................................... 75

4

Abbreviations & Acronyms

AAS Acta Apostolicae Sedis (Vatican; [1909-])

ACS African Christian Studies (Nairobi, Kenya)

AFER African Ecclesial Review (Eldoret, Kenya)

AT Africae Terrarum (Pope Paul VI, Message to the African Bishops and to the

people of Africa, 29th

October 1967)

BETH Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology (Enugu, Nigeria)

CRA Cahiers des Religious Africaines (Kinshasa, DRC)

Divine Worship, 15th

August 1969)

EP Evangelii Praecones (Pope Pius XII, Encyclical Letter on Promotion of

Catholic Missions, 2nd

June 1951)

JCT Journal of Constructive Theology (Durban, South Africa)

L.G. Lumen Gentium (Vatican II, Dogmatic Constitution on the Church, 21st

November 1964)

n.d. No date (of publication)

n.p. No place (of publication)

NADA Native Affairs Department Annual (Salisbury, Rhodesia; [1923-1980])

O.C.F. Order of Christian Funeral (Sacred Congregation for Divine Worship, 2nd

November 1989)

O.E. Ordo Exsequiarium, Rite of Funerals (Sacred Congregation for

S.C. Sacrosanctum Concilium (Vatican II, Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, 4th

December 1963)

SECAM Symposium of Episcopal Conference of Africa and Madagascar

SP Summi Pontificatus (Pope Pius XII, Encyclical Letter on the Unity of Human

Society, 20th

October 1939)

ZCBC Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops‘ Conference.

ZMR The Zambezi Mission Record (A Jesuit Missionary Publication, London;

[1898-1934])

5

Preface

My interest in the subject of this work was initially aroused in the 1990‘s by the intense

debate on ‗ancestor-veneration‘ in the Catholic Church in Zimbabwe. I followed the debate

with keen interest and wrote my own reflections on the subject in the church magazines. This

work was originally published in 2002 with the sub-heading The Christian Celebration of

Death and Burial in the Context of Inculturation in Shona Culture. The original edition met

with mixed reactions with some people expressing the feeling that, although it was a step in

the right direction, it needed to be concretised in the local pastoral realities. My theological

studies in the Netherlands exposed me to the rich library of Radboud University and this

afforded me the opportunity to up-date my theological outlook. My brief stay in Zimbabwe in

2006/7 gave me the ample time to reflect on my work, remove ambiguities and refine my

arguments. The new sub-heading A Pastoral-Theological Analysis of the Catholic Burial Rite

reflects the development of my ideas during the last five years. The present work is the fruit

of good many years of reflection on this question.

I would like to express my indebtedness to all those who have written on the theme

before me and whose works I have read and reflected upon. As I have read and thought I have

learned a great deal to my profit. Although there are some works I may have forgotten to

acknowledge, there are others that deserve some special mention. My analysis of the history

of Christian funerals (chapter 1) was inspired by James White's book Introduction to

Christian Worship (1990). I have also profited a great deal from the research done in the

1960's by Joseph Kumbirai. Chapter 2 was influenced by his notes Shona Beliefs of the Dead

(1964) and Burial Rites. Chapter 4 is indebted to Dr. Paul Gundani's essay ―Christology in the

Inculturated Shona Burial Ritual in the Catholic Church in Zimbabwe‖ in Theology Cooked in

an African Pot (1996/1997). Although I have been influenced by what I read and observed,

the substantive argument of this essay is my responsibility alone.

To Fr. Emmanuel Ribeiro I am indebted for the time he gave to reading and discussing

chapter 2 with me, and for the cogent suggestions that he made. I owe a debt of gratitude to

Fr. Emmanuel Gurumombe S.J. who upon reading the first draft encouraged me to pursue the

matter further. I would like to express my deep gratitude to Dr. Thomas Quartier lecturer of

the Department of Pastoral Theology Radboud University, Netherlands, for reading the draft

from a liturgical point of view. I am still learning much from my seminary teacher Fr.

Fredrick Chiromba who has continued to teach me by his comments and corrections on these

pages. I am eternally indebted to the late Fr. David Gibbs whose simple and humble life left a

lasting impression on me. This work is dedicated to him.

B. Muchemwa

Harare, 2006

6

GENERAL Introduction

Why is it important to study funeral rituals? An anthropological research on death in an

African setting is very difficult indeed. The main reason being that death, to most people, is

something dreadful and as a result people refrain from talking about it. In Africa, generally

speaking, death is not a subject to talk about and the issue has to be avoided at all cost. Some

renowned anthropologists and sociologists had the same experience when conducting their

researches on African tribes.1 This fear of facing or talking about death is not limited to the

Africans alone since before 1955 very few scholars, including anthropologists and

sociologists, were interested in giving attention to the subject.2

The same thing can be said about the Shona because they, generally, feel uncomfortable

talking about death. Sometimes people avoid the subject by claiming ignorance. Talking

about death is regarded as morbid. Although people are afraid of death, death still remains the

most common reality, the most profound being of all beings. In Zimbabwe as the number of

deaths is on the increase due to the AIDS pandemic, the society feels greatly concerned. Some

people start asking serious questions as to what has gone wrong in the society and whether

there is anything that can be done towards this scourge. Others appeal for divine intervention,

God for the Christians and ancestors for the traditionalists. Of all the rites of passage like

birth, initiation and marriage, there is no rite that demands so much ceremony and instils fear

as the funeral rite. Since death is such an all-encompassing reality, it seems logical that we

would try to understand and explain it. On this note I agree with Chiwangu Kongocha that,

―As far as theology is concerned, the study of death and its meaning is a necessary part of

Christian faith, for death itself is a necessary part of nature‖.3

The aim of this research is to investigate the Shona culture in relation to death and burial.

In other words, it is an attempt on an African Christian theology of death. The question that

motivated me to carry out this research is simply: what is the meaning and significance of the

present Christian death and burial rites for the ordinary Shona? I wish to demonstrate that an

inculturated Christian celebration of death and burial is much more meaningful to the Shona

Catholics than the Roman funeral rite that is a word for word translation of the Latin text. I

shall also demonstrate that this process of inculturating Catholic burial can be attained by

synthesising the central elements in traditional celebration of death and burial with the

Gospel. Thus, this study is interested in the Shona expression of Christian death and burial.

The methodology used in this study can be described as descriptive and analytical. This is

based on 1) published and non-published literature on Shona traditional burial rituals. This

included correspondence I made with different priests on the issue of burial rituals and notes

from theological conferences, meetings and winter schools; 2) attending, observing numerous

burial rituals, Christian and non-Christian, and interviewing ordinary members of the Church.

1 E. Evans – Pritchard, Nuer Religion. (1956), 154.

2 F. Reynolds, & E. H. Waugh, (eds.) Religious Encounter with Death.(1977), xi; P. Aries, ― Western Attitudes

towards Death from the Middle Ages to the Present,‖ in Death in America. (1975), vii. 3 C. Kongocha, The Funeral Rites and Inculturation: Towards Liturgical Inculturation," in Spearhead (1986),

40.

7

When it comes to Shona Catholic burial I had an advantage of being not only a participant

observer but a priest and so I had a firsthand experience of the ceremonies and the emotions

associated with them and; 3) conducting interviews and informal discussions with ordinary

members of the Church.

The area of reference for the fieldwork is not the whole of the Shona-speaking districts of

Zimbabwe but a small area in and around Harare. Again, my research is about the Shona

speaking people as a particular group of the indigenous population of Zimbabwe. Together

with the Ndebele, the Tonga and the Venda they constitute the indigenous population of

Zimbabwe. There are five tribes among the Shona, the Korekore, Zezuru, Manyika, Ndau and

the Karanga. In this study I am concerned about the Shona as a ‗people‘ with a distinct socio-

cultural identity. I shall not attempt to determine how each of the tribes constitutes a ‗people‘

and how one is unique and different from the other. This is beyond the scope of this research.

This study is divided into four chapters. The first chapter traces the development of the

Christian funeral from the first century to the present day. In this chapter the history of

Christian funerals will be divided into five periods, the patristic and apostolic, the medieval,

reformation, the Tridentine and lastly the Vatican II. The second chapter is a detailed study of

a traditional Shona burial ritual. The study will look at the different stages of the Shona burial

from the time of illness to the actual burial.

In the third chapter I shall attempt to examine the development of the present Shona Order

for Burial. Emphasis will be put on the Church‘s attitude towards local cultures in mission

countries and its reflections in the Zambezi Mission. In the fourth and last chapter I shall

present theological and pastoral reactions to the Shona Order for Burial and this will be

followed by an in-depth analysis of the rite. This will be followed by my proposal for a

revised Shona Catholic burial rite.

8

1 The History of the Christian Funerals

INTRODUCTION

The Christian funeral is as old as Christianity itself. It grew out of the Church‘s relationship

with other cultures in the ancient world. In all religions of the world funerals are visible

expressions of the society's views of death and afterlife. Thus, the study of Christian funeral

has much to tell us about the Christian concept of life and death or the theology of death itself.

My ambition in this chapter is to trace the development of the Christian funerals from the 1st

century A.D, with special reference to the Catholic funeral rites. I shall attempt to illustrate

the challenges that contributed to the growth of Christian understanding of death and also how

the socio-cultural environment of the early centuries played a major role in this process.

The chapter is divided into five sections. The first section looks at the growth of Christian

funerals from 100-799 A.D., in what I call the patristic and apostolic period. The second

section looks at the medieval period from 800-1499 A.D. and the third section is the

reformation period from 1500-1600 A.D. In the fourth section I shall look at the Tridentine

period 1700-1962 A.D., and the last section deals with the Vatican II period from 1965 to the

present.

1.1.1 THE APOSTOLIC AND PATRISTIC PERIODS (100-799 A.D)

Church historians and scholars generally agree that there is nothing in the New Testament

about Christian funerals and that there is very little information from the first four centuries

A.D (Rutherford, 1983: 37-39; Duncan-Jones, 1950: 617). While it is true that the earliest

funeral rites in written form emerge after that period, funeral rituals were part and parcel of

early Christian worship. There is some evidence of the existence of some form of

recognisable funeral ceremonies in the early centuries. Hippolytus of Rome (c.170-c.236)

mentions that there was a Christian cemetery during his time and argued that the price of

burial was to be kept within the reach of the majority.4 Jerome (c.342-c.420), in his account of

the death of Paul the Hermit, speaks of the singing of hymns and psalms while the body is

being carried to the grave as an observance belonging to ancient Christian tradition. Tertullian

(c.165-c.225), another Christian writer, talks about a funeral celebration on the anniversary of

death.5 Serapion (died after 360), an Egyptian bishop of Thmuis, gives us a prayer for the

deceased before burial. Gregory of Nyssa (c.330-c.395) in his detailed description of the

funeral of his sister Macrina,6 Augustine of Hippo (c.354-c.430) in his references to his

mother Monica and many other documents like the Celestial Hierarchy of Pseudo Dionysius

make it abundantly clear that in the 4th

and 5th

centuries the offering of the Eucharist was the

most essential feature in the last solemn rite.

The Apostolic Constitutions, dated between the 2nd

and 5th

centuries, and which probably

contains customs of the post-apostolic time, gives us a detailed description of the burial

4 A. Savioli, ―The Final Resting Place of Deceased Christians‖ Concilium 2/4. (1969), 32.

5 J. Donaldson, (ed). Ante-Nicene Fathers. (1899), 94.

6 W. MaComber, "The Funeral Liturgy of the Chaldean Church," Concilium 2/4 (1969), 19.

9

customs in the early Church.7 It states that the early Christian burial service was looked upon

as the duty of the congregation. Hymns of the thanksgiving for the deceased were sung and

prayers by the living were spoken that they too might enter eternal life. The bishop

pronounced thanks that the deceased had persevered in his/her faith and in Christian warfare

even up to death. The Eucharist was celebrated at the burial of the dead, thus placing special

emphasis on the doctrine of the Una Sancta, that those on earth and those in heaven belonged

to one holy body of which Christ was the head.

Joseph Briffa gives us a more detailed analysis of the early Christian funeral ritual that

was probably used in the early Church around the 4th

century A.D. According to Briffa, the

celebration of Christian burial in the early Church consisted of four distinct phases

symbolically linked to each other. These are 1) Rites for the Dying, 2) Preparation for Burial,

3) Procession to the Grave and, 4) Commemoration of the Dead.8

a. The moment of death

The rituals for the dying were very important in the early Christian funeral rites. The most

important part of this rite was the administration of Holy Communion to the dying as a

viaticum, a provision for the journey to the next world. Church historians generally believe

that, originally, it seems viaticum was meant to replace the Greek custom of placing a coin in

the mouth of the dead as payment to Charon.9 The similarity between the Christian viaticum

and this ancient Greek custom, in spite of the new meaning, could be seen in the custom of

administering the Holy Communion even to a corpse.10

The major concern of fellow

Christians at this stage was to facilitate a quick and safe integration of the soul of the deceased

into the next world.

Another important part in the preparation of the dying was to make sure that the dying

was in communion with the Church. Consequently, catechumens were baptised through

sprinkling and penitents or those regarded as sinners were readmitted to communion if they

were at the point of death. Again, emergency baptism was allowed for infants and some

Christians even demanded that some of their deceased relatives should be baptised.11

b. Ritual of Burial Preparation

Immediately after death, the eyes and mouth of the deceased were closed and the body was

then prepared for burial. In the first place, the body was washed and clothed in white linen.12

L. Eisenhofer and J. Lechner describe this procedure nicely when they wrote:

The early Christians paid great respect to the mortal remains of the departed because

their bodies had been temples of the Holy Spirit. Secondly, this respect was also

7 T. P. Bradtke, "Christian Burial", Unpublished Essay. Evangelical Lutheran Synod, Wisconsin. (June 11-12,

1962), 4. 8 J. M. Briffa, ―Celebration of Christian Death in the 3rd and 4th centuries," http://www.geocities.com/jmbriffa/

christian death/death-htmI (09/09/2002). 9 The ferryman who operates the only boat across the river Styx that separates the world of the living from the

Underworld. Cf. J. Upton, ―Christian Death,‖ in Dictionary of Sacramental Worship. (1990), 141. 10

Various Church Councils (Hippo 393, Carthage 419 & 525, Auxerre 578 and Trullo 692) condemned this

practice of giving communion to the dead. Paxton, Christianising Death, 33. 11

F. S. Paxton, Christianising Death. (1990), 40. 12

A. S. Duncan-Jones, ―The Burial of the Dead,‖ in Liturgy and Worship. (1950), 618.

10

derived from the belief that the bodies of the departed were to rise and be glorified.

When death had ensued, the eyes of the dead were closed, the body was washed, the

limbs were swathed, and lastly the whole body was wrapped in a linen sheet with

myrrh and aloes. Later the body was laid upon a couch in a room. Relatives and

intimate friends were let in to view the face of the deceased.13

The Christian preparation of the body seems to have borrowed extensively from the ancient

Roman burial practices. In the interval between death and burial, a death watch or, to use the

modern term, a night vigil was held at the home of the deceased where the body was kept for

the night. The local community, led by the priest, would say prayers to accompany the

deceased. Again, it was also an occasion for friends to condole the relatives of the deceased

with the singing of psalms.

c. Ritual Procession

Since people were buried outside the city walls the funeral procession was an important part

of the rite. In contrast to the Roman custom, instrumental music and noisy demonstrations of

grief were not allowed in the Christian funeral procession. Young men carried the bier to the

place of burial outside the city or village. According to A.C. Rush, the early Christian funeral

procession was characterised by a triumphal spirit.14

The body was carried on the bier, with

the head raised and exposed. During the procession, nobody mourned, and joyful psalms and

hymns were sung. The funeral took place during the day unlike the pagan funerals that were

carried during the night. A.C. Duncan-Jones wrote: ―The procession had a character of its

own. It was a triumphal procession. …this character was given to it by the torches carried,

waving palm-branches and the smoking incense, by the frequent cries of ‗Alleluia‘‖.15

This early Christian attitude towards death can be understood better if we bear in mind

that the early Christian funerals involved a tension between the sadness of death and the belief

in heavenly bliss. The playing down of grief and traditional ways of mourning was, in a way,

an attempt to ignore death and pretend that it did not exist. Cyprian, one of the Church fathers,

urged the Christians to wear white at funerals and stop the practice of wearing black clothes

during funeral because it did not reflect the Christian belief that the dead were already in

paradise.16

He urged the Christians to stop mourning the dead since this may lead the

unbelievers to think that the faith Christians profess in God is not genuine. To him all the

dead immediately entered the presence of Christ. Cyprian‘s doctrine of after-life discouraged

expressions of grief, which he condemned as ‗unchristian, and turned funerals into

celebrations of triumph.17

In the same vein, John Chrysostom (c.347-c.407) taught that:

... in the future no one should mourn and lament any longer and bring the saving work

of Christ into discredit. For he has conquered death. Why then do you mourn

unnecessarily? Death has become sleep. Why do you wail and weep? It is ridiculous

when pagans do it, but when a believing Christian is not ashamed of such conduct,

13

Quoted by F. - X. Kyewalyanga, Traditional Religion Custom and Christianity in East Africa. (1976), 179. 14

Cited by Kyewalyanga, Traditional Religion Custom and Christianity in East Africa, 289. 15

Duncan-Jones, ―The Burial of the Dead,‖ 619. 16

J. P. Burns, ―Death and Burial in Christian Africa: The Literary Evidence,‖ 4.http://divinity.lib.vanderbilt.edu//

burns/chroma/burial/ Burnsburial.html (03/01/2004). 17

Burns, ―Death and Burial in Christian Africa: The Literary Evidence,‖ 4.

11

what excuse does he have? What pity do these people deserve who are so foolish and

how, after much time, have such clear proofs of the resurrection.18

Because of the above mentality burial became a Christian duty. The places where the bodies

of Christians were laid were seen as sleeping places where people could go and offer prayers

for the dead. They were considered as holy places because they reflected the expectation of a

new and better life. According to Duncan-Jones from the 8th

century in England, it was a

custom for the bishop to set apart places of burial by a solemn act of consecration.19

d. Ritual Internment

The beliefs surrounding the disposal of dead bodies are an interesting factor in early Christian

thinking. The body of the deceased was considered something sacred. In view of its

sacredness it was handled and treated with utmost respect, hence, the earliest Christian

practice was to bury the dead in graves rather than cremate them. The concept of the

resurrection helped to create the idea that the dead were merely sleeping and, therefore,

comfort for the body was necessary. This preference towards burial was inherited from Jewish

beliefs and practices. According to the belief of the early Christians, the burial of the dead

body duplicated the mode of Christ's burial. According to some scholars early Christians just

like the Jews were buried on the day of death. This was different from the Roman custom of

elaborate funeral rituals that took many days.

There were two kinds of cemeteries that were used in the early Christian centuries: the

open air and the underground or catacombs. At the grave there was a prayer or commendation

before burial. In the early Christian centuries it is not clear whether the burial itself included a

celebration of the Eucharist. In some instances, the Eucharist seems to have been celebrated

soon after burial.20 According to Rush, the early Christians had a custom of giving the body a

farewell kiss before it was lowered into the grave.21

This was a symbol of love and sacredness

of the body. When the body was lowered into the grave, it was placed in a lying position with

the head facing the east, that is, waiting for Parousia (the second coming of Christ).

e. Ritual Funeral Meals

A regular feature of funeral practice in ancient Roman culture was the refrigerium or

refreshment meal held after burial and the anniversary of the death of the deceased. This

celebration was characterised by a gathering at the grave followed by food and drink. Since, it

was believed that the deceased was present, a place and a portion of the meal were set aside

for the deceased. According to Peter Mpagi, in some places, a hole was dug at the grave and a

pipe leading down to the corpse was placed in it, through which some drink and food was

poured down to the deceased.22

Such meals were meant to mark the transition of the dead

person from the world of the living, to the world of the dead and also served to organise the

18

Quoted by L. Larson - Miller, "In Sure and Certain Hope: The Ritual of Christian Death," The Way (1993),

270. 19

Duncan-Jones, ―The Burial of the Dead,‖ 618. 20

D. Sicard, "Should there be a Funeral Mass?" Concilium (1969), 23. 21

Kyewalyanga, Traditional Religion Custom and Christianity in East Africa. 195. 22

P. W. Mpagi, "The Theology of the Departed and a Suggested Service," ACS, (1989), 49.

12

grief and mourning. Again, there is a possibility that they were connected with the idea that

the dead needed nourishment in the afterlife.

At first the early Christians accepted the funeral meals as they regularly attended them and

also held them at the graves of the martyrs and at the anniversary of their dead. To some

Christians this practice of refrigerium may have suggested a symbol of the Eucharist.

However, abuses connected with the meal led to its eventual condemnation by the Church

authorities at the end of the 4th

century.23

According to Julia Upton: ―Often they became

occasions of such raucous behaviour that most of our knowledge of them is derived from

various bishops condemning them‖.24

Although there arose many abuses out of the custom of the refrigerium, they had a

positive meaning. The custom shows that there is a mutual relationship between the living and

the departed. The refrigerium was meant to teach and express this union. That was the

conviction of the early Christians that the living members of the Church pray for the dead and

that the dead themselves pray for the living. As Joseph Jungmann wrote: ―Naturally no one

thought that the martyrs had need any longer of earthly food, but it was considered a practical

way to express companionship and communion with the dead, with the martyrs‖.25

1.2 THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD (800-1499 A.D.)

The medieval practice of Christian burial was different from that of the early Christian

centuries. There was a change from glad confidence in the love of God to an emphasis on the

judgment of God. The emphasis came to be laid on the period of purgation and this had a

marked influence on the celebration of funerals.26 As a result of this attitude funerals were

abused as they were now being used as a threat to discipline and instil fear into the living. The

early Christian attitude of triumphalism and longing for the second coming of Christ

disappeared and was replaced by fear of Christ and punishment. Consequently, people

became very much concerned about avoiding sin and escaping hell. As James White wrote:

"The medieval mind tended to think that if one could scare the hell out of people it might be

possible to scare them out of hell‖.27

The influence of this attitude is evident in the medieval

paintings. Most Churches built during this period have graphic and poignant frescoes of the

last judgment displaying the suffering of the condemned souls. John Hinton describes this in a

masterly fashion:

The horrors of death have been emphasised by moralists to encourage men to mend

their evil ways. Artistic representations from the Middle Ages show death as a

malignant, skeletal figure with a scythe, hour-glass, sword, fatal darts and the like,

cutting down man in his vice and folly.... Moralists also impressed the power of death

upon those who needed warning to cease evil-doing. A neutral picture of death was

not considered sufficient to convert the unbeliever. To encourage the spiritual laggards

there have been terrifying portrayals of death and damnation. Death has been depicted

as a loathe-some figure of decaying flesh with its skull-like head bearing a sadistic

23

Cf. Burns, ―Death and Burial in Christian Africa: The Literary Evidence,‖ 3-7. 24

Upton, ―Christian Death,‖ 141. 25

J. Jungmann, The Early Liturgy-To the time of Gregory the Great. (1972), 183ff. 26

A. Guverich, Medieval Popular Culture. (1988), 4-82. 27

White, Introduction to Christian Worship, 290.

13

smile, hell pictured as full of suffering and torture... The medieval Ars moriendi was a

religious treatise that illustrated legions of horrible and persuasive demons increasing

their insidious assaults on man as he weakened in his last illness. Demons offering

crowns were opposed by angels exhorting the dying to humility and indicating the

benefits of Christian faith.28

In preparing the body for burial incense, myrrh and other perfumes were applied to mask

odours from the corpse. The funeral liturgy would begin at the house of the deceased where

the priest said prayers and psalms and from there the body was taken to the church. The spirit

or character of the procession differed very much from that of the early period. The relatives

and friends still carried torches and the body was incensed. But it was no longer a triumphant

procession; it was a sad and mournful cortege. The mourners were not dressed in white, but in

black and the same colour of the cloth covering the body. The psalms that were sung were

penitential psalms, with psalm 51, the Miserere (―Have mercy on me, O God,‖) being the

most popular one.29

At the church the body was met at a gate called the 'corpse gate', carried into the church

with psalms. After the celebration of the Eucharist, the priest would take off his chasuble and

perform a short service over the body. Originally this consisted of incensing, sprinkling of

holy water and the granting of absolution. The absolution granted to the deceased shows a

great change from the early Church's sense of triumphant victory. The funeral procession

would proceed to the cemetery. Burial was done in the churchyard or in the church, depending

on the social status of the deceased. Before the service began the priest would make the sign

of the cross over the spot, sprinkle it with holy water and dig lightly the shape of a cross. Now

the grave was properly dug while psalms were sung. The body was lowered into the grave and

a final prayer of forgiveness said. The grave was filled with soil and the procession would

return to the church.30

The focus on judgment and the possibility of damnation was so different from the clear

confidence of early Christians. As Duncan-Jones wrote: ―It would be difficult to exaggerate

the degree to which the whole of later medieval worship was dominated by the thought of the

departed, and particularly by the need for shortening the pains of Purgatory. This excessive

domination to some extent explains the violent reaction of the Reformation against prayer for

the departed altogether‖.31

1.3 THE REFORMATION PERIOD (1500-1699 A.D.)

The 16th

century brought about the Reformation and with it drastic changes in the liturgy of

the church. Of major importance was the rejection on biblical grounds the doctrine of

purgatory, the sacrifice of the Mass for the dead, the mediation of the priesthood and the

prayers for the dead. These beliefs laid the groundwork for changes or reforms in funeral

customs and practices. In the first place, Martin Luther condemned the Roman funeral liturgy

as too sorrowful and without any expression of hope. Luther insisted that the funeral should

28

J. Hinton, Dying. (1967), 39. 29

Duncan-Jones, ―The Burial of the Dead,‖ 620. 30

Duncan-Jones, ―The Burial of the Dead,‖ 620. 31

Duncan-Jones, ―The Burial of the Dead,‖ 622.

14

not be an occasion for sorrow. Sorrowful chants therefore should not be sung. Christians

should sing chants calling for repentance, peace, sleep, life and resurrection. The Reformers

insisted that the funeral should also be a sign of love and friendship among Christians. The

funeral should be a reminder of one‘s personal death and a warning to prepare well. For the

Christian, funerals should be an occasion to express in words of praise and honour, the article

of their faith: ―The resurrection of the dead‖.32

To Luther the funeral was a symbol of the

resurrection. As Ulrich Leopold puts it:

He also condemned what he termed "popish abominations, such as vigils, masses for

the dead, processions, purgatory, and all other hocus-pocus on behalf of the dead" In

favour of services emphasising the resurrection of the dead with "comforting hymns of

forgiveness of sins, of rest, sleep, life, and the resurrection of departed Christians.33

Bradtke gives us a beautiful summary of Luther's attitude towards the Catholic burial

when he wrote:

The Lutheran Reformation rediscovered the Scriptural doctrine that this life is man's

time of grace and that the Means of Grace, the Gospel and the Sacraments, and the gift

of prayer have been given to benefit and save the living. While the Roman Church at

its burial service conducts the rites for the benefit of the dead body, the Lutheran

Reformation devoted its attention to the living. While the Roman service centres upon

the dead, the Lutheran service endeavours to comfort and edify the survivors, for the

Lutheran Church the burial is the final act in the interest of one whose eternal welfare

has now been decided...Hear Luther as to what the Lutheran Reformation

accomplished in regard to the dead and Christian Burial. ‗...we have driven the

pestilential abomination from our churches, such as vigils, masses for the dead,

processions, purgatory, and all other mockery and hocus pocus on behalf of the

dead...nor do we sing a funeral hymn or doleful songs over our dead and at the graves,

but comforting him, of the forgiveness of sins of rest, of sleep, of life, and of the

resurrection of Christians who have died, in order that our faith may be strengthened

and the people moved to proper devotion....34

The Reformers insisted that Christians should be appropriately buried and the places should

be properly maintained. Since burial was a concern of the church as a community even when

the poor were buried, the ringing of bells summoned the congregation to a burial. In church

the funeral service consisted of the singing of hymns and the reading of biblical texts. These

were supplemented by a brief sermon on death and resurrection. At the grave itself, prayers

were recited, appropriate biblical passages were read and the passing of alms boxes or

collecting plates encouraged almsgiving for the poor. But the Reformers did much more that

merely effect a few outward changes in customs of Christian burial. To them the biblical

principles were the exact opposite of what Rome was teaching.

How did Luther's burial rite look like? According to White, it seems Luther never

composed any burial rite but may have used hymns, psalms, and a very simple ceremony.35 In

32

Kyewalyanga, Traditional Religion Custom and Christianity in East Africa, 289. 33

Quoted by White, Introduction to Christian Worship, 291. 34

Bradtke, "Christian Burial", 4. 35

White, Introduction to Christian Worship, 291.

15

1645 a procession was added to the Lutheran funeral liturgy but the body was buried without

any elaborate ceremony. Basically, the original Lutheran burial service seems to have

consisted of psalms, scripture passages, sermon and prayers.

In the Anglican Church, the first funeral rite came out in 1549. In this rite there are four

main elements that are recognisable which are (1) the procession, (2) the actual burial, (3) the

Office of the Dead and, (4) a Funeral Mass. The procession was rather short. It started from

the house and then to the church, and from the church to the grave with psalms being said or

sung. The prayers included a commendation of the soul to God and there was provision for

the celebration of the Mass at a funeral. In 1552 the funeral rites were cut down, and there

was no provision for Mass or for any service in the church at all. The whole rite took place at

the grave. In 1662 the rite was restored but the Mass was not. Then from 1644 to 1662 burial

services were forbidden altogether.36

1.4 THE TRIDENTINE PERIOD (1700-1962 A.D.)

According to Clifford Howell, from Trent to Vatican II, the structure of the Church‘s funeral

rite was based on the Rituale Romanum (Roman Ritual) of 1614.37

Basically, the funeral rite

comprised of the following parts: -1) Blessing of the body at home; 2) Carrying of the body to

the Church; 3) Mass; 4) Forgiveness of sins; and 5) Burial.38

The first stage of the burial rite

was the blessing of the deceased at home.39

The priest wearing black vestments would go to

the house of the deceased with his assistants carrying the cross and holy water. On arrival at

the home of the deceased the priest would sprinkle the body with holy water and then recite

psalm 130 De profundis (―Out of the depths‖) with the antiphon Si iniquitates from psalm

130:3 (―If you, O Lord, should mark our iniquities‖,). Afterwards the body was carried in

procession with lights to the church.

During the procession the priest would chant the antiphon Exsultabunt Domino ossa

humiliata (―The bones that lie in the dust shall thrill with pride before the Lord‖), and then

recite psalm 51 Miserere. On reaching the church the antiphon Exsultabunt is repeated, and as

the body enters the church the priest would recite the Subvenite (Come to his assistance you

Saints of God, come to meet him you Angels of the Lord‖).40

Afterwards the body was carried

into the church and placed in the middle of the church, with the feet to the altar if the

deceased was a layperson, the head to the altar if the deceased was a priest. Candles were

lighted round the coffin, and the Mass of the dead was celebrated.

The rite of absolution follows the Mass. The priest removes the black chasuble and puts

on a cope of the same colour. He stands at the foot of the coffin. Then after the Kyrie eleison,

Christe eleison, Kyrie eleison (―Lord have mercy on us, Christ have mercy on us, Lord have

mercy on us‖) the priest recites the Pater Noster (―Our Father‖) and then he would go around

the coffin, sprinkling it with holy water and bowing profoundly before the cross when he

passes it. After that he would incense the coffin in the same way. Finally, after finishing the

36

Duncan-Jones, ―The Burial of the Dead,‖ 622. 37

C. Howell, "Funerals", in Pastoral Liturgy. (1975), 275. 38

A. Fortescue, The Ceremonies of the Roman Ritual Described (1943), 406. 39

H. Thurston, ―Christian Burial,‖ http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/0307 la.htm (19/01/2005). 40

Thurston, ―Christian Burial‖.

16

Pater Noster and chanting one or two antiphons he would pronounce the prayer of

absolution.41

After absolving the deceased, the body is carried to the grave and as the procession moves

along psalm 108 Diligo Dominum (―My heart is steadfast, O Lord‖) is recited together with

the antiphon in paradisum (―May the angels escort you to paradise‖). On arrival at the

cemetery the grave is then blessed if it has not been blessed previously. This blessing is short

and consists only of a single prayer after which the body is again sprinkled with holy water

and incensed. Apart from this the service at the graveside is very brief.42

The priest would

chant the antiphon ego sum resurrection et vita ("I am the Resurrection and the Life"), and the

coffin is then lowered into the grave while the Benedictus, Luke 1: 68 (―Blessed be the Lord

God of Israel‖) is being sung or recited. Then the Pater Noster is repeated silently, while the

coffin is again sprinkled with holy water, and finally the prayer for the soul of the departed is

said.

Comparing with the ancient rites the 1614 rite shortened the part of the funeral rite that

took place at the graveside. Again, the centre of the rite was the celebration of the Mass and

not the office of the dead. Further, the rite exalted the prayer of the priest and neglected the

role of the laity in the funeral liturgy. Lastly, the rite attempts to bring back the spirit of

solemnity and impending judgement, aspects that were subject to ridicule and criticism by the

Reformers.43

In his analysis of this ritual Durig wrote: ―Despite the latter liturgical elements

which over stress the thought of the inevitable judgment, the themes of hope from the early

Christian rites and the theme of Christian fellowship as an assurance of final glory are clearly

present in this rite...‖.44

1.5 THE VATICAN II PERIOD (1965- )

Vatican II is considered as the most defining moment in the history of the Church. The

deliberations of the Council had a lasting impact on all areas of Church life. While there were,

and still are, dissenting voices on the outcome of the Council, theologians agree that the

Council came at the most opportune time in the history of the Church. Church liturgy also

underwent great and profound changes after the Council. This section would like to

specifically examine the effect of the Council on the Church funerals and the challenges that

led to the revision of the 1614 rite.

a. Revision of the Funeral Rites (1965-1969)

At the beginning of Vatican II the Church ordered that the Ritual of 1614 be revised because

the rite had several shortcomings. In the first place, the rite did not have the appearance of a

celebration and was exclusive and unintelligible to the people. Secondly, it had been put

together by selection from an enormous variety of Latin prayers and hymns that had been in

use in different countries of Europe. Thirdly, the Church wanted to reassert the doctrine of

purgatory and the necessity of praying for the dead that were being eroded by the teachings of

41

Thurston, ―Christian Burial‖. 42

Thurston, ―Christian Burial‖. 43

P.-M. Gy, ―The Liturgy of Death: The Funeral Rite Of The New Roman Ritual,‖ The Way (1970), 60-62. 44

W. Durig, "Burial," in Sacramentum Mundi I. (1968), 239.

17

the Reformers. Fourthly, the 1614 rite was entirely and exclusively clerical; the faithful did

not take any part beyond being present and joining their intentions to the prayers and

responsorial sung on their behalf in Latin by the clerics. Liturgy was something done by the

clerics and their trained assistants in the name of the church for the benefit of the faithful who,

however, were not agents in the performance but only spectators and beneficiaries.

Again, a strong influence in the formation of that rite was the reaction of the West,

especially in the 9th

and 10th

centuries, against Arianism that denied the divinity of Christ. The

Church reacted by emphasising the divinity of Christ. The truth that Christ was God was

hammered into the people in every possible way. Although his humanity was never denied, it

received comparatively little attention because the heretics had not denied it. So the people

were constantly being reminded of what separated them from Christ (his Godhead) rather than

of what united them with Christ (his human nature).

This attitude of fear and sin-consciousness was expressed in many hymns and prayers of

those days, some of which found their way into the funeral services. Although hope in the

resurrection and the joys of heaven were not excluded from mention, these themes were very

much overshadowed by the far more extensive development of themes concerning guilt,

punishment, fear of hell and the need for intercession, with the result that the 1614 rite, taken

as a whole, was somewhat grim.

A subcommittee of the Consilium was then set up to collect information about what was

actually happening in various countries, and to revise the funeral rites accordingly. The

revision of the funeral rite had two main objectives; 1) to set out clearly the essential elements

of the tradition together with their doctrinal implications and, 2) to ascertain the actual

practice and needs in different countries. The first draft of the new rite came out in 1965, and

was used ad experimentum in several countries for two years, after which reports were sent to

the subcommittee that examined them thoroughly. These reports showed that people had

given an overwhelming approval to the general tone of the new rite, on account of the

prominence it gave to the paschal character of Christian death and explicit insistence on faith

in the resurrection. These things had eliminated the excessively sin-conscious tone of the

former rite. The provision it made in the new rite for active involvement of the people was

also highly appreciated. The Subcommittee now revised their first draft. They incorporated

many things that had been suggested and eliminated others which had been criticised. The

Bishops of the Consilium approved the revised version in October 1968; the following month

it received the approval of Pope Paul VI who ordered its promulgation and that took place on

15th

August 1969.

b. The Rite of Funerals (1969)

Since the Church today has no prescribed rites regarding the treatment of the dead body

immediately after death, Vatican II recommends that the Christian rites should correspond to

the traditional burial rites of each individual region. The Council adds that the rites should be

a commemoration of Christ‘s resurrection rather than an expression of sorrow: ―The rite for

the burial of the dead should evidence clearly the paschal character of Christian death, and

18

should correspond closely to the circumstances and traditions found in various regions. This

latter provision holds good also for the liturgical colour to be used‖.45

Thus, the traditional rites for Christian burial were viewed as an expression of gloom

rather than of the paschal mystery. Christ‘s resurrection and our own entrance into his life and

resurrection should be the themes of Christian death and its ritual expression. This expression

of hope is clearly evident in the Rite of Funerals of 1969. The rite says that the vigil for the

deceased may take place in the chapel or in a special room reserved for such purpose or at the

home of the deceased.46

The prayers recited at the vigil are the short litany of saints, because

the Catholics believe that the saints come to meet those dying in Christ. Other prayers recited

are, proficiscere (―Depart, Christian soul‖), deus misericors, deus clemens (―The Merciful

God, the King God‖), suscipe servum (―Save, O Lord the soul of your servant‖), delicta

inventutis (Ask of the help of the Blessed Virgin Mother‖), clementissima (―Ask for the help

of St. Joseph‖), the psalms and other prayers for the dead.47

The deceased is sprinkled with

holy water as a symbolic renewal of baptism.

On the day of burial the priest, wearing a surplice and stole, goes to the house or chapel

where the corpse lies waiting for burial. He first greets those present and sprinkles the corpse

with holy water and recites the following psalms: dominus pasciet, psalm 23 (―The Lord is

my shepherd‖), in exitu Israel de Aegypto, psalm 113 (―When Israel went out of Egypt‖), de

profundis, and an oration. While the body is being carried to the church in procession, the

priest recites the psalm Miserere. After the ‗Requiem Mass‘, the priest recites other prayers to

commit the dead to God.48

The procession to the cemetery follows the church service. While the body is being

carried out of the church, the priest recites the antiphon in paradisum deducant te Angeli

(―May the angels lead you into paradise‖). Thereafter he chants another antiphon, ego sum

resurrection. During the procession to the cemetery, various psalms are sung.49

When the

funeral procession has reached the grave, the priest blesses the grave, and says a prayer. The

priest carries out other rituals, such as sprinkling the dead body and the grave with holy water,

and incensing the two. After these rituals follows a prayer of the priest asking God to forgive

the deceased and to grant him/her eternal peace in heaven. After the priest‘s prayer, the body

is lowered into the grave. The priest drops first some soil into the grave upon the body three

times, and the relatives do the same.

The 1969 rite provided three basic types of funeral liturgy. For the sake of clarity and

brevity let me set these types in tabular form:

Type I Type II Type III

Service in the home Service in cemetery chapel

(Reception into church) Liturgy of the Word, then

Mass in Church, followed by Final Commendation and

Final Commendation and Farewell

Farewell

Service at the graveside Service at the graveside Service in the home

45

Vatican II, S.C., n.81. 46

Sacred Congregation for Divine Worship, O. E., nn. 3, 26. 47

O.E., nn. 27, 30, 31. 48

O.E., nn. 39, 41, 46-48. 49

Kyewalyanga, Traditional Religion Custom and Christianity in East Africa, 188.

19

c. Order of Christian Funerals (1989)

While the Rite of Funerals in its English edition, was hailed by many theologians as a

profound example of the spirit of Vatican II, because of its emphasis on resurrection and the

respect of the culture of the people, some theologians and psychologists thought that a more

direct link was not established between the rite and the stages of human grieving. In spite of

the tremendous progress made liturgically, by including prayers for the mourners, the most

common objection was that the rite emphasised the fear of judgement, the terror of death itself

and need for mercy. It encouraged people to be afraid of their Redeemer, to concentrate on

their own sinfulness rather than on the grace of God.

These problems eventually led to the revision of the funeral rites for the Catholic Church

throughout the world. A new funeral rite, The Order of Christian Funerals (OCF, hereafter),

took effect on 2nd

November 1989 and it corrected the flaws found in the preceding rite of

1969. As Ernest Sands wrote:

The Church is challenged by the Order of Christian Funerals. It is challenged not only

to respond to the needs of its deceased members and those who mourn them, but to do

so in a way which truly reflects the richness and diversity of God's compassion made

visible in the Body of Christ. It is challenged to be fully Church. It is generally

accepted that some of the earlier liturgical revisions suffered from a less developed

sense of Church and of ministry... Coming after a quarter-century of theological and

pastoral reflection, of the liturgy shaping and mirroring our understanding of Church,

the Order of Christian Funerals redress this balance...50

First, the book has several rites that were not included in the Rite Of Funerals. These are

called 'Related Rites and Prayers' and they include 'Prayers after Death,'.51

'Gathering in the

Presence of the Body',52

and 'Transfer of the Body to the Church or to the Place of

Committal.' A Church minister or a member of the family may celebrate these prayer

services. The 'Prayers after Death' include readings from the Bible, a prayer for the

deceased, and a blessing for the family. 'Gathering' is a set of prayers the family and friends

may recite on this occasion. It may take place in the hospital, the home, or funeral parlour.

'Transfer of the Body' marks the departure from the home to the Church, or from the Church

to the final resting place if some time elapses between the funeral Mass and the committal.

The 1989 rite also acknowledges the vast number of lay ministers who care for the dead and

the bereaved.

Curiously, the word 'rosary' does not occur in the 1989 rite. Nowhere does the rite suggest

the rosary for vigil. It notes that the first time the community gathers for prayer is usually the

night before the funeral Mass at a 'vigil'. Instead of mentioning the rosary the rite suggests a

celebration of God's Word the night before the burial in the home or at the church. However,

especially in Africa, the custom of praying the rosary in a funeral home has prevailed where

people substitute a Scripture service with the rosary.

Further, for the first time a complete service of the Word was made available for the vigil.

The rite suggests a service that will resemble the first part of Mass: (1) a greeting, (2) a

50

E. Sands, "Ministry in the Order of Christian Funerals," in The Parish Funeral. (1991), 13. 51

Sacred Congregation for Divine Worship, O.C.F. nn. 101-118. 52

O.C.F. nn. 109-118.

20

hymn, (3) a prayer, (4) readings from the Bible, (5) a homily, (6) intercessions, and (7) a

closing blessing. This service can be held in the deceased‘s home and a priest, deacon, or

layperson many preside over it. Someone who knows the deceased may speak about the

meaning of his/her life. Personally speaking, I think that the vigil service has some advantages

over the praying of the rosary. First, the vigil enables the community to hear and reflect upon

the Word of God especially on the heart of the Christian faith: the death and resurrection of

Christ. Second, it is ecumenical in the sense that even people of other Christian

denominations, unfamiliar with the rosary, are able to participate.

The vigil service can also be held in the church where the funeral will be celebrated the

next day. If the vigil takes place in church, the service begins with the community meeting the

coffin at the door, it is sprinkled with holy water, and the white pall - a reminder of baptism -

is placed on it.53

Another option for the vigil is to celebrate Evening Prayer in place of the

Word service. In this case, the service begins with a hymn, continues with the singing of

psalms, reaches its climax with a reading from the Bible, and concludes with the singing of

the Magnificat, Luke 1: 46-55 (―My soul magnifies the Lord‖) and other prayers.

The reception of the body at the beginning and the final commendation at the end are

some of its most distinctive features. The prayers at the reception of the body at the church

door stress the Easter/baptismal imagery of Christian death: the sprinkling of holy water,

clothing in a white garment and the burning of the Easter candle. In the 1969 rite, when the

coffin was sprinkled with holy water and covered with the pall, the minister would just cite

passages from St. Paul and comment on them. In the 1989 rite, this commentary is simplified,

there is no biblical passage and the commentary is briefer than before since both are covered

during Mass. However, the 1989 rite does not suggest the incensing of the body during the

preparation of the gifts. If the people are incensed at this time, the body is included as a

member of the congregation. The body is incensed during the final commendation.

The rite also suggests that a family member or friend of the deceased may speak about the

person after the communion prayer or before the final commendation but it does not allow a

eulogy to replace the homily.54 The other difference from the 1969 rite concerns the burial

service, or 'Rite of Committal.55

The rite suggests that the mourners should be present for the

actual burial. The committal of the body to its resting place occurs before the intercessions or

after the dismissal. It is important to note that the 1989 rite accepts cremation as another

option for the final resting place of the deceased, as long as no anti-Christian motive is

intended. However, burial of the body in the earth is an ancient Christian custom that will

most likely remain the norm.

i. OCF: An Analysis

The OCF can be regarded as an improvement of the 1969 rite. There is less emphasis on sin

and purgatory, much more on hope and resurrection. The concern of the OCF is to console the

living by insisting on trust in a God who is a God of Love. The replacement of black

53

O.C.F. n. 82. 54

Some theologians who say that eulogies detract from Mass itself and in the process the Christian meaning of

death is obscured. The main argument here is that eulogies have to be unreservedly positive - no one wants to

hear anything critical about the deceased. Cf. O.C.F. nn. 5, 62, 141, 170. 55

O.C.F. nn. 204.

21

vestments by white vestments expresses the Christian hope that God is not a God to be feared.

He is a giver of peace and healer of souls. Thus, the OCF suggests that the celebration of a

Christian death is a journey from death to new life. One of the greatest strengths of the OCF is

that it recognises the uniqueness of individuals and provides prayers that recognise different

life situations and ages of those who have died.

The OCF is not, however, free from faults. It gives no room for the people to confront and

acknowledge all those negative feelings which surface in the face of suffering and death: fear,

anger, self-justification, reproach, longing for relief, trust, affirmation etc. In other words, the

rite did not meet the emotional needs of the bereaved. The value of the 1969 rite was that it

handled these needs within the formal control of ritual. The rite silences the voice of protest

against God in the death of a loved one. Since the bitter note of protest is one of the most

basic human responses to death, the OCF seems ill fitted for those who experience sudden,

violent, unjust or cruel deaths. The banishment of the open expression of fear, loss and a sense

of punishment, prevent the funeral rite from acting as a truly prayerful expression of the

human understanding of death. As Larson Miller wrote: ―Even the popular title 'mass of

resurrection' seemed to be a cultural attempt to deny the mourners their grief‖.56

CONCLUSION

I have begun this chapter by examining the development of funeral liturgies from the early

Church to the present. Although the chapter dwelt much on the Roman Catholic rites, I have

tried to highlight the development of the funeral liturgies within the Anglican and Protestant

churches. I admit that a full and complete history of Christian funeral liturgies cannot be

adequately treated in an essay of this nature. It is worth observing how the Church evolved

her funeral liturgy from the beginning. Some pagan practices, such as the washing of the

dead, were kept and accompanied by prayers. Others such as ritual lamentation were rejected

and were replaced by psalmody. The practice of having a funeral meal at the tomb was

replaced by the celebration of the Eucharist. From the above analysis one can conclude that

Christian worship was characterised by creativity, improvisation, and variation. Respect for

cultural diversity, among other factors, established the parameters within which early

Christian worship developed. A process of creative adaptation through which both liturgy and

culture were infused and enriched with fresh ideas constantly refined Christian liturgy. In the

history of the Christian worship, any reform of the liturgy has always been contextual, that is,

to make it more relevant in a particular environment and society. Thus, Christian funerals

have always been marked by textual and ritual flexibility.

56

Larson - Miller, "In Sure and Certain Hope: The Ritual of Christian Death," 279.

22

2 Death and Burial in Shona Culture

INTRODUCTION

In Zimbabwe, among the Shona speaking people, funeral rites vary considerably from place to

place and from tribe to tribe. Funeral rites do not follow a uniform structure. Each tribe has a

distinct and, sometimes, unique funeral ritual. Again, each rite has some unique customs that

differentiate between the burial of a chief, married adult, unmarried adult, teenager and a

baby. However, there is a common thread seen running through all the Shona funeral rites. In

this chapter I intend to examine the Shona burial rituals without going into the details that

characterise each tribe's uniqueness. I shall only dwell on the commonly shared elements.

While there are differences among the tribes on how funerals are conducted, there are also

common elements that unify all the Shona tribes. The one I shall analyse in this chapter is the

funeral of a married adult. My analysis will be divided into six sections: moment of illness,

preparation for burial, procession to the grave, burial and purification.

2.1 THE MOMENT OF DEATH

Among the Shona people death is an affair of the living than of the dying person, though

much of the ritual is directed to the care of the deceased‘s spirit. It would appear that at this

stage one of the main desires on the part of the mourners is to placate the deceased, to make

him/her fit for the abode of the ancestors, that they may receive him/her and that s/he may live

with them in peace and contentment. The elaborateness of these ceremonies is a clear sign to

the ancestors that the deceased is neither an enemy nor an impostor, but a true and real

member of their family and tribe.

a. Illness and death

Today, if a person falls seriously ill in articulo mortis, a Church minister, among Christians,

is called to pray for the sick. Among the Catholics, a priest gives the sick person the

sacrament of anointing and Holy Communion. In Shona traditional society, a traditional

healer, n’anga, was called to heal the sick using medicine and to determine the cause of the

illness. Even today, either the n’anga or the spiritual healer (normally called a ‗prophet‘) is

sometimes consulted when western medicine has failed to cure the sick person.

In traditional Shona philosophy, there is nothing like a natural death. Whether a person

dies as an infant, a teenager, a middle-aged or an old person, it makes no difference. Even a

full account of the disease or accident from which a person may have died is not enough to

explain fully the cause of death. In fact, it is not enough to find out when and how a person

died but also why. To answer the 'why' part of the question we have to probe deeper into the

Shona socio-spiritual world for the answer. As William Rayner wrote: ―The MaShona did not

accept the death of a man as a natural thing. They wanted to know why one man should be

struck down and another spared and, as with an obstructed birth, they felt there must be some

conscious agency at work…‖57

57

W. Rayner, The Tribe And Its Successors. (1962), 65.

23

The traditional Shona believe that death can come in many ways. There is death by

Nyadenga (Act of God, or death from natural causes). This can take place as a direct act of

God, through sickness or by accidents, which are supposed to have been arranged by

Nyadenga for his own inscrutable causes. Also when divination does not show that the

disease has been caused by witchcraft nor by avenging spirits it is presumed that Nyadenga

has sent it. Again, there is death by direct human action, that is, by homicide, assault, warfare,

and so on. A third category is death by accident (as we would call it) and can be due to (a)

Nyadenga; (b) ngozi (the avenging spirit); and (c) varoyi (witches). A fourth category is death

by suicide. The Shona say that this can also be caused by (a) Nyadenga; (b) ngozi (the

avenging spirit); and (c) varoyi (witches). The fifth category is death by ngozi. This avenging

spirit can cause death by accident, by suicide, by sickness; and of all forms of death this is

probably considered to be the most common. The sixth category is death by varoyi. This is the

next common cause of death and, besides accident and suicide; death can be due to varoyi.

The last category is death by offended midzimu (ancestors). Here it is believed that death can

occur as the punishment for breaking taboos and offending one‘s ancestors.58

All deaths are accountable in the light of one of these, or a combination of two or all. Only

this kind of explanation is acceptable. To say a person died of an accident or by drowning is

not enough. The big question that the Shona people will ask is, 'Why did s/he die in that

manner? Now, what do the Shona Christians say is the cause of illness today? In early 2004 I

carried out an informal survey in a parish I was ministering in, Norton, a township that is a

few kilometres south of Harare. The majority of my informants mentioned natural or non-

mystical causes as responsible for illness. In many cases the usual answer was ‗it just

happened‘, or it was ‗just an illness‘, or ‗I do not know‘. They were not obsessed with

identifying the causes of their illnesses. However, some informants ascribe illnesses to

witchcraft or sorcery and some believed they were prone to illnesses if their ancestors forsake

them. Although I found out that the belief in the ancestors‘ ability to cause illness was strong

among them, the people I spoke to did not often ascribe their illnesses to their ancestors. They

also believe that God may send particular mishaps to punish sins. Thus, Shona Christians

today have a scientific or pseudo-scientific explanation, and acceptance of adversities as part

of the natural order.

In traditional Shona society, when the condition of the sick person becomes critical, s/he

was moved to a temporary hut or shelter (musasa) a short distance from the main village and

all the relatives are informed about this move.59

One of the reasons for this isolation was that

the Shona believed that death was a dangerous and infectious thing. The danger of death, it is

believed, is removed by isolating the sick from the rest of the family. Aschwanden gives

another reason when he wrote: ―…children are begotten behind closed doors, and as dying

means, so to speak, the beginning (begetting) of new life, this "begetting" also shall take place

"behind closed doors", i.e. in a private place‖.60

In the temporary hut the relatives will come

and comfort the sick as s/he enters into agony. The sick is not left lying on the mat but is

58

J. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy. (1969), 156. Cf. also F. H. Melland, In Witch-Bound Africa.

(1923), 82-83. 59

R. J. Powell, ―Notes on Burial Customs in the Bushu Reserve,‖ NADA (1956), 7; W. Edwards, "From Birth to

Death: Notes on the Natives of the Mrewa District, Southern Rhodesia," NADA (1929), 34; C. Bullock,

MaShona Law and Customs. (1913), 43; The MaShona (1927), 265. 60

H. Aschwanden, Symbols of Death (1989), 220

24

taken on the lap of those who are present. They will be there to collect the last words of the

sick as the last request.61

When one's condition deteriorates, one summons one's relatives near

and far. One takes this opportunity to announce one's successor and determine how one's

property is to be divided. One may also give orders that unfulfilled promises, agreements and

debts be settled after death. The fulfilling of promises will facilitate one's passage to the world

of the ancestors.

According to the Shona traditional thinking, a person was not expected to die in the

afternoon. As I shall explain later, the afternoon is not the time of the ancestors and, hence,

when one dies in the afternoon there is no one to welcome him/her into the world of the

ancestors. As Charles Bullock wrote:

Relatives come from afar to see the sick man; and, when death is imminent, they will

beseech him not to die before sunset; and, even if breathing has ceased, they may stop

the nostrils in an attempt to defer actual dissolution until that time. There is a belief

that, when a man is dying, he sees in a vision the spirits of his dead relatives. Some of

them take him by the hand, and try to lead him away from life.62

According to Bullock, among the Shona, death was not assumed. How did they know that the

person was not in a state of coma but dead? There were two ways of certifying that the person

is dead. The first was to pour cold water over the person and if there is no response then the

person is dead. Or the person was incensed with smoke from mbanda herbs (tagetes minuta-

black jack grass) and if the person remains passive then s/he was officially pronounced

dead.63

When death occurs, a senior member of the extended family orders the members of the

immediate family of the deceased to vacate the hut of the deceased. In some areas

immediately, one of the elders of the extended family will go and notify the chief who will

send messages to the neighbouring villages. Public wailing starts officially after the chief has

been informed. He may come in person to the house of the deceased or simply say that he has

heard about the death. The news of death was traditionally announced by emissaries and by

means of a drum. The death warning drum (ngoma yehokero) has a unique beat distinguished

by its quick and sombre tone.64

In some areas this death-warning drum is accompanied by the

wailing notes of a wooden flute, kwenje and tsuri, which are played continuously and

simultaneously.

2.2 RITUAL OF BURIAL PREPARATION

Although death is a reality that cannot be escaped, to the Shona death generates both fear and

celebration (mysterium fascinans et tremendum). Death is contagious and, thus, the body of

the dead should be handled with utmost care. Everything possible is done so as not to incur or

arouse the anger of the deceased. The dancing, mourning, and the obscene antics displayed

61

Bujo says that the fact that people gather around the sick person shows the importance of the value of

community among Africans. Dying in traditional Africa has this communal aspect. B. Bujo, African Theology in

its Social Context (1992), 114, 116-117. 62

Bullock, The MaShona, 263. 63

Bullock, MaShona Law and Customs. 42 64

M. Gelfand, Shona Ritual (1959), 184.

25

during this period are meant to appease the spirit of the dead. That explains why people who

are close to the deceased do the preparation of the body. This is one of the most important

moments in the Shona funeral because it is believed that any slight slip-up has serious

consequences not only for the deceased but also for the living.

a. Washing and mourning

In some places, the body is then taken to the hut used for cooking where it is ritually washed

and anointed. In some areas this ritual is carried out by friends of the deceased and, in other

places, by the cousins, the in-laws of the deceased, the male nephew (dunzvi or muzukuru) or

the ‗ritual friend‘ (sahwira). What is the purpose of this ritual and how is it performed? These

ablution rituals are also meant to cleanse or rid the deceased of all the 'dirt' of this world as

s/he prepares for the journey to the spirit world. The Shona believe that the dead would not be

acceptable by the ancestors if s/he is not washed and properly dressed. Since new life is about

to begin, the person is supposed to be clean like a newborn baby.65

Consequently, it is taboo

to bury a person before the washing is done. Kizito Mavima explained this beautifully when

he wrote:

Mufungwa dzedu munhu anoda kufamba akashambidzika. Idzi ndidzovo fungwa

dzatinadzo pakugeza mufi wedu kuti anosvika kwaanoenda akatsvinda

nokugamuchirwavo akachena achiyevedza (We know that everybody wants to be

clean when travelling. This is what we have in mind when we wash our dead so that

s/he looks presentable and is accepted wherever s/he goes). (English translation

mine).66

The deceased is washed starting with the head and then the rest of the body. According to

the Shona a corpse is washed starting with the head because a person is born the same way in

a normal delivery. After the washing or ablution ritual the body is then anointed. This ritual of

washing and anointing is always performed with an appeal for "coolness". To be cool, in

African traditional religion, is to have life. After the ablution ritual the body is placed on its

right side and legs bent upwards and arms folded, with the hands below the chin.67

In my own

research I did not come across any Shona tribe that buried its dead with outstretched limbs. 68

There are two reasons that are traditionally given for bending the limbs. One is that: ―…

he can then be placed in a shorter grave than would be required if his body were stretched

out".69

The other reason was that wrapping material was difficult to come by and, therefore,

had to be used economically.70

In my view, another reason could be that the body of the

deceased was regarded as a source of danger to the family. The family was vulnerable, not

only to the mystical power that caused the death of the deceased, but to the wrath of the

65

Aschwanden, Symbols of Death, 220. 66

K. Mavima, Maitiro Okuviga Vafi Vedu (1998), 5. 67

Edwards, "From Birth to Death: Notes on the Natives of the Mrewa District, Southern Rhodesia," 34. 68

Bullock mentioned the Varemba people as an exception, but I could not get any independent collaboration on

this. Bullock, The MaShona, 263. 69

P. J. Powell, ―Notes on the ―Kutaya,‖ ―KuKomba‖ and ―Kugara Nhaka‖ Ceremonies of the VaShankwe,‖

NADA (1953): 15. 70

Powell, ―Notes on Burial Customs in the Bushu Reserve,‖ 6-7.

26

deceased as well. So the folding of the limbs could have been a ritual that symbolised the

immobilisation of the deceased in case s/he decides to play havoc with the family.71

The deceased was then ceremoniously wrapped in a blanket (gudza or gondo).

Traditionally, among the Korekore, a cowhide or a plaited from the bark of mupfuti tree

(brachystegia boehmii) was used for the purpose.72

Sometimes, a blanket made of fibre was

used. Today people use any type of cloth for the purpose of wrapping the corpse. The

favoured colour is white. Strips of this same cloth are often tied around the head and the arms

of the relatives in order to show their unity with the deceased. Meticulous care is taken to see

that no red linen or blanket or any covering tinged with red is used. Among the Shona red

signifies blood, disaster and the destruction of life. It is a bad omen. Red invites the spirit to

come with the wrath of an avenging spirit.73

Again, there is a strong belief that red attracts

lightning. It is therefore, not surprising that proper care is taken to see that no red thing comes

near the deceased, and that nothing red is buried with him/her.

Laying the corpse on its right hand has tremendous symbolic significance. In life the right

hand is used for fighting and to pick up objects of all types, good and bad. A corpse was

traditionally laid on its right side with the head resting on its right and with its back to the

people. Under no circumstances should it face the mourners. The same thing must be done in

the grave. The deceased should never be laid in the grave on his/her left side with the right

hand up. If the right hand is not pressed under the body at the time of burial, when the spirit of

the deceased comes back it will strike with inexorable force and it will bring trouble after

trouble.74

As Alfred Burbridge explains:

… the posture of the body itself is crucial. Westerners do not appreciate the vital

importance of these rituals. …For the right hand signifies agility. Now everything in

these rites is designed to diminish the spirit‘s ability to haunt and molest. Buried on

his right hand his fearful strength will be crippled.75

When the ablution ritual is over, the body is then placed on a platform made up of poles and

fibres and people would then be allowed into the hut and the usual signs of mourning

expressed through wailing and crying would start. People will then break the silence at this

point, for it is obnoxious to mourn before a person has been washed, anointed and wrapped.

The ritual expression of grief is wailing (kuchema). The bereaved, particularly women, and

other sympathisers weep loudly. Men usually show restraint.

Among the Shona, it is a sacred duty to attend funerals and to express loving sympathy

and compassion with the sorrowing friends and relatives of one who has died. In the first

place, this is the last respect due to the neighbour. It is to say 'good bye'. Moreover, a lot

should be done at such an occasion and everybody must give a hand as more hands make the

tasks easier. Again, people feel obliged to be present at the funeral because this is a kind

gesture that should be returned when they are also bereaved. Attendance at the funeral is also

a way to prove one's honesty and innocence with regard to the cause of death. It removes

71

M. W. Murphree, Christianity and the Shona (1969), 36. 72

Powell, ―Notes on Burial Customs in the Bushu Reserve,‖ 6. 73

J. Kumbirai, Burial Rites (n.d.), 1. 74

Kumbirai, Burial Rites. 2. 75

A. Burbridge, ―The Witch Doctor‘s Power. A Study of its source and scope,‖ (1925), 29-30.

27

suspicion of having caused the death either as a witch or by some other foul means. ―If a

village neighbour does not come to a burial we say s/he is unsociable‖. ―And if a person does

not go to his/her neighbour‘s burial then at once people say: ‗It was you who bewitched

him/her. Why else do you not come to bury him/her?‖ Several of the accusations of witchcraft

of which I have heard have been occasioned by a person‘s absence from a village neighbour‘s

funeral. It is believed that witches fear to attend the funerals of their victims. Genuine

sympathy is a sign of one's blamelessness. As Denys Shropshire well says:

Social factors also contribute strongly to secure that the funeral ceremonies are

carefully carried out, for, if a near relative did not mourn he would probably be

accused of witchcraft and evil intent towards the family of the deceased. This again

would seem to suggest that real and genuine sorrow, in whatever degree, is expected

among members of the same family. … It seems, therefore, that a further distinction

must be made in these ceremonies between the expression of grief and sorrow on the

part of the official mourners and the more real, genuine and affectionate sorrow of a

wife, of children, and of near relatives, the former often being very perfunctory,

though to an onlooker it may appear to be real and genuine.76

People attending the funeral ceremony were expected to bring gifts (chema, zvimiti).

Formerly, these gifts used to include bracelets, fowls, beads, hoes, goats, etc., but these days

they are usually in the form of money. The purpose of the gifts is to bid farewell to the

deceased and to "wipe away tears" of the bereaved. Every gift is announced and this reveals a

dominant social pattern in Shona life. There is nothing like anonymous gifts in strictly Shona

social patterns. The gift could lose half its value if the giver is anonymous. This is evidenced

by the presentation of gifts at a Shona marriage ceremony today. No matter how small a gift

is, the name of the giver must be announced and recorded in a notebook. What matters most is

not so much the gift but what that gift expresses - relationship. The value of the thing is not in

the thing itself but in the intention of the giver.

It used to be a custom to bind the heads of the deceased's relatives with fibres and shave

them later.77

This was done so as to make it easy for any coming mourners to recognise who

the close relatives were and to embrace them or to shake their hands to express their grief.

Among the Shona, in some places, a man ties a bark cord around his head and a woman

around her neck. To the Shona, a mourner is like a tree from which a bark has been removed,

says Aschwanden.78 Another explanation is that a tree starts to bleed when the bark is

removed, and this bleeding is referred to as "the tears" of the mourners.79

As I have said

above, today, the close relatives of the deceased are conspicuous by strips of white cloth that

are tied around their heads and wrists. These strips are thrown into the grave before it is filled

with soil. No one is allowed to keep them after the deceased has been buried because this is

believed to invite ‗death‘ and calamity into the family.

76

D. Shropshire, The Church and Primitive Peoples (1938), 135. 77

Edwards, "From Birth to Death: Notes on the Natives of the Mrewa District, Southern Rhodesia," 40 78

Aschwanden, Symbols of Death, 237; Cf. L. Magesa, African Religion (1997), 147. 79

However, the meaning of this shaving ceremony is well articulated by Laurenti Magesa he wrote, ―… the

shaving of the hair (one of the parts of the human body where life is seen to be concentrated) at the death of a

relative signifies one's own death, but it emphasizes the importance of strengthening when the hair grows back‖

(Magesa, 147). Cf. also Mbiti, 1975: 115.

28

Among the Shona today wearing black is a sign of mourning. Women wear full black

dress after the death of a husband or a close relative, but for more distant relatives they dress

only in partial black. Men do not put on anything black but some, especially in the urban

areas, wear a small piece of black material on their sleeves as a sign of mourning. At one of

the funerals I attended I asked some people about the symbolism of black and the responses

were interesting. Most people interpreted the putting on of black as signs announcing to other

people the transitional social status of the bereaved. One informant said if a bereaved person

did not wear black you might inadvertently behave inappropriately towards him/her like

cracking jokes. This is inappropriate for bereaved persons and those associating with them.

He also mentioned the sympathy that the signs of mourning arouse. But the signs also remind

the bereaved person to behave appropriately according to his/her condition. Another

informant said the black colour of the mourning dress could be explained with reference to

‗shadow of death‘, which is black. ‗Blackness stands for death‘ and for any misfortune. The

black of mourning symbolizes the hearts of the bereaved that have turned ‗black‘ through

sorrow.

b. The ceremonial beast

It is a custom among the Shona to slaughter a beast during a funeral. The beast is slaughtered

for two purposes. Firstly, the meat is used as relish for the people gathered to mourn the

deceased. But the major reason is that it is considered as the meat that goes with the deceased

as provision or food for the journey. Before it is killed one of the elders will offer it to the

deceased as follows: - "Here is your meat, do not say later on that your brother did not give

you meat, that you were never accompanied. This beast is also the relish of the people who

are here to mourn you".80

These words will be said whilst the elder is standing by the entrance

of the cattle kraal pointing to the beast inside.

According to Bujo the ceremonial eating of a beast during funeral represents the African

idea of communion between the living and the dead.81

This ritual killing suggests that death is

somehow a way to new life or its continuation. This meal, he says, has a sacramental

character because the participants are aware of the presence of the departed among them. The

meat of the beast nourishes the people, invigorating and sustaining them and, even, in a

symbolic sense, giving them life. As Burbridge said: ―The spirit is soothed by being told that

his active existence is so fully realised that he is given the food of living mortals and treated

as though he still sat in the family board‖.82

Some portion of the meat, breast, liver and small intestines is given to older women and

men. Here one can easily see the ritual importance of the abdomen. It is closely associated

with fertility, procreation, life, womb and blessing. This meat is eaten unsalted, otherwise one

would be 'salting the spirit' (kurunga mudzimu) and arouse its fury. The meat is first roasted

on a heath inside the hut where the corpse will be laying in state. This is an important process

80

Kumbirai, Burial Rites. 5-6. 81

Bujo, African Theology in its Social Context, 24; E. Hillman, "An Evaluation of Inculturation," AFER

(1990), 60; T. Adegemo, Salvation in African Tradition (1979), 33-34. 82

Burbridge, ―The Witch Doctor‘s Power. A Study of its source and scope,‖ 28

29

and, among the Zezuru, it is known as fumigation – pfungaidzo or manhuwanhuwa.83

The aim

is to satisfy the corpse with the fragrance of the meat.

Among the Shona, this process of smoking is believed to be pleasant to the deceased

because the people will be eating meat in honour of the deceased, "It is in my honour that the

smoke goes up". Fire has tremendous significance for the Shona. ―Tagara nguva huru kwazvo

mumba medu musina moto (We have lived for quite a long time without fire in our family,

that is, without bearing children)‖.84

Fire and smoke signify the presence of life. Therefore, in

the process of smoking, the spirit is pleased with people making a fire and producing smoke

near its corpse. This is a sign of fire that the mourners are recognising the fact that the spirit of

the dead is not dead but alive.85

As the fire that emits smoke is not quenched fire, the corpse

that emits smoke is not altogether lifeless, its spirit is living. In Africa, there are times when

people and animals are smoked in order to ask for life or receive new life. This is an

interesting topic that would take us too far from our subject if we examine it. The relatives of

the deceased will also spread over the corpse some leaves of a shrub called zumbani (lippia

javanica) that has a fragrant smell that keeps flies away. It is also believed to have the power

to chase away evil spirits and is unmistakably connected with life.

c. Death watch

Among the Shona Catholics today, the death watch takes place at the home of the deceased.

The coffin is placed in the centre of the main hut or room. Prayers in the form of litanies are

recited for the deceased and singing and dancing punctuate them. Bible preaching is one of

the most important parts of this ritual. Scriptural passages that relate to the death of Christ,

resurrection, relationship between good works and afterlife are chosen and people take turns

to preach on them. In the traditional Shona funeral the death watch was characterised by

eating, drinking beer, dancing and singing.

Singing and dancing play a central role in Shona funerals since they take away the

negativeness of death and help the mourners to regard death in a more positive way. It is

normal to sing the songs and perform the dances the deceased used to like.86

It is believed that

the deceased would be pleased to have one's favourite dances performed because it was taken

as a sign of sincere or genuine grief. Apart from that each totemic group has its own funeral

dirges that are sung when a person of the same totem dies. Bridget Chinouriri puts it nicely

when she wrote:

The (funeral) dirges may carry some significant messages, which may give reference

to the good works the dead has done or poetic statements such as "the big tree where

the birds rest". This may mean that the dead person was kind to the extent that birds

would come and find shelter. This literally meant that in life one was open to everyone

in the society. In our African traditions, we treat songs as though they are speech

utterances. This may be because of the close relationship between music and

language... The performance of music in such funeral contexts provides the

opportunity for sharing the creative experience that becomes a form of community.87

83

Gelfand, Shona Ritual (1959), 184-185. 84

Kumbirai, Burial Rites. 5-6. 85

Kumbirai, Burial Rites. 5-6; J. Theuws, "Death and Burial in Africa," Concilium (1969), 142.. 86

Kumbirai, Burial Rites. 5-6. 87

B. Chinouriri, "Traditional Ways of Mourning," Sunday Mail Newspaper (2002), C4.

30

In another article she brings out this point when she says:

Music and dance do not only drive away sorrow, but give courage and hope to the

bereaved, as they must continue to live in the absence of the dead. Music is also used

as a stress-management technique to the mourners who are supposed to spend the

whole night singing and dancing, as they reflect on the life of the dead and about their

own lives.... Nevertheless, music becomes a therapy as it lessens the pain and burdens

of the bereaved.88

d. Digging the grave

In urban areas in Zimbabwe, there are cemeteries where everybody, Christian and non-

Christian, is buried. However, most of the cemeteries have special sections that are reserved

for Muslim and Jewish burials. In the rural areas, each family has an area in which the dead

are buried. It may be in crevices or caves on a hill, near the foot of a hill, or a place that is a

walking distance from the village. The most usual place is an anti-hill. The grave itself is dug

on the day of burial so that witches may not have time to bewitch the grave. Before the grave

is dug, a senior relative of the deceased must cut the first sod (kutema rukarwa).89

If a close

relative is not available, then it must be one of, at least, the same totem. In other areas, they do

not allow gravediggers who have the same totem with the deceased because death is believed

to be contagious and therefore should be handled by those of a different totem. The depth of

the grave is normally six feet or, in the traditional sense, the height of a fully-grown adult.

The reasons given for this depth are to prevent the dead to come out to torment the living and

the witches from taking the body of the deceased.

In traditional society, the grave of an adult was dug in a dry spot unless the deceased was

a woman who has just given birth. An infant was placed in a clay cooking pot, large enough

to contain it, and was buried on wet ground (mubani) or at least near a river. Should an infant

be buried on a dry place, water must then be poured over the grave. There are three reasons

why an infant was buried in damp soil. One of them is that those who have compassionate

hearts should be buried on soft ground. Another reason is that if an infant is buried in dry soil,

its mother would not have any more children. Again, burying the infant in wet soil was meant

to ensure a good rainy season. As the grave is being prepared, people will be collecting stones

with which the grave is later built. No one is allowed to carry more than one stone at a time. It

is taboo. If two or more stones are carried at a time, it is believed that the spirit of the

deceased will strike two or more people at a time. The permissible thing is one person one

stone at a time, and should the spirit come back to strike, it will invite two or more spirits to

assist it in causing havoc to the living.90

88

B. Chinouriri, "Music lessens pain and burdens of the bereaved," Sunday Mail Newspaper (2002), C4. Cf. also

M. Wilson, Rituals of Kinship among the Nyakyusa (1957), 30. 89

Kumbirai, Burial Rites. 5. 90

A. Hughes, & J. van Velsen, "The Ndebele," in The Shona and Ndebele of Southern Rhodesia (1953), 101.

31

2.3 RITUAL PROCESSION

The burial takes place on the second or third day, sometimes five days after death.91

As I have

stated above a traditional Shona burial ceremony takes place either in the morning or late in

the afternoon. No one is buried in the middle of the day.92

According to Shona thinking the

ancestors have a timetable. They work in the morning and in the evening from 4 a.m. to 12

p.m. and 3:p.m. to 10 p.m. It is believed that from about 12 p.m. to 3 p.m. and from 10 p.m. to

4 a.m., the ancestors would be far away. Hence, no activity in which they are concerned can

take place in the middle of the day or late at night. This means that a burial ceremony should

not be done in the absence of the ancestors, otherwise there is no one to welcome the

deceased in the spirit world.

When the body is about to be taken to the grave for burial, the master of ceremonies will

announce as follows: ―To mothers-in-law, aunts, sisters-in-law, grandsons, we are taking our

relative out. Your person is about to go to the grave.‖ If the various relatives of the deceased

who are gathered to mourn the dead are not informed of what is about to take place, they will

feel insulted. In fact, in some places one will be fined for being impertinent, watishora (You

have despised us). Again, in Shona culture a ritual is not an individual ceremony, it involves

the whole community, living and dead. That is why these people have to be told officially.

Before the body is taken to the grave people are given the opportunity to have a last look at

the deceased. This is an expression of attachment to the deceased. One who avoids this last

look may be regarded as either an enemy of the deceased, or a very good friend who might be

upset by the sight of the dead. Some people who tend to suffer from nervousness or heart

trouble also avoid looking.

There is an important ritual that used to be performed by the Budja of Mutoko before the

body was taken out for burial. I think this is worth mentioning. One of the senior members of

the deceased‘s family stands at the door of the hut with a wooden bowl of nhope

(unfermented beer) held outside the door, and then blow a tsuri over it, to the west and then to

the east. This is done to ‗officially‘ inform the ancestors of the arrival of a new member,

inform them that they are about to go to the grave to bury the deceased, and ask for their

guidance.93

Before the western coffins were in use, the vazukuru (family of the son-in-law) would

prepare a stretcher called hwanyanza or banda.94

This was made up of two strong poles with

pieces of bark tied between them to support the body.95

Among the Zezuru the procession was

headed by the gravedigger and the undertaker (muvheneki), followed by the pallbearers, the

relatives and then the rest of the mourners.96

As they proceed to the grave, the undertakers

turn the corpse right round. They will rotate by the right. This process is repeated three times

on the way in exactly the same manner.

What does this rotation symbolise? Everything that is done for the deceased must be done

in such a way that the deceased will not be offended by the ritual and so come back to seek

91

This depended on the availability of close relatives who are the main actors in the burial rituals. 92

J. Kumbirai, Shona beliefs of the Dead (1964), 13-14; Hughes, & van Velsen, "The Ndebele," in The Shona

and Ndebele of Southern Rhodesia, 101. 93

Murphree, Christianity and the Shona, 36. 94

M. Gelfand, Shona Religion (1962), 121. 95

Powell, ―Notes on Burial Customs in the Bushu Reserve,‖ 7. 96

Edwards, "From Birth to Death: Notes on the Natives of the Mrewa District, Southern Rhodesia,‖ 5.

32

redress. It is a dreadful thing for the spirit to come back with vengeance and so everything

possible must be done to make it impossible for the spirit to come back. The rotation,

ostensibly, means that the spirit should not find its way back in case it decides to come back

and torment the living. The dead must not only move to the land of the ancestors, s/he must be

accepted and be given his/her place there. For the dead, death is a journey and the living are

responsible for its success.

2.4 RITUAL OF INTERNMENT

Another moment that demands precision is internment. Unlike the European custom a

deceased Shona is not just left in the grave (kusiyiwa muguva) but buried with all the rites and

ceremonies. Though different Shona tribes differ in ritual of internment, one thing is made

clear: the need for its exact performance. Much of this ceremony seems to suggest the soul is

still within the body and therefore at the moment of internment one needs to know how that

particular person is buried, when, where and the type of servitors to be buried with the person.

a. The cooling ceremony

On arrival at the grave, the stretcher bed was laid on the right side of the grave, facing the

village. Facing the village meant that the deceased would have a good last look of the village

before vanishing into the world of the ancestors. A mat, made out of reeds (rupasa), was then

spread in the grave upon which the corpse would be laid. This was not omitted, as it was

believed that the deceased would complain that s/he had not been provided with a proper bed.

Let it be realised that the mat belongs to traditional Shona society and was the most decent

thing to sleep on: 'tsapata rukukwe hazvienzane nokurara pasi (Even a badly worn out mat is

better to sleep on than sleeping on bare floor)‘, runs a Shona proverb. The mat was used on

very solemn occasions as a sign of respect. Without the knowledge of this traditional

significance of the mat a modern Shona will not comprehend why a beautiful made coffin

with magnificent drapery is laid on a dirty and worn out reed mat.

Some personal objects of the deceased and the stretcher upon which the corpse was

carried were thrown into the grave. In some cases this would include bits of planks from

which the coffin was made. Also, the handles of the hoes that were used to dig the grave were

thrown into the grave. The hoes themselves were 'cleansed' by flames of fire. The reason

behind this process was that what had been used in a burial operation must be buried with the

deceased.

It is an integral part of the Shona burial to put some weeds into the grave. Depending upon

the areas, the weeds that are normally used are mahapa (flower gold), garadziva (water lilies),

nhokwe (scirpus inclinatus-a river grass) and muswowabeto (asparagus fern).97

These are soft

and green plants that thrive where there is water or moisture. These weeds are placed in the

grave near the head and feet of the deceased. The head and the feet, according to Shona

anatomy, are considered as the principal parts of the body. What is the purpose of placing

weeds into the grave? The water lilies and the river-grass are meant to act as coolants,

donhodzo, to the spirit of the dead.98

As water is cool, donhodzo is expected to calm down the

97

G. Broderick, ―Description of a Pagan Funeral,‖ NADA (1956), 61. 98

Broderick, ―Description of a Pagan Funeral,‖61.

33

temper of the deceased's spirit if it comes home to visit the living. Since water lilies and the

river-grass are soft and tender, so when the spirit of the deceased comes home it is expected to

be lenient and merciful as well. It signifies mildness. Therefore, the soft nature of these weeds

is what the spirit of the deceased is asked, through symbolism, to adopt.99

Michael Bourdillon reckons that the idea of 'cooling' is common in Shona funeral rites and

―occurs in situations which are with spirits and in which tension is felt‖.100

When a person

dies the new spirit becomes part of the community's spiritual world. The spirit, says

Bourdillon, would be considered dangerous and unpredictable by the community since

nobody knows exactly how it is going to respond to the new world and what grudges it may

have against the community.101

Thus, it becomes absolutely necessary to 'cool' the spirit and

to prevent it from tormenting the community. In his own words:

In the social upheaval caused by death in the community, calm is a benefit, and calm

is essential for the spirit of the deceased which is believed to have passed from the life

of the living community to a completely novel existence in the community of the

spirits. The presumed readiness of the deceased to use his newly acquired spiritual

powers and his possible touchiness after the upheaval is a powerful sanction for

performing the rituals properly.102

Paul Gundani puts this succinctly when he wrote:

What this signifies is that as long as the spirit feels cooled it does not get anxious to go

back to the living members for anything. A cool place is good for resting. It is only a

hot and uncomfortable place that the spirit would be keen to leave. (Note that this heat

— cold paradigm applies especially to mashave. Whenever they possess a medium

their first request is for cold water or beer because the place of their origin is scorching

hot) (Gundani, 1995: 11).103

However, Holleman‘s research findings do not support Gundani‘s assertion that ‗cooling‘

of the spirit has something to do with heat. In his own words:

The term kutonhodza is also used in other ritual actions in which there is a question of

a spiritual tension. .... As far as I understand, the need for a cooling agent is only felt

in situations directly associated with midzimu (ancestral spirits) or Mwari (‗God‘). ....

Logically speaking, the need for cooling agents would presuppose the existence of a

mystical element of ‗heat‘ in the situations outlined above. On this point, however, my

enquiries remained inconclusive. All my informants, while stressing the need for

‗cooling off‘ in bona and other rituals, refused to subscribe to the supposition that

there should therefore be ‗heat‘ to be ‗cooled‘. They were puzzled when this

suggestion was put to them, but stood their ground. They went so far as to say (with

reference to homicide cases) that the cooling action countered the threat of spiritual

‗anger‘, but were not prepared to associate anger with heat. Their final answer- ‗there

99

F. Holleman, Accommodating the Spirit Among some North-Eastern Shona tribes (1953), 37-40; Edwards,

"From Birth to Death: Notes on the Natives of the Mrewa District, Southern Rhodesia,‖ 40. 100

M. Bourdillon, The Shona Peoples (1975), 235-237. 101

Bourdillon, The Shona Peoples, 237. 102

Bourdillon, The Shona Peoples, 238. 103

P. Gundani, "Rituals surrounding death among the Shona peoples," Mukai (1995), 11.

34

is nothing (in these situations) that can be considered warm or hot; we cool off (the

grave, etc.) because this is the way we have always been doing it according to our

custom‘-left the whole concept of kutonhodza strangely incomplete.104

Apart from having the idea of water as a cooling agent, the Shona look at water from another

perspective. Water, in Shona culture, is primarily life giving. Expiating on this concept,

Aschwanden observed that, "Water is regarded as the "origin" and spring of life ... Water,

therefore, is closely connected with life, birth and procreation".105

Thus, the burial of children

in wet ground is also connected with life since water symbolises the amniotic fluid of the

mother's womb. The pouring of beer (water) on the grave of the deceased is meant to have the

same effect.106

Since the water lilies and the river-grass get nourishment and life from the

water in which they live, so the people wish their deceased relative a happy existence in the

land of the ancestors. So the act of putting water-lilies into the grave is a life giving process

for the 'west' is devoid of peace, happiness and, therefore, real life.

According to Edwards, among the Zezuru, the body was buried with the head to the north,

facing the setting sun.107

Bullock confirms this northern direction but says that the body was

laid facing the north, the direction of tribal origin.108

In his analysis of the VaShangwe

ceremonies in the Gokwe area, Powell said that the head was laid pointing towards the

west.109

Regarding the geographical direction 'west', this concept is very important indeed.

The 'west' to the Africans is the locus of death and the place where everything evil takes

place. It is also the habitat of the ancestors and all those who have gone before. It seems to me

that Africans somehow connect life with the sun. Among the Shona, birth and death are

connected with the position of the sun. In Africa where the sun sets is where life sets. As

Powell wrote: ―The only reason that can be given for us is that the dead should follow the sun,

it has been handed down by tradition and no departure from this practice would be

tolerated‖.110

b. Throwing dust

A Shona burial ceremony today cannot be completed without the ritual of throwing dust into

the grave. According to my own research, the traditional Shona burial ceremony does not

have the act of throwing dust into the grave (kukanda ivhu). This is a novelty.111

Among the

Shona it was seen as a sign of disrespect of the dead to lay the corpse directly on the ground

or to throw soil on it. The deceased was not supposed to come in contact with the ground.

Doing this was absolutely deplorable. That is why some people put a sleeping mat under the

coffin and flat stones on top of it before covering the grave with soil.112 The Budja and the

Korekore, scoop out a small cave or niche at one side of the grave and, after the body has

been placed in it, stones are arranged to close the cave. The Shona have different reasons for

104

Holleman, Accommodating the Spirit Among some North-Eastern Shona tribes, 38. 105

H. Aschwanden, Karanga Mythology. (1989), 193-194. 106

Gundani, "Rituals surrounding death among the Shona peoples," 11. 107

Edwards, "From Birth to Death: Notes on the Natives of the Mrewa District, Southern Rhodesia,‖ 36. 108

Bullock, The MaShona, 268. 109

Powell, ―Notes on the ―Kutaya,‖ ―KuKomba‖ and ―Kugara Nhaka‖ Ceremonies of the VaShankwe,‖ 14. 110

H. Kuper, "The Shona", in The Shona and Ndebele of Southern Rhodesia. (1955), 36. 111

B. S. Muchemwa, ―Kukanda Ivhu: The significance of ―dust‖ in a Christian Burial,‖ Crossroads (2001), 22. 112

Muchemwa, ―Kukanda Ivhu: The significance of ―dust‖ in a Christian Burial,‖ 22.

35

carrying out this ritual of throwing dust. Some say it is the final greeting to the dead person,

others do it to cast away evil and misfortune (kurasa rushanga) and others do it to show that

they have nothing to do with the death of the deceased.113

Others say the bereaved may fall ill

if they neglect the custom. At one funeral a certain man said that, ―One feels weak after the

death of a relative and this is remedied by pouring soil into the grave‖. Some people did not

attach any mystical efficacy to the act when asked about it. They thought that it was just an

expression of love for the deceased. If one did not throw soil into the grave it would appear as

if one did not care and was not touched by the death of a relative.

The importance of this ritual is illustrated by the fact that relatives and friends of the

deceased who did not attend the funeral are expected to visit the grave and perform the ritual.

This is done either by throwing soil on the grave or by placing a stone on it. A member of the

deceased relatives, usually a male, accompanies a person visiting the grave after the funeral.

One of the reasons given is that somebody had to accompany the person ‗to show him/her the

right grave‘, or s/he must have one ‗to show him/her how the body lies, in which direction the

head lies because the soil or the stone must be placed on the head‘. Other people think that

anyone visiting the grave after burial must be accompanied just in case ‗s/he bewitches the

grave and turns the deceased against his/her relatives‘. One informant said no misfortune

would result but commented that a person who has come to place a stone should not just go

alone.

Immediately after the ritual of throwing the dust is completed, people take turns to say a

few words about the deceased. Usually these are people who claim to be very close to the

deceased. There is something that is striking or interesting about the graveside speeches

among the Shona today. I remember one day burying a prominent member of a certain parish

in Chitungwiza, about 20 kilometres outside Harare. At the grave about ten short speeches

were made about the deceased. After sometime I realised that none of the speakers (vatauri)

was saying anything at all except trite platitudes on the general occasion of a person‘s death. I

reflected that if the name of the deceased were left out of the speeches, they would be

perfectly well suited to a similar occasion with another name: (1) Rufu rwake rwauya

tisingafungire (His/her death came unexpectedly); (2) Tarasikirwa zvikuru nemunhu

watainzwanana naye zvakanyanya (We have been robbed of a person with whom we had

good relations); (3) Hatina kumbonzwa kuti atukana nemunhu (S/he never had problems with

anyone); (4) Aida munhu wose (S/he loved everybody); (5) Vanga raasiya richanetsa

kuzadzikisa (The void s/he left will be difficult to fill); (6) Nhingi famba zvakanaka (N. go in

peace). I was left with no idea whatever of what those ten people or so thought of the dead

man. No one was prepared to break the ‗formula‘ and talk about personal intimacy.

In some areas, women are dismissed just before the grave is filled with soil. The reason

for this dismissal is that there could be a witch among the women present at the funeral. As

the grave is being filled up, they may take some of the soil of the grave with them. With this

soil they might bewitch the grave and turn the deceased against his/her relatives. They may

also take the spirit of the dead away with them and do what they like with it. After the body

has been laid in the grave according to traditional custom, the grave is then sealed with

113

Edwards, "From Birth to Death: Notes on the Natives of the Mrewa District, Southern Rhodesia,‖ 36.

36

stonewall and then filled with soil. However, no soil should fall directly on top of the body. It

is seen as lack of respect to do so. The soil should go on top of the stone instead.114

When the grave has been filled up a there is prayer that is said before the people leave the

place. In some areas, the father of the deceased would take a calabash with mealie-meal or

millet meal mixed with water, places it near the headstone, kneeling down, he would address

the ancestors saying: ―Keep the child that has come to you‖. After this prayer the contents of

the calabash are poured over the headstone and the calabash itself is destroyed and placed on

top of the mound. After the whole ceremony some branches of trees like mukarati or

munhondo (burkea africana), chizhuzhu or musosawafa (gymnosporoia senegalensis) or

mutarara (gardenia spatulifolia) are placed on the grave.115

The grave and the whole place is

swept, so that footprints will be visible should a witch come to 'steal' the spirit of the

deceased.

2.5 RITUAL PURIFICATION

Today, it is obligatory for mourners to wash their hands and feet at the deceased's home.

Death, to a traditional African, is a dangerous and infectious thing. It contaminates everything

and everyone. Africans believe that touching a corpse or just being close to it causes

defilement that renders one impure. The impurities have to be ritually washed away using

water mixed with herbs.116

In the old days, everyone who had been at the funeral would go

down to the river and bath there to wash their association with death. Again, the men who had

actually handled the corpse and the widow/er who had been intimately connected with the

deceased were required to undergo a special purification ceremony. As I said above, any

object that is used by the deceased has to be destroyed or purified because what brought

misfortune to the deceased will bring the same calamity to those who use the same objects.

Therefore, the hut and everything in it have to be purified of death by sprinkling water mixed

with herbs or sometimes by smearing the floor with cow dung.117

A few years ago at one funeral of a prominent Catholic in one township in Harare I saw

mourners performing this washing ritual soon after the person had been buried. In trying to

find out what significance Christians attach to this custom I was struck by the diversity of the

interpretations. Several people emphasized that the washing is a customary act, ―itsika yedu (it

is our custom)‖. One informant said they were ‗washing off death‘, but agreed with others that

this did not mean they were trying to ward off misfortune, ‗because death is not bad luck, it

comes from God‘. One said they were washing off the dust, another said that the purpose was

to show that ‗we have finished‘. A man who did not give the impression of being devout or

sophisticated said without hesitation that it had the same purpose as Pilate‘s washing of hands

at the trial of Jesus: ―It is to say that we are not guilty of this person‘s death‖.

There are some Christians who interpret the act as washing off something dangerous. A

woman who belonged to the guild of Mary, the Queen of Heaven (Chita chaMariya Hosi

yeDenga), regarded it as ―washing off the dirt of death, since one has greeted a dead person‖.

114

Powell, ―Notes on the ―Kutaya,‖ ―KuKomba‖ and ―Kugara Nhaka‖ Ceremonies of the VaShankwe,‖ 8. 115

Bullock, The MaShona, 268. 116

Kumbirai, Shona beliefs of the Dead (1964), 12-13; 117

Powell, ―Notes on Burial Customs in the Bushu Reserve,‖ 8-9.

37

She believed death could result if it was neglected. Another man said it was ―the washing

away of disease which caused the person‘s death. If someone neglects it, it is believed s/he

will be the next victim‖. Another man who was a close relative of the deceased said: ―The

meaning behind it is to wash away illness which you might have contracted when throwing

earth into the grave. This is not really illness but misfortune‖. There are some who follow the

custom without attaching any particular significance to it, or without knowing what the

purpose is supposed to be.

Ko vafi vanoenda kupi (Where do the dead go)? Today beliefs concerning the fate of the

dead vary considerably. What I have realised in my research is that the majority of the young

do not know what is meant by midzimu (ancestral spirits), and some elders also are unable to

explain it clearly. Professing Christians have accepted the Church doctrine of immortality.

Some of them told me that when a person dies his/her soul (mweya), according to his/her

behaviour on earth, goes either to heaven or to hell. Heaven is a place where the soul lives in

eternal peace and happiness, and hell is a place where the soul will burn forever, they say.

Despite the proliferation of churches in Zimbabwe I was surprised to discover that the idea of

resurrection has made little impact on some people, including Christians themselves. I

remember one man, a Christian for that matter, being openly sceptical and pointing to me that

no one has yet seen a person rising from the dead.

Some traditionalists, those who do not accept the Christian faith, retain the old belief that

the soul goes underground to the world of the dead, but do not know what happens there.

Others maintain that it is simply blown away by the wind, so that when a person dies s/he is

annihilated, just like an animal. Most of them are familiar with the Christian teaching, but

scoff at it, particularly at the doctrine of the resurrection. ―Then also‖, said my informant,

―they tell us that the soul of a dead person goes to Heaven. But who has ever seen it going

there? And why is it that only people go to Heaven, and not cattle? What then happens to

cattle? For they also die?‖

Both Christians and traditionalists speak freely of chipoko (‗ghosts‘, from the Afrikaans

‗spook‘). They say that if a person, after death, regrets the cattle and other wealth s/he left

behind, s/he will haunt the places s/he frequented while alive. His/her soul rests in the grave

by day, but emerges at night and wanders about seeking its lost treasure. However, both the

traditional and Christian beliefs encourage people to hope that they will meet again the

relatives and friends of whom death has deprived them. To some this may afford some

consolation, but others do not have much faith in it. ―If God really listens to our prayers‖, they

say, referring to the doctrine of resurrection, ―why can‘t he send back the dead person for

whom we are longing, so that we can talk to him, if only once, and then he can go back

again‖. This statement, and many others like it that were made to me, shows that sometimes at

least there is genuine sorrow at the loss of some one beloved. Then the mourning ceremonies

are more than a mere formality, but provide a recognised channel for the expression of true

grief.

CONCLUSION

In this chapter I have tried to give a general description of what takes place when a person

dies in a Shona community. It is not possible within the limitations of this essay to elaborate

detailed obsequies celebrated at a Shona funeral. I have tried to draw attention to the main

38

events, important 'actors', symbolism and symbolic activity. I did not describe any individual's

actual burial ceremony but tried to give the main features of a Shona funeral. Among the

Shona people the funeral ceremony is the most elaborate of all the ceremonies. It is extremely

important in that the deceased is believed to begin his/her journey to the ancestors. Shona

funeral rituals are symbolic preparations for the deceased to enter the spirit-world. The Shona

believe that without this last rite the dead remains at halfway between this world and the

hereafter. Thus, it is very important for the community and its welfare that the deceased is

properly treated. However, it is not sufficient to procure the happy separation of the deceased,

the chaos cause by death must be put to an end. After burial the community must be

reconstituted since death to a Shona affects the community as whole. Therefore, the overall

aim of the funeral ceremony is to restore the family to its former state of well-being and allow

its continuance. This appears to take place throughout the ceremonies.

3 The Church and Inculturation in Zimbabwe

INTRODUCTION

Many changes have taken place in the Church in Africa in recent years. Due to the wind of

change brought about by Vatican II, the Church in Africa has seen many traditional rituals

being christianised or baptised, thus, infusing the Church with real African blood. The 1969

39

Order for Burial in Shona is a typical example of one of these liturgical innovations in Africa.

I shall begin this chapter by looking at the Church‘s attitude towards African traditional

religions. I shall then examine the development of the Order for Burial in Shona and highlight

some of its important features.

3.1 THE CHURCH AND LOCAL CULTURES

It is not true that the Catholic Church has always been negative towards religions and cultures

of local peoples. In the history of the Church there were some encyclicals that were written in

favour of adapting the gospel to the culture of peoples in mission lands. Let us peruse some of

them and see what they say about the respect for other peoples‘ cultures. Around the 7th

century B.C., Pope Gregory the Great (590-602 A.D.) wrote a letter to Mellitus (died 624

A.D.) who was a companion of Augustine of Canterbury (597-604 A.D.), outlining the

principles that were to be applied in their mission among the English. He asked Augustine not

to ―destroy the temples of the gods, but rather the idols within the temples‖.118

In this way,

Gregory was trying to link the ancient religions of the English people and the Christian faith.

Most probably he thought that if the English were allowed to keep their places of worship,

they would then accept the Christian rituals that will be celebrated in them.

In 1939, Pope Pius XII (1939-1958 A.D.) in the encyclical Summi Pontificatus

demonstrated his positive approach to local culture. He said that the principle of adaptation

must pervade the entire activity of the Church in mission lands. He based his doctrine on the

unity of the human race, and the equality of all human beings. It was thus the duty of the

Church to assume such cultural patrimony into the new churches. As he says:

The Church of Christ...cannot and does not think of depreciating or disdaining the

peculiar characteristics which each people, with jealous and understandable pride,

cherishes and retains as a precious heritage. (Therefore) all that, in such usages and

customs, is not inseparably bound up with religious errors will always be the object of

sympathetic consideration, and whenever possible, will be preserved and

developed....119

In the same encyclical he expressed the thought that the Catholic inhabitants of mission lands

are first of all citizens of the Kingdom of God but do not cease to be citizens of their

homeland:

The Church of Christ, the faithful depository of the teaching of Divine Wisdom,

cannot and does not think of deprecating or disdaining the particular characteristics

which each people, with jealous and intelligible pride, cherishes and retains as a

precious heritage. Her aim is a supernatural union in all-embracing love, deeply felt

and practiced, and not the unity which is exclusively external and superficial and by

that very fact weak.120

118

J. Neuner, & J. Duplus, The Christian Faith (1986), 304. 119

Quoted by Neuner, & Duplus, The Christian Faith, 315. 120

Quoted by J. McCoy, A. Advice from the Field: Towards a New Missiology (1962), 35.

40

Again, in addressing the Directors of Pontifical Mission Works in 1944, he made the same

point when he said:

The herald of the Gospel and messenger of Christ is an apostle. His office does not

demand that he transplant European civilisation and culture, and no other, to foreign

soil for it to take root there and propagate itself. His task in dealing with these peoples,

who sometimes boast of a very old and highly developed culture of their own, is to

teach and form them so that they are ready to accept willingly and in a practical

manner the principles of Christian life and morality.121

In 1951, in the encyclical Evangelii Praecones, he explicitly expresses his idea on the

need to promote the local culture as a missionary principle:

The Church from the beginning down to our own time has always followed this wise

practice: let not the Gospel, on being introduced into any new land, destroy or

extinguish whatever its people possess that is naturally good, just and beautiful. For

the Church, when she calls people to a higher culture and a better way of life under the

inspiration of the Christian religion, does not act like one who recklessly cuts down

and uproots a thriving forest.122

The question of missionary accommodation or adaptation seems to have occupied the

pontificate of Pius XII. In his letter to Cardinal Piazza who was presiding over a meeting of

Latin-American bishops in 1955, he wrote: ―All Catholic priests who truly answer their

vocation feel themselves native sons wherever they work‖.123

This thought found expression

during his life. Speaking to missionaries, he called the mission country in which they work a

―second fatherland, to which they have given their hearts‖,124

and in another place ―the well-

beloved country, the fatherland of their choice‖.125

The first official document to mention the religious traditions of African peoples, and in a

positive light for that matter is the encyclical of Pope Paul VI (1963-1978 A.D.) Africae

Terrarum of 1967.126

Paul VI corrects the earlier misrepresentations of African traditional

religion as animistic. In his view, African traditional religious expressions have a ―‗spiritual

view of life‘ since they consider all living beings as linked to the world of spirits.

Consequently, he calls for an exchange of meaning between Christianity and African religious

traditions.127

However, in my opinion, the turning point on the Church‘s attitude towards

African religious tradition was Paul VI‘s address on 31st July 1969 to the African bishops at

the closing of the 1st Plenary Assembly of SECAM in Rubaga Cathedral, Uganda. He said:

An adaptation of the Christian life in the fields of pastoral, ritual, didactic and spiritual

activities is not only possible, it‘s even favoured by the Church. The liturgical renewal

is a living example of this. And in this sense you may, and you must, have an African

121

McCoy, A. Advice from the Field: Towards a New Missiology, 35. 122

R. Hickey, Modern Missionary Documents and Africa by Popes and Roman Synods (1982), 97. 123

McCoy, A. Advice from the Field: Towards a New Missiology, 34. 124

McCoy, A. Advice from the Field: Towards a New Missiology, 34. 125

McCoy, A. Advice from the Field: Towards a New Missiology, 34. 126

Hickey, Modern Missionary Documents and Africa by Popes and Roman Synods, 173. 127

Hickey, Modern Missionary Documents and Africa by Popes and Roman Synods, 173.

41

Christianity. Indeed, you possess human values and characteristic forms of culture

which can rise up to perfection such as to find in Christianity, and for Christianity, a

true superior fullness, and prove to be capable of a richness of expression all its own,

and genuinely African‖.128

Then in 1969, the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith (now known as the

Congregation for the Evangelisation of Peoples) wrote a letter to Vicars Apostolic of

Indochina stressing the need not to ask the indigenous peoples to change their traditional

customs as long as they do not contradict the faith.129

Apart from the papal encyclicals and

letters many missiologists and anthropologists were of the opinion that the missionaries

should understand and appreciate local customs. W. C. Willoughby said that it is imperative

for missionaries to study African religions:

… teachers of a new scheme of faith must be familiar with the traditional forms in

which the religious feeling of their pupils has hitherto embodied itself. To cut a man

completely away from the heritage that his ancestors left him, the mental and spiritual

environment of his earlier years, would be to sever him from all that he has hitherto

held sacred. Such an operation would probably involve the irreparable damage of

cutting the nerve of reverence. … Missionaries must meet the African where he is if

they wish to lead him up to where he ought to be. We cannot teach him to fill out his

old forms with a fuller meaning, not show him a more excellent way of expressing or

of satisfying his aspirations, until we so master his forms and expressions as to

become sure of the nature of his cravings and discontent.130

To Edwin Smith the doctrine of the Incarnation does not require an African to become a

European before Christ can dwell in him/her. He made an allusion to the numerous examples

in the history of Europe of how the Church adopted pre-Christian rites and customs as means

for spreading the faith, and wondered why the same could not be done in Africa:

If in teaching the Africans, we demand that they shall surrender all that they hitherto

cherished, we are asking them to do what we Europeans have never done. For

Christianity – it is an amalgamation of elements drawn from many sources. … as

Christianity adopted the vocabulary of paganism and spiritualised it, so in

consecrating them it also transformed many pagan institutions. If then we insist upon

the African taking our institutional Christianity as it stands, and surrendering all his

past, what we are requiring of him is that, in addition to the pure essence of our

religion he should take over what it has absorbed from its European environment.131

What we have to take note of here is the fact that, though the popes and missiologists

seem to favour adaptation, theory and practice did not always tally in missionary endeavours.

Very few missionaries were enthusiastic in applying the views expressed by these popes and

128

Paul VI. ―Address to the Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar, Kampala (31 July

1969)‖ AAS (September 1969), 577. 129

Neuner, & Duplus, The Christian Faith, 309. 130

C. Willoughby, The Soul of the Bantu (1928), xix. 131

E. Smith, The Golden Stool (1926), 262.

42

experts in the mission territories. As Raymond Hickey said, those in the field did not always

accept the Church‘s attitude of respecting other people‘s cultures and traditions.132

Various reasons have been given for this negative missionary attitude toward cultures of

people in mission lands. The missionary Bishop, Joseph Blomijous, attributed this to

ethnocentrism. He said that it is a human problem to regard one‘s culture as the best.133

The

missionaries, coming from a rather civilized society, had no option but to condemn the

primitive African society, he wrote.134

Bernard Lonegarn thinks that the Church‘s

evangelisation was always characterized by cultural domination. He said that not all Church

documents viewed African religions positively because there were some papal documents that

encouraged what he calls ―classist mentality‖.135

John Baur reckons that the missionaries

cannot be blamed for being intolerant because the Church‘s statements were meant for the

missionaries ―…who went to the Asiatic peoples which had highly developed and respected

civilisations and religions. The primal cultures and religions of Africa were not considered in

that bracket by the Roman mind‖.136

Adrian Hastings thinks that the missionaries acted not out of malice but out of ignorance

of the customs of the indigenous peoples. He says:

But the tendency to condemn African things in toto came not only from actual

observation, but even more from ignorance on the part of the foreigners. African

societies are so different from anything he was hitherto acquainted with that without

some special training in interpretation, the missionary found himself clueless and

revolted. A special training in anthropology, in the study of such societies, was what

the missionary needed and this does desperately need, but what he did not, and still,

for the most part, does not receive.137

This reminds me of discussions I had with some missionaries in the Netherlands where I

was studying for two years. During my furlough I met missionaries who had worked overseas

in countries like Indonesia and Suriname. One priest who worked in Suriname for more that

20 years told me that for about ten years he never went inside a family dwelling, and admitted

that he had no interest in local customs. His initial attitude was shaped by ignorance and

indifference. But after spending some time in the Netherlands doing some studies on

missiology he went back with a completely different attitude, determined to learn as much as

he could about the people and to identify with them as much as possible. A religious sister in

Zimbabwe, in response to a question about her knowledge of the customs of the Shona people

among whom she had worked for more than thirty years, replied that since her congregation

had local sisters it was not necessary for the foreign sisters to know anything about the culture

of the people. Interestingly, a sister but of another congregation, gave the same answer.138

132

Hickey, Modern Missionary Documents and Africa by Popes and Roman Synods, 143. 133

W. Buhlmann, The Missions on Trial (1979), 75. 134

Buhlmann, The Missions on Trial, 75. 135

B. Lonegarn, Method in Theology (1972), 123-124, 300-302. 136

J. Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa (1994), 66. 137

A. Hastings, Church & Mission in Modern Africa (1967), 61. 138

The research was done in early 1996 in preparation for my dissertation for my first degree at the University of

Zimbabwe.

43

Another reason put forward to justify the missionaries‘ attitude is that the missionaries

were following the theology of 19th

century European Christianity.139

The dominant belief

was the view that church membership was necessary for salvation, extra ecclesiam nulla salus

(Outside the church, no salvation).140

As a result of this belief, the missionaries were

concerned with baptising as many people as possible, even without proper instruction.

Again, there was the patristic theology that the world was divided into two kingdoms, that

is, the kingdom of God and the kingdom of Satan.141

Consequently, the missionaries‘

encounter with African religious practices was seen as the fight against the devil. African

traditional sacrifices were adoration of Satan; hence they must be fought as Satan himself.

They rejected the traditional items and replaced them with devotional objects like the rosary,

medals and holy water. Another belief was that Africans were tabula rasa (clean slate)142

.

Some missionaries thought that Africans had no religion and that their hearts were blank. As

Baur wrote: ―This tabula rasa concept added with the conviction of the uniqueness of their

faith, led the missions to implant the faith in the way they knew and lived it themselves,

without adaptations…‖143

It is unfortunate that the missionaries of the 19th

century were not

familiar with the following text of St. Augustine:

For as the Egyptians not only had idols and heavy obligations which the people of

Israel detested and fled from, but also vessels and ornaments of gold and silver and

clothing, which they, leaving Egypt, took for themselves secretly, as for a better use,

not on their own authority but by precept and command, the Egyptians, unknowingly,

furnished these things for good use, so the teachings of all pagans contain not only

falsehoods, superstitions and heavy obligations which each of us, departing from the

society of paganism under the leadership of Christ should abominate and avoid, but

also they contain liberal disciplines of which we treated already, more suitable to the

service of truth and some moral precepts of great use. There are also found among

them some truths concerning the worship of the one true God. … these ought to be

taken from them by the Christian, once he has separated himself from them in mind,

and put to the just use of preaching the Gospel. (emphasis mine).144

In line with what St. Augustine wrote Smith Robertson warned the missionaries:

No positive religion that has moved men has been able to start with a tabula rasa, and

express itself as if religion were beginning for the first time; if not in substance, the

new system must be in contact all along the line with the older ideas and practices

which it finds in possession. A new scheme of faith can find a hearing only by

appealing to religious instincts and susceptibilities that already exist in its audience,

and it cannot reach these without taking account of the traditional forms in which all

religious feeling is embodied, and without speaking a language which men

accustomed to these old forms can understand.145

139

Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa, 66. 140

Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa, 66. 141

Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa, 66. 142

Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa, 94. 143

Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa, 94. 144

McCoy, A. Advice from the Field: Towards a New Missiology, 35. 145

S. Robertson, Lectures on the Religion of the Semites (1926), 2.

44

3.2 THE DEVELOPMENT OF AN INDIGENOUS SHONA BURIAL RITE

In the preceding section, we mentioned that officially the Catholic Church has always

maintained a positive attitude towards the religious traditions of other people. She encouraged

the missionaries to learn local languages and respect local customs. A quick glance at the

history of the Catholic Church in Mashonaland shows that the missionaries were not very

keen to implement the Church directives with regard to African traditional religion. In the

early days of the missionary period she developed under the influence of a colossal western

cultural arrogance. Through the instrumentality of the Jesuit missionaries, to be precise,

through the efforts of Andrew Hartmann, Peter Prestage and others, the number of people

offering themselves for baptisms rose considerably from 474 in July 1897 to 250, 000 in

1960.146

However, the acceptance of the new faith was not easy for the Shona. Practically, it meant

a profound revolution in their lives, beliefs and customs. At this stage, authentic Christianity

was understood as getting rid of everything that was linked to their lives before the coming of

Christianity.147

A genuine convert viewed his/her culture as an undesirable and un-Christian

superstition that should not only be discouraged but also destroyed. The method of

evangelisation was designed in such a way as to ensure that the new convert was isolated

from his/her corruptive cultural surroundings and indoctrinated in the new culture that was

regarded as genuine Christianity. As W.R. Peaden wrote: ―The missionaries preached,

believing that the people had no God or at most a very hazy and erroneous idea about Him.

They thought that the people were living in virtual darkness and that it was their duty to bring

the light of the Gospel to them‖.148

In Rhodesia two methods were adopted to ensure the above: the establishment of schools

and the construction of ‗Christian villages‘.149

―To the early communities, church and school

were identical and one could not be conceived of without the other‖.150

―Missionaries said

quite frankly that schools would assist converts on developing the culture change considered

necessary for the Christian life in a way which was not possible otherwise‖.151

―Some

missionaries also considered that education would produce a necessary change from a social

morality based on tribal custom to one based on Christian faith‖.152

The method of Christian

villages was popularised by the Jesuits in the 17th

and 18th

century among the Indios of

Paraguay.153

It was called reductions because it was meant to ‗reduce‘ the Indios to a deeper

understanding of the faith.154

Apart from protecting the newly converted from a pagan

environment and practices, the other objective of this method was to bring religion and

civilisation to the Shona. The villages were meant to be centres of civilisation. The

146

Editor, ―Current Catholic Events in Rhodesia,‖ ZMR (May 1898), 7; W. Rea, Missionary Endeavour in

Southern Rhodesia (1962), 12. 147

W. Peaden, Missionary Attitudes To Shona Culture (1970), 6-7. 148

Peaden, Missionary Attitudes To Shona Culture, 6. 149

Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa, 420. 150

Peaden, Missionary Attitudes To Shona Culture, 8. 151

Peaden, Missionary Attitudes To Shona Culture, 9. 152

Peaden, Missionary Attitudes To Shona Culture, 11. 153

Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa, 230. 154

The policy of Christian villages was vigorously promoted by the French Jesuit John Baptist Loubiere of the

Portuguese Province who had seen the policy being implemented in Mozambique (A. Dachs, & W. Rea, The

Catholic Church and Zimbabwe 1879 – 1979 (1979), 79-80.

45

missionaries were convinced that one great contribution to African civilisation was the ethos

of work that was fostered by village life.155

In a paper read at the Conference of Catholic

Missionaries held in Bulawayo in 1920, John Baptist Loubiere wrote:

… it seems to me evident that our own experience here in Africa would lead us

forcibly to the same conclusion, i.e., that the formation of Christian villages is

essential to the spiritual welfare of our converts. The pagan atmosphere is so

thoroughly corrupt that laymen themselves come to the conclusion that we must take

our Christian out of it.156

In the Zambezi Mission, as the territory between the Limpopo and Zambezi rivers was known

in the ecclesiastical circles, this concept of Christian villages was boosted by the vast tracks of

land offered by Rhodes and the missionary motto labora et ora (to work is to pray).157

The

missionaries thought that by improving the living standards of the local people they could

make them more susceptible to Christianity. The success of this was seen at Kutama,

Chishawasha, Empandeni, Driefontein, St Joseph‘s Hama and Triashill missions.158

However,

with the passage of time the missionaries realised that this was the wrong way of

evangelisation because:

…the Christianity offered to the Shona was not accepted universally as an unmixed

blessing. Some of those who stood outside it and looked on at its aims and effects on

the people, considered that it was harmful both to the culture and morals of the people.

There is evidence also that even those who became convinced Christians and strongly

attached to the tenets and doctrines of the their church, did not abandon their

traditional beliefs even though they were considered false and banned by the mission

authorities.159

Although one of the primary concerns of Catholic missionaries was to enlighten, as Daneel

said, certain indigenous practices and integrate them into the Church, the main obstacle was

that the missionaries were ignorant of the local culture.160 The missionaries, as a result, failed

to identify anything that could be assimilated. Even Prestage, who attempted to penetrate into

the religious beliefs of the Shona, was convinced that the, "fear of the ancestors and the

attendant mystique of the spirit mediums was so strong that Christians could not build on

these foundations",161

hence there was no common ground between Christianity and Shona

culture.

One element that might have led to the inculturation of the Catholic Church was the rise

of African nationalism and the advent of the anti-colonial war of liberation (1966-1979). This

was not only focused on resistance to an oppressive political system, but was applied to issues

155

Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa, 230. 156

J. Loubiere, ―Christian Villages,‖ ZMR (1918-1921): 370. 157

Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa, 420. 158

Peaden, Missionary Attitudes To Shona Culture, 19-20. However, the policy of Christian Villages was

unsuccessful at Gokomere and St Michael‘s Mhondoro. Dachs, & Rea, The Catholic Church and Zimbabwe

1879 – 1979, 82. 159

Peaden, Missionary Attitudes To Shona Culture, 19-20. 160

M. Daneel, Old and New in Southern Shona Independent Churches I (1971), 247. 161

L. Gann, History of Southern Rhodesia - Early days to 1934 (1965), 206.

46

of religious change in a colonial setting. For the first time African Catholics began to express

their views and aspirations to each other and to whites in the public forum. Taking advantage

of the greater cultural freedom allowed during and after Vatican II, African Catholics in

Rhodesia sought to find a spiritual home within the Church by incorporating the hidden

transcript of African values and symbols to make it their own. Thus, there was a demand for a

detailed policy on traditional customs, especially funeral rituals.162

Far from condoning

traditional practices, the Catholic priests initially condemned them. But subsequently, as

Dachs and Rea said:

Accordingly later missionaries came to recognise that the Christian burial rites must

be incomplete and inadequate if their African Christians still insisted on a separate

ceremony to propitiate the ancestors and to integrate the deceased into the whole

African family. And African priests brought new light on an understanding of the

ceremonies themselves….163

Slowly the Catholic disapproval of the traditional funeral rituals slowly changed to a more

flexible approach and this paved way for 'experiments' aimed at incorporating 'christianised'

Shona rituals in the liturgy of the Church. The main interest was directed at the African's

concern with the ancestors during burial. In September 1966, the Rhodesian Catholic Bishops'

Conference succumbed to pressure and appointed a commission to look into the possibility of

Christianising the Shona traditional burial.164

Joseph Kumbirai, a priest and one of the leading

proponents of indigenisation of the Catholic liturgy and who had already formulated a Shona

burial rite, was one of the members of this committee. Kumbirai, who claimed to have been

influenced by the theology of Hans Kung, was interested in finding out what was adaptable to

Christianity in the traditional rites. To him:

In Africa we have to face the problem of either building a liturgy almost from the

ground up or of transplanting a European liturgical structure and then start chopping

off and adding and patching up until we end with something neither African nor

European. The solution rests in a new liturgy, one which will be typically African. The

proposed burial rite is in a Shona cast, based on customs and traditions of the

Shona….165

However, by the time the Committee was appointed Kumbirai had already started to use his

proposed draft of new burial rite and it met with positive responses. This draft was presented

to the Inter-diocesan liturgical committee for vetting and it was approved on 28 September

1966. Kumbirai's proposed new burial rite was officially accepted by the Bishops' Conference

in 1966 to be used ad experimentum.

162

H. Gundani, "Christology in the Inculturated Shona Burial Ritual in the Roman Catholic Church in

Zimbabwe", Theology Cooked in an African Pot, ATISCA BULLETIN, 5/6, (1996/1997), 82. 163

Dachs, & Rea, The Catholic Church and Zimbabwe 1879 – 1979, 224-225. 164

Gundani, "Christology in the Inculturated Shona Burial Ritual in the Roman Catholic Church in

Zimbabwe", 83. 165

Quoted by Dachs, & Rea, The Catholic Church and Zimbabwe 1879 – 1979, 225.

47

3.3 SHONA ORDER FOR BURIAL166

When a person is dead, the faithful go to the home of the deceased to pray for the soul of the

departed and to console the bereaved. They spend their time singing, praying and reading

appropriate chapters of the Bible. The priest, the leader or the catechist goes to pray for the

departed. The priest is normally accompanied by servers carrying the cross, holy water and

incense.

i. Prayer to the ancestors

P. To you all ancestors who are with God. We are gathered here to present to you

your child N. we ask you to accompany him/her on his/her journey. Receive

him/her in God‘s kingdom so that s/he will have the capacity to shield others

from the misfortunes of the world and to intercede on their

behalf. May you lead him/her to the joys and happiness of the righteous, where

s/he will live forever more.

C. Amen.167

If the deceased is not being buried the same day incensing and sprinkling the body with holy

water follow this prayer. If burial is taking place the same day the body is taken out of the

house/hut for another prayer (if there is no Eucharist service) or is taken directly to the

church for the Eucharist service.

ii. Prayer to God

After the communion the priest, standing near the coffin, says the following prayer. If

the funeral service is taking place at the home of the deceased the coffin is put down

outside the house/hut when the leader/catechist says this prayer.

P. My dear brothers and sisters, we are gathered here to pray for the repose of N.

who has departed from us. Let us pray for him/her wholeheartedly so that God,

in His mercy will receive him/her into his Kingdom.

P. In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit.

C. Amen

P. Praise be the Lord

C. For ever and ever

P. Lord, hear our prayers

C. Let our prayers reach you.

P. Let us pray:

God of Heaven and Earth, father of mercy, we your children have gathered here

to accompany and bring your child to you. You have called him/her from this

life. Let there be no other place for him/her except with you. Receive him/her,

you are his/her owner. Forgive him/her all his/her sins and lead him/her into

your place of happiness and joy. Have mercy on him /her and do not judge and

punish him/her harshly. Lord, if you judge us according to our faults who can

survive? If you, O Lord, should keep a record of our sins, our cry would not

reach you, our tears would not touch you. Our eyes are full of tears but your

heart is full of mercy. Therefore, lead your child into the happiness of your home

where s/he will be happy with all the saints, his/her forefathers, grandfathers and

166

ZCBC. Maitiro Okuviga Munhu (Order for Burial) 1967 [1989]. Translated from Shona by the author. 167

ZCBC. Maitiro Okuviga Munhu (Order for Burial), 31

48

grandmothers and his/her relatives. Christ our Lord, present our petition to God

the Father.

C. Amen.168

iii. Prayer of accompanying the deceased

P. Lord, have mercy

C. Lord, have mercy

P. Christ, have mercy

C. Christ, have mercy

P. Lord, have mercy

C. Lord, have mercy

P. Give them eternal rest, O Lord

C. And may perpetual light shine upon them.

P. May s/he rest in peace

C. Amen

P. Holy Mary, here is your child N

C. Accompany him/her to God

P. You, his/her saint and you, his/her guardian angel, there is the person who

belongs to you.

C. Accompany him/her to God.

P. All you, angels and saints, this is your relative

C. Accompany him/her to God

P. You, of his/her father's lineage who are dead and are with God, here is your

child.

C. Accompany him/her to God

P. You, his/her fathers and all his/her forefathers and all of his/her father's lineage

who are dead and are in heaven, here is your child

C. Accompany him/her to God

P. You, of his/her mother's lineage who are dead and are with God, here is your

child

C. Accompany him/her to God

P. You, his/her maternal uncles and his/her maternal grandmothers and all of

his/her mother's lineage who are dead and are in heaven, here is your child

C. Accompany him/her to God

P. You, all his/her relatives and all his/her friends who are dead, here is your

relative

C. Accompany him/her to God.

P. Let us pray:

Our Lord Jesus Christ, you taught us saying; "Ask and you will receive, seek and

you will find, knock and it shall be opened to you". We ask your Father, the

Creator of heaven and earth, to forgive N. all his/her sins and open up the way to

heaven where s/he can enter and join in the joys of the angels, saints and all

his/her relatives who went before him/her. Present our petition to God the

Father.

C. Amen.169

iv. De profundis

P. Out of the depths I cry to you, O Lord; O Lord, hear my voice.

168

ZCBC. Maitiro Okuviga Munhu (Order for Burial), 7 169

ZCBC. Maitiro Okuviga Munhu (Order for Burial), 7-8.

49

C. Let your ears be attentive to my cry for mercy

P. If you O Lord should keep a record of our sins, O Lord who would survive?

C. But with you there is forgiveness; and I look forward to the salvation you

promised us.

P. Your word, O Lord gives me hope and strength

C. I long for you, from morning till evening

P. O Lord, you are merciful and you always redeem us.

C. You redeem us from our sins.

P. Give them eternal rest, O Lord

C. And may perpetual light shine upon them.

P. Let us pray:

O Lord, you are the Creator of all people and also save them; kindly listen to our

pleas. Forgive your child N. his/her transgressions. Your Son Jesus Christ

suffered for us in Getsemane, he was scourged and died on the cross so that N.

could have eternal life. Receive him/her that s/he may live with you in your

eternal kingdom. Our Lord Jesus Christ, present our petition to God our Father.

C. Amen.170

v. Sprinkling the coffin with holy water

P. I sprinkle you with the water of appeasement that you may be 'cooled' by the

blood of Christ, in the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit.

C. Amen.171

vi. Blessing the coffin with incense

P. I incense you with the smoke of heaven. Let the pleasant smell chase away all

evil spirits, in the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit.

C Amen.172

vii. Procession to the grave yard/cemetery

The people then proceed to the cemetery singing hymns or praying the rosary or the litany of

all the saints or some other prayers for the dead.

viii. At the grave

The coffin is placed near the grave. If it is customary, the priest will say Mass at the grave

followed by a sermon. If there is no Mass, he can read a passage from the Bible and preach

on it. At the end he says:

P. Give them eternal rest, O Lord

C. And may perpetual light shine upon them

P. May s/he rest in peace

C. Amen.

P. Let us pray:

Lord Jesus Christ, you told us that you are our life, our resurrection and our way

to heaven. We commend to you our relative N. for whom you died on the cross,

s/he has been called by God, your Father. Lead him/her into paradise where s/he

will live forever. Lead him/her out of this world of death into the world of

eternal life. Let your blood that flowed on the cross, wash away all his/her sins.

170

ZCBC. Maitiro Okuviga Munhu (Order for Burial), 9. 171

ZCBC. Maitiro Okuviga Munhu (Order for Burial), 10. 172

ZCBC. Maitiro Okuviga Munhu (Order for Burial), 10.

50

Your merciful heart should judge him/her kindly. Let the cross that you bore,

lighten his/her punishment. May s/he escape eternal fire and all forms of

punishment after death. Let him/her gain the happiness of heaven you promised

those reborn by water and the Holy Spirit.

C Amen.173

a. Blessing the grave

P. Praise be the Lord

C. Forever and ever

P. Let us pray:

Lord God, Creator of heaven and earth; this is the house of rest of your child N.

where we are laying him/her. Let your angels guard it and protect it from his/her

enemies, in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit.

C. Amen.

P. I sprinkle this home with holy water so that God sanctifies it. In the name of the

Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit.

C. Amen.

P. I incense it (this home) with heavenly incense that it is sanctified and protected

by God, in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit.

C. Amen.174

b. Blessing the cross

The priest blesses the cross with holy water saying:

P. This cross is a sign of your redemption by Jesus Christ and your resurrection on

the day of the resurrection of all the people, in the name of the Father and of the

Son and of the Holy Spirit.

C Amen.175

ix. The Burial

Then the priest addressed the deceased saying:

P. Enter into your house, and rest in peace until Christ raises you on the day of the

resurrection of all saints.

C Amen.

The priest then instructs the people to lower the coffin or the body into the grave. Then he

says:

P. Give them eternal rest, O Lord

C. And may perpetual light shine upon them.

P. May s/he rest in peace

C. Amen.

P. Let us pray:

173

ZCBC. Maitiro Okuviga Munhu (Order for Burial), 10. 174

ZCBC. Maitiro Okuviga Munhu (Order for Burial), 13. 175

ZCBC. Maitiro Okuviga Munhu (Order for Burial), 13.

51

Lord, we have escorted our relative, let him/her stay with you. S/he is now

yours; we have now finished our task. Lord protect the family s/he has left

behind. Protect (his/her children, nephews and nieces) his/her relatives, friends,

enemies, and all of us gathered here today. You N. ask God on behalf of your

family to keep hardships from them. Constantly intercede for this family of

yours, so that it may be free from the troubles of this world, as well as from the

things that despoil spirit and body. On their day of death, you must meet them

and escort them to heaven to God, to eternal joy.

C. Amen.176

The priest then takes a handful of soil and throws it into the grave, followed by family

members, friends and relatives

CONCLUSION

There is no doubt that the inclusion of the intercessory role of the ancestors is the most

innovative part in the Shona Order for Burial. As some African theologians have pointed out

the ancestors' intercessory role is something that is ingrained in the African beliefs of the

dead. The belief in the dead who are with Christ is close to what Mbiti referred to as "the

Unknown Saints" (Mbiti, cited by Mununguri, 1998: 54). I think this is the same idea that the

Shona have when they ask the ancestors to "Accompany him/her to God". God's universal

will for salvation of all humankind, shown to us in Jesus‘ death, comprises Christians as well

as non- Christians, the baptised as well as the unbaptised. No theologian doubts the fact that

the formally canonised ―saints‖ are only a very tiny minority of those who attain final glory.

4 An Inculturated Shona Burial Rite

INTRODUCTION

This chapter aims at proposing a new burial rite for the Shona Catholics in Zimbabwe. My

thesis is that the present rite does not accommodate the essential elements of the traditional

Shona ceremony. The burial rite expounded in the preceding chapter is something

176

ZCBC. Maitiro Okuviga Munhu (Order for Burial), 10.

52

commendable but the process should not end there, more should be done to come up with a

more meaningful burial rite. I will start this chapter by looking at the theological and pastoral

reactions to the 1969 Shona Order for Burial. I shall then analyse the rite by looking at the

positive and negative elements. Lastly, I shall come up with a proposed rite that will be

treated in the last section of this chapter.

4.1 CRITICAL APPRAISAL OF THE SHONA ORDER FOR BURIAL

In my view the 1969 Shona Order for Burial incorporates some of the most essential Shona

beliefs like the importance of the ancestors in securing peace and tranquillity for the deceased.

The whole rite seems to hinge on this aspect alone and hence its weakness. The purpose of

this section is to critically examine the rite and point out some of the elements in the rite that

need to be reinforced, transformed and added to make it more meaningful and enlightening to

the people.

a. Pastoral analysis

According to Daneel the above burial rite met with "tremendous response" and positive

appreciation from both the clergy and laity when it was published.177 The mediating function

of the ancestors was not a problem to the Catholics because of the theology of the logos, "that

those ancestors who have kept the natural law with God in heaven and can accompany the

deceased relatives to Him".178 Benezet Bujo and Eugene Hillman expressed their appreciation

of the above rite as successful examples and rare but 'hopeful tokens' of inculturation.179

Shorter also praised "the innovative character of the Zimbabwean funeral rite" with its

"conditional innovation, and symbolic reinstatement of the deceased according to Shona

custom".180 In his own words:

A recent liturgical experiment is the new Christian funeral rite in Rhodesia, during

which, not only are the Christian saints invoked at the graveside and bidden to

welcome the departed soul into their company, but the dead man's ancestors are also

invoked by name for the same purpose. The new rite met with widespread approval.181

As Shorter pointed out the most creative or innovative aspect in the Shona rite is the retention

of the mediating function of the ancestors. In the rite the ancestors are invoked to intercede

with God on behalf of the dead. Given the fact that the Scriptures seem to point out that Christ

is the sole mediator between God and the living (including the living-dead), is there any

justification of this belief? This issue has generated a thorny debate among African

theologians since the 1960's. Generally speaking, African theologians agree with the

traditional African belief that death ―is not the end of the story".182 To be sure, relationships

with the dead are different from relationships with the living. But there is continuity and death

177

Daneel, Old and New, 271. 178

Daneel, Old and New, 271. 179

Bujo, African Theology in its Social Context, 2; E. Hillman, "An Evaluation of Inculturation," AFER (1990),

373. 180

A. Shorter, Toward a Theology of Inculturation (1988), 263. 181

A. Shorter, African Christian Theology (1975), 127. 182

J. Taylor, The Primal Vision (1963), 165.

53

is another passage to the land of the ancestors. As a result relationships between the living and

the dead are not dissolved by death; the tribe or clan lives on. And most importantly, to

African theologians, those who are in Christ enter a fellowship that "death can neither

dissolve it nor weaken it".183

What is the nature of the relationship with ancestors? Can it be described as mere honour,

veneration or worship in the strict sense?184

Generally speaking, the majority of African

theologians define the relationship with the ancestors in terms of the communion of saints.

From the very beginning of African theology, it has been suggested by some theologians, like

John Taylor, that this Christian doctrine can be revived, revised and given new prominence

from within the African context. For instance, M. Lyunungu includes ancestors in his list of

saints.185

Konde Ntedika says something along these lines when he wrote:

But, the cult of the righteous Ancestors ought to be seen especially as a means of

access to the divine... In this sense, for the African Christians, the righteous Ancestors

have a special place to the extent that they are present to the life persons living on

earth... thus, to invoke the righteous Ancestors, is to recover oneself; it is to gather

everything that makes up his being ...186

From the case study and the theological debate one can conclude that the African ancestral

beliefs can be baptised into the communion of saints without doing violence to Christian

belief.187

In other words the Catholic practice of saints veneration, and their invocation as

protectors can provide positive guidelines for a responsible Christian purification of

traditional ancestral practices.

In Zimbabwe, pastorally speaking, the same issue of the relationship between the

ancestors and God is debatable. Do they ‗work together‘ or ‗go together‘? I remember asking

this question in 2002 to a group of Christian leaders during a course I was conducting on

Christian burial in a parish in Chitungwiza, near Harare. From the discussions I got the

impression that, generally speaking, Shona Christians have vague ideas about the relationship

between God and the ancestors and the manner in which they are supposed to work together.

Most of the time statements about the subject were distinctly ambiguous. Is there any

difference between an approach to God and the ancestors? In response to this question,

several participants held that a prayer to God, even if there is no mention of the ancestors, to

them implied a petition to these as well. A merely oblique reference may also be interpreted

as involving the ancestors in prayers to God. One man maintained that even in church one

prays to one‘s ancestors, since a phrase like ‗God of our forefathers (Mwari wemadzibaba

edu)‘, although addressed to God, implied an appeal to the ancestors as well. Some said that

the ancestors are the ones not mentioned but addressed by implication. ―The work of the

183

J. Mbiti, New Testament Eschatology in an African Background (1971), 147. 184

Cf. E. Idowu, African Traditional Religion (1973), 180; (E. Fashole-Luke, "Veneration and Communion of

saints," in New Testament Christianity for African and for the World (1974), 212; Cf G. Parrinder, African

Traditional Religion (1954), 54; J. Mawinza, "Specific Difference between the Attitude toward the Ancestral

Spirits and Worship of God," CRA (1969), 37-47. 185

M. Lyunungu, "Social Approach to the Ritual Activity of Man," Service (1975), 47. 186

Quoted by M. Mununguri, The Closeness of the God of the Ancestors (1998), 53-54. 187

E. Lapointe, "Africans' Ancestors Veneration and Christian Worship," Mission (1995), 216; Cf. J. Nxumalo,

"Zulu Christians and Ancestor Cult," in Ancestor Religion in Southern Africa (1985), 68-70.

54

ancestors is connected with God because when I pray to God, they hear, and they also help.

God to me is an ancestor, because when I have experienced good fortune I praise the

ancestors, whereas I know it is the love of God‖.

Regarding the roles of God and the ancestors, the participants tended to see the ancestors

as intermediaries between the living and God, implying that they are subject to God, ‗the most

senior ancestor (mudzimu mukuru)‘, but in a more favourable position to intercede with him

for the living. ―The ancestors can speak to God and ask things from him. They live with God.

They are always with him. They can ask things because they are nearer to God‖. ―The way to

God goes through your father. You cannot go to God if you neglect your father. If the

ancestors have turned their back on you, then even God will not bless you‖.

This might appear to be contradicting the idea that the ancestors are indirectly addressed

by implication in appeals to God, which means God can be approached through them. The

paradox involved was expressed by one participant: ―You ask from God through your

ancestors in this way: ‗God of our home, may the ancestors of our home help me‘… God and

the ancestors work together. When I say ‗God of our home‘, I connect God with the

ancestors‖. From these statements it seems the idea that God is approached through the

ancestors is just a theory because in practice God is addressed directly and the ancestors only

by implication. Here the two traditions have been adapted to each other. Whereas the

traditional Shona would not approach the Supreme Being directly, but only through the

ancestors, many Shona Christians today do not address the ancestors directly, but only bring

them in by implication in prayers to God. Their intermediary role is still maintained, however,

in that they are expected to intercede for their descendants by supporting their petitions to

God.

People never spoke about Christ in relation to the ancestors in the way they referred to

God and the ancestors working together. But when I suggested the parallel to some of them

they strongly endorsed the idea that the intercessory role of the ancestors was similar to that

of Christ. Some thought there was no difference between Jesus and the ancestors, others said

there was this difference that ‗Jesus was and still is the Son of God, and the ancestors were the

sons of people like you and me‘. Another man who, in my view, seems to have a vague idea

about the ancestors made this suggestion: ―The influence of the ancestors is confined to

friends and relatives, whereas Jesus is the intercessor for all people‖. This suggests that the

belief in Christ and belief in ancestors have significance for different contexts. On the

universal level it is accepted that Christ is the great Ancestor of the Church, but on the ground

level, in face-to-face situations, the belief in the ancestors of the family is prominent.

b. Theological analysis

In this section I would like to borrow the critical insights of Paul Gundani.188

In the first

place, the Shona Order for Burial begins with the prayer to the ancestors at the home of the

deceased (Prayer to the ancestors). Here the ancestors are invoked to receive the deceased in

the kingdom of God. As I have pointed in the previous chapter, Africans strongly believe that

one of the ancestors‘ duties is to intercede and protect the living. To the adherence of African

188

Gundani, "Christology in the Inculturated Shona Burial Ritual", 89-92

55

Traditional Religion this is acceptable.189

Again, the prayer qualified this intercessory role of

the ancestors in light of the Christian belief in communion of saints. The intercessory role of

the ancestors is being accorded only to ancestors ‗who are with God‘. This is a positive

element indeed. This underlines the Christian belief that not every dead Christian is a saint

and this also applies to the ancestors. As Kumbirai rightly said, not every ancestor is a

saint.190

After observing a kupira ceremony of the Barwe people in 1928, Denys Shropshire

made this interesting comment:

The last word used in the prayer of the rudimentary priest is ―Wokumatenga.‖ This is

not the name of an ancestor, yet curiously it appears at the end of a long list of names

of ancestors. ... At first I thought it probably had reference to some ancestor whose

name had long since been forgotten, but when I questioned the priest and a few others

I was assured by all that it referred to the Supreme Being… If this is so, the avenue to

supernatural regions is open and clear, and there is no distinct cleavage between the

worship given to the ancestors and that which is due to the divine, so that from one

they may the more easily be led and guided to the other-to a fuller knowledge of

Wokumatenga, to a firm belief in the Pure and Transcendental deity.191

However, a closer inspection of the prayer reveals a missing element that is very

important, that is, the reference to Jesus Christ.192

This makes one suspect that this is a Shona

traditional prayer that was planted in a Christian rite without any adaptation to suit the

Christian faith. This becomes clear when the prayer asks the ancestors to accompany, receive

and lead the deceased into God‘s kingdom. According to Shona traditional belief this is

palatable but it becomes a problem when it is viewed from a Christian perspective. Although

the ancestors who are with God are worthy of respect, ―to attribute to the ancestors the duty to

receive the deceased into the kingdom of God, within a Christian framework seems to be a

down right over-rating of their status‖, argues Gundani.193

Again, Jesus‘ statement that, ―No

one comes to the Father except through me‖ (John 14: 6), makes this prayer ‗unchristian‘.

Further, the prayer does not make any reference to the bereaved. According to James White,

consoling the bereaved is one of the functions of Christian funeral: ―The Christian funeral,

then, has two functions: ministry to the living and the dead, although it is impossible to

separate these‖.194

In the Shona Order for Burial, before the body leaves the funeral home or the church, there is

a special prayer to God to welcome the deceased. Here the prayer for the deceased seeks

God‘s mercy for any sins the dead may have committed through human weakness. Unlike the

first prayer that invokes the ancestors to receive the dead in God‘s kingdom, this prayer

directly implores God to receive the dead. The request is not channelled through the ancestors

but through Jesus Christ. The ancestors are mentioned as part of the communion of saints.195

189

Gundani, "Christology in the Inculturated Shona Burial Ritual", 89. 190

Daneel, Old and New, 271. 191

Shropshire, The Church and Primitive Peoples, 76-77. 192

Gundani, "Christology in the Inculturated Shona Burial Ritual", 90. 193

Gundani, "Christology in the Inculturated Shona Burial Ritual", 90. 194

White, Introduction to Christian Worship, 269. 195

Gundani, "Christology in the Inculturated Shona Burial Ritual", 90.

56

In the Shona Order for Burial, the most popular prayer is Prayer of Accompanying the

deceased. It begins with the petition for Mary to accompany the deceased to God. The petition

to the patron saint and the guardian angel of the deceased to perform the same role follows

this. Let me dwell for a while on the question of Mary and the saints. In Catholic theology,

Mary is regarded as the Mediatrix.196

The first point to note is that the word ‗mediatrix‘ or

mediator does not mean exactly the same thing when applied to Jesus Christ and to Mary. In

relation to Christ, Vatican II‘s Lumen Gentium, (Dogmatic Constitution on the Church) said: ―

We have but one Mediator, as we know from the words of the apostle: ―For there is one God,

and one Mediator between God and men, himself man, Christ Jesus, who gave himself as a

ransom for all‖ (1Tim 2: 5-6) (L.G., 60). About Mary‘s role on the other hand, the Council

wrote:

The maternal duty of Mary toward men in no way obscures or diminishes this unique

mediation of Christ‘s, but rather shows its power. For all the saving influences of the

Blessed Virgin on men…rests on His mediation, depend entirely on it …In no way do

they impede the immediate union of the faithful with Christ. Rather, they foster this

union.197

In traditional Catholic belief, the issue of Mary and the saints does not pose any

difficulties because the word worship is used analogically. There are three types of worship

according to Catholic theology: 1) Latria (a Latin word from the Greek latreia) that means

worship of adoration and is used only for God, 2) Dulia (Latin word for the Greek douleia,

slavery or state of serving). This applies to veneration of saints and, 3) Hyperdulia (again a

Latin word from Greek hyper and douleia) meaning veneration of a higher degree. Similarly,

the Catholics, although they ‗worship‘ the saints or perform cultural celebrations of the saints

and pray to them, know that these remain human beings and that they cannot be worshipped

as we worship God.198

This prayer invokes the saints, angels and ancestors to ―accompany the deceased to God‖.

This invocation is not peculiar to the Shona people. The Nyakyusa people of Tanzania have a

similar prayer where the ancestors are called upon to receive the deceased member of the

family.199

Again, it might be of interest to note that in the Jewish liturgy of atonement, or

Yom Kippur, there is an extensive memorial of Jewish ancestors from Adam to Aaron.

However, as I have mentioned above, this request does not augur well with their status. Thus,

the response ―accompany him/her to God‖ should be replaced by ―pray for him/her‖ which

could be translated either as ―munamatireiwo‖ or ―mureverereiwo‖. Again, on this prayer

Gundani argues that it does not follow traditional Shona order of intercession.200

In Shona

culture, he wrote, ―…ancestors are invoked beginning with the most junior and ending up

with the most senior, who if necessary, convey the message(s) to Mwari (the Shona High

God)‖.201

He suggests that the prayer should follow this order and start with the most junior

196

Gundani, "Christology in the Inculturated Shona Burial Ritual", 90. 197

Vat. II. LG. N. 60. 198

Mawinza, "Specific Difference between the Attitude toward the Ancestral Spirits and Worship of God," 37-

47. 199

Wilson, Rituals of Kinship among the Nyakyusa, 70. 200

Gundani, "Christology in the Inculturated Shona Burial Ritual", 91. 201

Gundani, "Christology in the Inculturated Shona Burial Ritual", 90.

57

intercessors (relatives of the deceased) and ending up with the most senior (who, in this case

is Mary). However, I think that the Shona Order for Burial prayer was structured according to

Catholic order of intercession that begins with Mary, followed by the angels and lastly the

saints. This is justifiable, in my belief, if we consider the fact that the prayer is being said

within the Christian context.

Africans believe that graves have to be magically protected from witches who may wish

to desecrate them. It is believed that witches eat the flesh of the corpses or, worse, they can

‗steal‘ the ‗spirit of the dead‘ and turn him/her against his or her relatives. This fear is

portrayed in prayer of blessing the grave.202

It has to be noted that at this point the grave is

referred to as the ‗home‘, which is a traditional Shona concept. The problem with this prayer,

a far I am concerned, is where the angels are invoked to protect the ‗home‘, excluding the

ancestors of the deceased. In Shona traditional custom it is the duty of the ancestors to protect

the family and its property.

Before the body is lowered into the grave, the priest addresses the deceased to ‗enter

his/her house (grave) and rest peacefully until the dead are raised by Christ at the end of

time‘. The theological implication of this address is highly debatable. It can easily be

mistaken for the belief in what used to be called in old Catholic theology ―limbo of the

fathers‖. This was considered as the situation of those people who had been faithful to God

before the coming of Christ. They had to wait for Christ‘s resurrection to have a share in his

glory. The issue here is not that the address is not theologically sound but that modern

theologians are not unanimous on the nature of resurrection. Some, like Karl Rahner hold the

view that resurrection takes place at the time of one‘s death.203

Others, like Joseph Ratzinger

(Benedict XVI) argue that it takes place at the end of time.204

Therefore, this address should

be removed or reformulated for theological reasons.

The last prayer after the burial is unorthodox. It starts by asking Christ to look after the

deceased and then the mourners gathered at the funeral. Attention is given to the deceased‘s

children and immediate family, surprisingly, the prayer then addresses the deceased directly

to protect and intercede for his/her family and lead them to heaven when they die. The prayer

would be theologically sound if it is addressed to Christ and to the ancestors who are with

God.

4.2 FUNDAMENTAL AREAS IN TRADITIONAL BURIAL RITUAL

In this section let me enumerate some points that the ZCBC could work out. In the first place,

let me remind ourselves that the Funeral Liturgy in the Roman Rite has been given as a model

because funeral rites do exist in different nations. Practically no country today uses the Latin

text, even in Rome. Therefore, it is clear that we should inculturate the liturgy.

a. The ritual cleansing

The preparation of the body for burial is one of the essential components of the Shona burial

ceremony. As we have seen from chapter two, it was taboo, an abominable thing, to bury the

202

Gundani, "Christology in the Inculturated Shona Burial Ritual", 91-92. 203

G. McCool, A Rahner Reader (1958), 358-360. 204

A. Nichols, The Theology of Joseph Ratzinger (1988), 175-182.

58

body without being ritually cleansed. This ritual has great significance to the Shona because it

is a sign of respect to the dead. Even today the Shona perform this ritual diligently. Although

there are commercial funeral services where professional undertakers cleanse the bodies, the

majority of the people are still performing this ritual cleansing according to traditional

custom, especially in the rural areas where this professional service is not available. Hence, I

think that it is not an over statement to argue that it will be of great service to the Shona

Christians if this ritual is christianised so that the Christian burial ceremony becomes

meaningful to the people.

b. Cooling the dead

The metaphor of 'cooling' the dead is very common in Shona funeral ceremonies where

everything is done scrupulously so as to pacify the spirit of the dead.205

This is symbolised by

placing some weeds, mahapa and nhokwe, in the grave. The purpose of this ritual is to 'soften'

the spirit of the dead and this is signified by the tenderness of the weeds. Although this ritual

is not common in urban areas, the majority of the people in the rural areas, who still have

great respect for traditional customs, cannot do away with it. How can this ritual be

Christianised or how can we incorporate this Shona idea of 'cooling' the dead in our funeral

rite?

In the New Testament the living water (that is, spring water) signifies Christ and the life

he gives. John 7: 37-38 says: "Let anyone who is thirsty come to me, and let the one who

believes in me drink. As the scripture has said, ‗Out of the believers‘ heart shall flow rivers of

living water‖. In another passage from the same Gospel Jesus said; " The water that I will give

will become in them a spring of water, gushing up to eternal life" (4:14). Further, Matthew

11:29-30 reads: "Take my yoke upon you, and learn from me, for I am gentle and humble in

heart, and you will find rest for your souls".206

Kizito Mavima sums this nicely when he

wrote:

Mahapa izvi zvinoreva rupenyu runonyorovera nokufadza zvikuru. Samahapa asingafi

nokuti ari mumvura nomufi wedu haafi kana ari munaKristu nokuti ndiye mvura

youpenyu. Mvura mhenyu. Saka mufi wedu tinoda kuti agare munyika musingafiwi.

(Water- lilies represent soft and happy life. Since the water lilies do not die because

they are in water, our dead is not dead because he/she is in Christ for Christ is the

water of life, the living Water. Therefore, we want our dead to live in a world where

death does not exist) [English translation mine].207

There are two elements that I think are important if this rite is to be Christianised properly,

namely, that (1) Christ is the one who gives eternal peace to our dead: "Peace I live with you;

my peace I give to you. I do not give to you as the world gives.‖ (John 14:27), (2) Christ is

life and gives life to all those who die believing in him: "And everyone who lives and believes

in me will never die. Do you believe this?‖ (John 11: 26).208

205

B. Muchemwa, ―Mahapa or Nhokwe: An Analysis of the Shona concept of ‗cooling‘ the dead and its

relevance in a Christian Funeral rite,‖ Crossroads (2001), 22. 206

B. Muchemwa, ―Mahapa or Nhokwe: An Analysis of the Shona concept of ‗cooling‘ the dead‖, 22. 207

Mavima, Maitiro Okuviga Vafi Vedu, 12. 208

B. Muchemwa, ―Mahapa or Nhokwe: An Analysis of the Shona concept of ‗cooling‘ the dead‖, 23.

59

c. Throwing of dust

The practice of throwing soil on the coffin is so important to the Shona Christians today that a

burial ceremony without it is a ceremony half-done. We have to ask ourselves that when

committing the dead to the earth, why the Shona say: “Uri huruva, uchadzokerazve kuhuruva

(You are dust and to dust you shall return)?

The Hebrew Scriptures have four words that have been translated 'dust' in our Bible,

namely bg (Exodus 9: 9); dg (2 Chronicles 34: 4); pr (Genesis 2: 27; 3: 19); and shg (Isaiah

41:2). The most important word for discussion is pr, which means ‗ground‘, or

'underworld'.209

Genesis 2: 7 and 3: 19 says human beings were created from 'dust', called to

till 'dust and return to 'dust' when life ends. To the Jews then the end of human life is a return

to 'dust' that is, mother-earth, out of which the body was moulded. This dust was, therefore,

the place of the dead.210

It is widely accepted by scholars that pouring dust on the dead was a demonstration of

extreme grief and pain of the individual and nation. Apart from Job 2: 12, in which Job's

friends sprinkled dust on their hands mourning the death of his children, there is no reference

in the Old Testament in which this practice was a direct reference to mourning for the dead.

The motive of this practice, says Aileen de Ward, is ―... to seek anonymity at times of

luminous portents‖.211

To get a better understanding of the concept of pouring dust onto the head, we have to go

back to the first point that pr-dust-in the Old Testament is the place of the dead. It is this dust

of the place of the dead that is put on the head, the epitome of human life. Thus, we can say

that the gesture of pouring dust on the head was an expression of rage in the face of the death

and sign of self-burial. This suggests that the act was performed with the hope that death

would not recognise the mourner. It was another way of hiding oneself from death. As de

Ward pointed out, the potency of death is felt so greatly at the death of a person that to escape

its blow one has to identify oneself with death.212

This practice as it has come down to us in the Church today is different from what we

have in the Bible. Unlike the practice in the Bible where the dust is put on the head of the

mourners, in Christian practice today dust is put on the coffin of the dead. In the Bible, the

dust is put on the heads of the mourners to show their association with the dead, and thus a

wish rather to be dead than alive in the face of death. The practice of the Church today

suggests an acceptance of death as a fact of life and not a way of bidding farewell to the dead

(kuonekana nomufi).

Thus the Church, by its practice today accepts death as the inevitable end of all humans.

However, Christians look beyond the grave as the ultimate destination of humans after death.

The Christian, today, by this practice holds that death is a reward, a means to be with Jesus

Christ. Thus death becomes a very welcome event and a gainful thing (1 Colossians 15:

Romans 8: 38 – 39). The foregoing exegetical analysis clearly shows that this practice of

throwing dust into the grave has deep significance in a burial ceremony.

209

B. Ntreh, ―Dust to Dust, Earth to Earth, Ashes to Ashes: Origins of A Christian practice‖. BETH (1996): 34. 210

C. Westermann, Genesis 1: 1: A Commentary (1984), 206. 211

Cited by Ntreh, ―Dust to Dust, Earth to Earth, Ashes to Ashes‖. 39. 212

Ntreh, ―Dust to Dust, Earth to Earth, Ashes to Ashes‖. 39.

60

d. Post-burial purification

It is common among the Shona for the mourners to wash themselves after burial. At all the

funerals I have attended both in urban and rural areas, that mourners should wash their hands

and feet at the deceased's home after burial is mandatory. The close affinity between this

Shona (African) purification ritual and the Jewish ritual as described in the Old Testament is

extraordinary. The connection between death and evil was a strong one in antiquity. The Jews

believed that evil issued from a corpse, making anyone who came into contact with a corpse

or a grave in which a corpse lay buried, unclean (Numbers 5:2). According to Jewish law such

a person was banned from entering the sanctuary, the dwelling place of God, for the stipulated

period of seven days. Further, anyone who enters a tent where there is a corpse, as well as

those in the tent at the time of death is unclean. The same applies to anything exposed to the

dead, such as the contents of a jar that has been left open.213

Now, the Jewish ritual of purification was as follows: the unclean individuals were

required to submit to a ritual of purification in which the ashes of a red heifer, mixed with

fresh water were sprinkled on them, their tents and their possessions. This was done by

someone ritually clean, not necessarily a priest on the third and seventh days. Those being

cleansed would then wash their clothes, bathe themselves, and return to the camp in the

evening of the day of purification (Numbers 9: 1-22). The person sprinkling the water would

also become unclean and would therefore wash his/her clothes and remain outside until

evening. Anyone who refused to submit to the purification ritual was excluded from the

community lest the whole community be defiled.

However, the ritual of purification that is carried out with the notion that death is

contagious is at variance with the Christian gospel. One has to take into account the New

Testament (Jesus‘) views on the issue of purification. Jesus‘ views on ritual cleanliness and

washings are revolutionary. To Jesus what defile a person are actions, the product of the

heart. Answering the questions, ―Why do your disciples not observe the laws of washing

which our tradition lays down?‖ (Matthew 15: 2), Jesus said that the most important thing in

religion is a clean heart and a loving life. In other words, the ritual washing should reflect the

state of one‘s heart, ―Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God‖ (Matthew 5: 8).

What matters to God is not so much how we act, but why we act; not so much what we

actually do, but what we wish in our hearts to do.

A Christian rite of purification should reflect these insights if it is to be accorded the extent

and depth of consideration it deserves. By washing one‘s hands and feet and purifying the

house after burial, one should actually be saying, ‗May God purify my heart from the fear of

death and from any grudge against the deceased and the bereaved. May God purify my mind

from evil thoughts and any suspicion on the cause of death‖. Paul says a ritual without inward

devotion is meaningless (Roman 2: 25-29; 1 Corinthians 7: 19; Galatians 5: 6).

In 1973 an Anglican priest E.B. Magava suggested that this traditional rite should be

allowed to continue in the Church. The following was his proposal:

This custom could be allowed to continue without the present mixture of 'leaves' and

water. The priest could say a prayer over the water before it is used for washing,

stressing not the old belief of its supposed power to drive away death and bad luck,

213

B. Muchemwa, Death and Burial (2002), 60.

61

but the washing that was done once and for all to those who are baptised. The fact that

sin, which brings death, was removed from us by the water of baptism could be

emphasized.214

Godfrey Manunga, a Congolese missionary who worked in Matebeleland region from

1993 to 1996 also suggested that:

From the ablution of tools, used for digging the grave, the Church can consider the

expressed Ndebele desire of being purified after burial. At this level, the exorcism

practice of the Church or para-liturgy for purification of the family and the family

members could be developed. There are some acceptable elements to consider in view

of genuine inculturation.215

e. Praising the dead

Among the Shona, generally speaking we say wafa wanaka (meaning a dead person is

faultless). Before the body is put into the grave it is customary to allocate time for the

speakers (vatauri) to say something good about the deceased. So when one is given time to

speak one is expected to praise the deceased. It is an abomination to criticise the deceased

whether the criticism is justified or not. This does not apply to the Shona only but in many

African tribes praise of the deceased has a formal place in the burial.216

Although the Rite of

Christian Burial discourages replacing the funeral homily with a eulogy, as I have indicated in

the first chapter, the minister or the priest conducting the burial can formalise this practice.

Examples can be given of the deceased‘s charitable works, faithfulness to the sacramental life.

As Jean van Cauwelaert suggests:

The praises which are sung in honour of the departed must express, above all, the great

religious acts of his life, his baptism, his conformation, his marriage, the numerous

Holy Communion he had received, the last Sacraments, his faith in the Redemption,

and his will to abstain from every superstitious practice at his death.217

f. Scripture readings and social needs

In African traditional society death affects the family and the community on two levels: the

spiritual (or psychological) and the social. Thus, as I have indicated in the second chapter,

traditional African funerals had a two-fold function: to create harmony between the living and

the dead, and within the family/community. At a Shona funeral the family/community elders

take the opportunity to iron out differences between family members. People who normally

do not see eye to eye are encouraged to bury their differences for the good of the family.

Today it is not unusual for the relatives of the deceased to have a post-burial family meeting

to solve a long-standing feud or problem in the family. Appropriate punishment or warning is

given to the wrong-doer. The life of the deceased is sometimes used as an example of how

one should live with others in the family.

214

E. Magava, ―African Customs Connected with the Burial of the Dead in Rhodesia,‖ in Christianity South of

the Zambezi 1 (1973), 156. 215

G. Manunga, Evangelization and Inculturation in the “Ndebele-Kalanga” Cultural Context (2001), 63. 216

J. Challancin, ―Afro-Christian Liturgy: Pastoral Suggestions,‖ AFER 1981), 333. 217

J. van Cauwelaert, J. ―Local Customs and Liturgy,‖ in Liturgy and the Mission: The Nijmegen Papers (1960),

218.

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This post-burial gathering is not only a problem-solving meeting. Unlike in the past where

the distribution of the property of the deceased and inheritance were dealt with a year after

burial, today this is done immediately after burial. At this meeting a person is appointed to fill

the gap left by the deceased in the immediate and extended family. The responsibilities of

each and every family member towards the survivors (widows, children, etc) are clearly spelt

out. This is also a ‗normalisation‘ meeting meant to reconstitute the family after the chaos

caused by death. At the post-burial meeting words of advice, reconciliation and love are

shared.

This is the dimension that I think is not getting enough attention in Shona Catholic

funerals today. The scripture passages that are read at a funeral are only focussed on the

deceased, his/her faith in Christ, good works and the resurrection of the dead. Nothing much

is said about people who accuse each other of causing the death of the deceased, who use the

death of a relative to make a fortune, or who fight over the estate of the deceased. At a funeral

the Christian community should preach the gospel of (1) reconciliation: suspicions and false

accusations should be dealt with in a Christian spirit, (2) fraternal love: people should not

disappear after burial only to reappear a year later for the memorial service. The survivors are

left alone to cope with the reality and ravages of death. In some cases the widows and orphans

resort to prostitution and street begging to fend for themselves. No one feels responsible

towards the family left behind by the deceased. Therefore, the scripture passages chosen at a

funeral should not only serve the spiritual (psychological) needs of the survivors but the social

needs as well.

In the next section I shall propose a new Shona Order for Burial that, I think is both

African and Christian in spirit, content and structure. This is not definitive but just a

framework of an inculturated burial rite. It is offered here to generate a pastoral-theological

debate that, I think, could lead to the formulation of a Shona Catholic Burial Rite that captures

not only the fundamental tenets of the Catholic faith but also the essential and noble customs

of the Shona people.

4.3 A PROPOSED SHONA ORDER FOR BURIAL RITE

i. Prayer to the ancestors (at the home of the deceased)

M= Minister A= All

On the day of burial, the faithful and other people go to the home of the deceased to pray for the soul

of the departed and to console the bereaved. They spend their time singing, praying and reading

appropriate chapters of the Bible. Since the majority of the Shona people bury their dead before

midday (sometimes in the afternoon), the final prayers for the dead usually begin at about

midmorning. The priest, or an elder of the Christian community (who is normally called a minister),

leads the prayers. The priest is normally accompanied by servers carrying the cross, holy water and

incense. The minister goes into the hut or the room where the body is lying in state and instructs the

pallbearers to carry the body outside the house/hut where s/ he begins the service with for the

following prayer.

M. My dear brothers and sisters, we are gathered here to pray for the repose of N.

who has departed from us. Let us pray with confidence to God that he will

raise up his/her mortal body to the perfection and the company of the saints

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and the ancestors in his Kingdom. In the name of the Father and of the Son and

of the Holy Spirit.

A. Amen

M. Praise be the Lord.

A. For ever and ever.

M. Lord, hear our prayers.

A. Let our prayers come before you.

A. Let us pray:

To all the ancestors who are with God! We have gathered here to commend to

you your son/daughter N. We ask you to accompany him/her safely on his/her

journey. Our Lord Jesus Christ, our Redeemer, you said, ― No one can come to

the Father except through me,‖ listen to our prayers and receive N. in God‘s

kingdom and intercede on his/her behalf. May you admit him/her to your

everlasting joys with Mary, the virgin Mother of God, with all the angels and

saints, and the ancestors who are with you forever and ever.

A. Amen.

The minister then incenses and sprinkles the body with holy water. If there is no Eucharistic service,

the minister says the following prayer or the body is taken directly to the church for the Eucharistic

service.

ii. Prayer to God (at the home of the deceased or in church) After the communion the priest, standing near the coffin, says the following prayer. If the funeral

service is being held at the home of the deceased the minister says this prayer after incensing and

sprinkling the body with holy water.

M. Give him/her eternal rest, O Lord.

A. And may perpetual light shine upon him/her.

M. May s/he rest in peace.

A. Amen.

M. Let us pray:

God of Heaven and Earth, father of mercy, we your children have gathered

here to accompany and commend your child to you. You have called him/her

from this life. Let there be no other place for him/her except with you. Receive

him/her since you are his/her creator. Forgive him/her all his/her sins and lead

him/her into your place of happiness and joy. Have mercy on him/her and do

not judge or punish him/her harshly. Lord, if you judge us according to our

faults who can survive? If you, O Lord, keep a record of our sins, our cry

would not reach you, our tears would not touch you. Our eyes are full of tears

but your heart is full of mercy. Therefore, lead your child into the happiness of

your home where s/he will be happy with all the saints, his/her forefathers,

grandfathers and grandmothers and his/her relatives. Christ our Lord, present

our petition to God the Father.

A. Amen.

iii. Prayer of accompanying the deceased To make it more meaningful to the bereaved, the minister may ask a senior member of the

deceased family to say the prayer of accompanying the deceased. In this case the paternal

and maternal family names may be included.

M. Lord, have mercy.

64

A. Lord, have mercy.

M. Christ, have mercy.

A. Christ, have mercy.

M. Lord, have mercy.

A. Lord, have mercy.

M God, the Father of Heaven.

A Have mercy on him.

M God the Son, Redeemer of the world.

A Have mercy on him.

M God the Holy Spirit.

A Have mercy on him.

M Holy Trinity, one God.

A Have mercy on him.

M. Holy Mary, Mother of God, here is your child N.

A. Pray for him/her.

M. You, his/her patron saint and you, his/her guardian angel, there is the person

who belongs to you.

A. Pray for him/her.

M. All you, angels and saints.

A. Pray for him/her.

M. You, of his/her father's lineage who are in heaven, here is your child.

A. Pray for him/her.

M. You, his/her fathers and all his/her forefathers who are in heaven, here is your

child.

A. Pray for him/her.

M. You, of his/her mother's lineage who are in heaven, here is your child.

A. Pray for him/her.

M. You, his/her maternal uncles and his/her maternal grandmothers who are in

heaven, here is your child.

A. Pray for him/her.

M. You, all his/her relatives and friends who are in heaven, here is your relative.

A. Pray for him/her.

M. Give him/her eternal rest, O Lord.

A. And may perpetual light shine upon him/her.

M. May s/he rest in peace.

A. Amen

M. Let us pray:

O God, the Creator and Redeemer of all the faithful! By your power Christ

conquered death and returned to you in glory. Grant to the soul of your servant

N. the remission of his/her sins and may s/he obtain the pardon that s/he

always desired. Since our brother/sister believed in the mysteries of our

resurrection, let him/her share the joys and blessings of the angels, saints and

all his/her relatives who are with you. We ask this through our Lord Jesus

Christ.

A. Amen.

iv. Sprinkling the body with holy water During the sprinkling of the body with holy water, the flowers and the photographs of the

deceased must be removed from the coffin except the white cloth, the cross and (if available)

the Bible. Before sprinkling the body the minister says this prayer.

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M. I sprinkle you with this water of appeasement. May this water cool down your

temper and remove all anger in you. With this water may you forgive all those

who may have wronged you. May it remove all bitterness and all feelings of

revenge you may have. May you be cleansed of all sins and the ‗dirt‘ of this

life that may still be clinging to you. May you be raised to new and everlasting

life. Through Jesus Christ our Lord.

A. Amen.

The minister goes round the coffin sprinkling it with holy water.

M. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and the Holy Spirit.

A. Amen

v. Blessing with incense

M. I incense you with the smoke of heaven. May this smoke be a sign of the new

life you now enjoy with Christ, the saints and all your ancestors who are with

God. With this smoke we pray that God may protect you from the kingdom of

darkness and admit you into the splendour of his kingdom of light.

A. Amen

The minister again goes round the coffin incensing it.

M. In the name of the Father, and the Son and of the Holy Spirit

A. Amen

After incensing the coffin, the minister should give time or invite a few selected people to say a word

about the deceased. Here the discourse should be different from a Christian sermon but may clarify

the deceased’s position in the Christian community (or in his/her family), describe his/her work in the

society or may just be a word of condolence to the widow (or widower), the children and to close

relatives.

vi. Procession to the cemetery The people then proceed to the cemetery singing hymns or praying the rosary or the litany of all the

saints or some other prayers for the dead.

vii. At the grave The coffin is placed near the grave. The minister may read a passage from the Bible and preach on it.

The blessing of the grave follows this sermon. The Church blesses the grave before burial because the

grave is a resting place of a body waiting for the resurrection, and for the Christians, a grave (or

cemetery) is a continuous reminder of God’s eternal glory.

M. Blessed be the name of the Lord

A. Now and for ever

M. Let us pray:

Almighty God, this is the house of rest of your child N. where we are laying

him/her. Protect it from his/her enemies and from all evil spirits. We ask you to

send your angels to guard it. Our Mother Mary, all the saints and the ancestors

who are in heaven, we commit this house into your care. We ask this through

Jesus Christ our Lord.

A. Amen.

M. I sprinkle this house with holy water so that it is protected and sanctified

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by God, in the name of the Father, and of the Son and the Holy Spirit.

A. Amen.

The minister then sprinkles the grave with holy water

M. I incense this house with holy incense so that it is protected and sanctified by

God, in the name of the Father, and of the Son and the Holy Spirit.

A. Amen

After this the grave is then incensed as a suitable hymn is sung.

a. Blessing the cross It is appropriate for the minister to start this ritual by explaining the meaning of the cross in the

Christian sense. The cross symbolises redemption and the resurrection. Since pre-Christian times, it

has been a custom to mark the place of burial by the erection of a grave mound. The Church has

adopted this tradition, beatifying the grave mound with the victorious sign of our salvation - the

Cross-, which may be depicted on the gravestone or elevated over it. It was originally placed at the

feet of the buried Christian, so that he/she would be facing the crucifix. Today it is placed at the head

of the dead to signify the mark of the cross that is made on the head during baptism. The minister then

asks one of the pallbearers to bring the cross that will be placed on the grave and blesses it saying:

M. Lord Jesus Christ, by your death on the cross and resurrection from the dead,

you conquered death and brought us to life. Bless this cross we shall place on

this grave that it may be a sign of our redemption. May our beloved N. and all

those who die believing in you be raised up in your glory.

A. Amen.

The minister sprinkles the cross with holy water. After this s/he makes the sign of the cross over the

grave using this cross, starting from the head, the middle and then the feet saying:

M. In the name of the Father, and of the Son and the Holy Spirit.

A. Amen.

b. The burial The minister then instructs the pallbearers to lower the body in the grave whilst people are singing

appropriate hymns. Then he says:

M. Give him/her eternal rest, O Lord

A. And may perpetual light shine on him/her forever.

M. May s/he rest in peace.

A. Amen.

M. Let us pray:

Lord Jesus, our life, our resurrection and our way to heaven. We entrust our

brother/sister to your mercy, whom you have called from this life. Through

your death and resurrection you opened the gates of heaven for those who

believe in you. Welcome him/her into paradise where, in the company of your

saints and his/her ancestors, will live forever. Lord, protect the family s/he has

left behind. Be their source of consolation during this time of sorrow,

compassion and strength during tribulations and their refuge in every

adversity. Protect this family from the spirit of false accusation, suspicion and

division. Send your Holy Spirit, the Consoler, that they may come to terms

with this tragedy and accept death as the beginning of new life in you. Who

lives and reigns forever and ever.

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A. Amen

c. Throwing dust into the grave Among the Shona, especially the Zezuru, it is a tradition that water lilies or reeds are thrown into the

grave after the body had been put into the grave for the reason I have in chapter two. Depending upon

the custom of the area, the minister may offer holy water to the relatives of the deceased who are

present so that they may pour holy water upon the coffin in the grave. After this the minister proceeds

to the ritual of throwing soil into on the coffin in the grave. It is important to note that the practice of

throwing soil on the head probably developed from the Jewish practice of throwing dust on the head

of the mourner. It was a demonstration of extreme grief and pain. The Christian practice is an

acceptance of death as the inevitable end of all human beings, a symbol of human mortality. The

minister may give a short homily on the biblical meaning of dust or read a short passage from the

scriptures. During this ritual the people should be silent as the minister says the following prayer.

M. We were created by God out of dust,

and fashioned out of his image.

He gave us his spirit that is life itself.

By his will, dust returns to dust, where it came from,

the spirit returns to him, the source of life.

At this hour we commit our brother/sister to the earth.

We bid him/her farewell and wish him/her a safe journey home.

We have accompanied him/her to his/her new home.

We have seen death face to face.

We have come in contact with the dust of the dead.

We have become part of the dead.

As we sprinkle dust upon his/her body,

we remember our frailty, weakness and the shortness of our life.

We are reminded of death that comes like a thief.

We are reminded of sin and the need for repentance.

We are afraid of death and the judgement to come.

Through sin we return to dust,

through repentance and God‘s mercy, we are raised to new life.

Go, forth, Christian soul, from this world,

in the name of God the Almighty Father,

who created you,

in the name of Jesus Christ,

who redeemed you,

in the name of the Holy Spirit,

who sanctified you.

May you rest in peace,

with all the saints,

and all your ancestors in heaven,

and be admitted into the company of the blessed.

A. Amen.

The minister then instructs the mourners to throw soil in the grave starting with the close relatives of

the dead. During this ritual an appropriate hymn is sung. Before the grave is filled with soil people

are allowed to say a few words about the deceased or to make some announcements about the rest of

the funeral programme. After the grave has been filled with soil, people proceed to the home of the

deceased.

viii. Purification of the mourners

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At the home of the deceased, a bowl or bucket of water is brought outside and the people gather round

it with the minister at the centre. Shrubs to be used as sprinklers are brought forward. Depending

upon the circumstances, the minister may say a few words to instruct the people on the significance of

this ritual. The minister, if s/he is a priest, then blesses the water. If the minister is not a priest and

there is water that had been blessed already, the minister says the following prayer omitting the

underlined words.

M. Our help is in the name of the Lord

A. Who created heaven and earth

M. Let us pray:

Lord Jesus Christ, we ask you to bless the water we have before us. (+) Give

this water the power to wash from all of us fear of death. As we wash ourselves

with this water, we pray that you may remove from us all suspicions of

witchcraft and sorcery, false accusations and any grudge we may have against

each other and the deceased. Soothe all grief-stricken hearts and injured

feelings. With this water heal the divisions and the chaos that may have been

caused by this death and help us to start a new life. May you purify our hearts

and minds of all ill feelings. May this water bring reconciliation and enable us

to build a new community. We make this prayer through Jesus Christ our Lord.

A. Amen.

After the prayer the minister sprinkles all the mourners with holy water or leave the mourners to wash

their feet instead.

a. Purification of the deceased’s house/hut After the purification of the mourners, the minister then goes to the house/hut where the deceased

stayed during his/her last days. A senior member of the deceased’s family should be reminded to put

the personal belongings of the deceased together. The minister stands at the door and says.

M. Our help is in the name of the Lord.

A. Who created heaven and earth.

M. Let us pray:

Our Lord Jesus Christ, by your death and resurrection you defeated the power

of evil. We ask you to purify this property and the house in which your child N.

lived. Purify it of all evil spirits. All the ancestors who are with God protect

your children and all who live here from all sickness, afflictions and

nightmares. We make this prayer through Christ our Lord.

A. Amen.

M. Lord, may you send your Holy Spirit to dwell in this house to console those who

have lost their beloved one. May this holy water give them strength during this

time of loss. Who lives and reigns forever and ever.

A. Amen.

The minister then goes into the house/hut accompanied by assistants/servers and close relatives of the

deceased and sprinkles it with holy water whilst the rest stay outside.

M. In the name of the Father, and the Son and the Holy Spirit.

A. Amen.

M. I incense this house/hut so that the Spirit of the Lord may dwell in it. May this

incense chase away all harmful spirits and liberate you from the fear of death.

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The minister then repeats the same procedure when incensing the house/hut.

ix. Conclusion of the rite If the presiding minister is a priest he concludes with the following blessing or any other form of

blessing. He stands at the door of the hut/house facing the people.

M. The Lord be with you.

A. And also with you.

M. May the almighty God of our ancestors bless you, the Father, and the Son, and

the Holy Spirit.

The people are invited to leave.

M. Go in the peace of Christ.

A. Thanks be to God.

If the minister is not a priest he concludes the rite as follows:

M. The Lord bless us, and console us and keep us from all evil thoughts, and bring

us to everlasting life.

CONCLUSION

In my view the Shona burial rite formulated by Joseph Kumbirai is one of the most beautiful

rites that one can find in sub-Saharan Africa. Its structure appears to be beyond all criticism

and the sentiments expressed in its prayers reflect the Shona beliefs of the dead. It is not

surprising that it has received positive appraisal from theologians in the sub-Saharan region. It

is regarded as one of the models of liturgical inculturation that takes into account the culture

of the people whilst maintaining its ‗Roman‘ flavour. However, I feel that the Shona Order for

Burial needs to be improved by incorporating the most important elements that characterise

the traditional Shona burial ceremony. My argument is that the Shona burial rite in use in

Zimbabwe at present does not satisfy the peoples‘ need to exorcise the fear of death from the

bereaved family, effect the smooth transition of the dead to the world of the spirits and to

rebuild the bereaved family after the chaos caused by death. There is more to be done in this

process of inculturation of the funeral liturgy and this is just the beginning. I hope this

research will inspire the pastoral workers to look into ways how this project can be

completed.

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GENERAL Conclusion

The theology of inculturation that I am proposing in this essay is not a kachasu or chikokiyani

type of inculturation. Kachasu is a cocktail of methylated spirit, calcium carbide, tobacco,

fertiliser, brown sugar, yeast, and so on, that is brewed and consumed in most high density

suburbs in Zimbabwe. In colonial Rhodesia, blacks were not allowed to drink the high-quality

and well-brewed European beer. Now, as migrant workers, far away from the rural areas, the

blacks were not able to make the traditional beer that required seven days of intensive

brewing. Faced with such dilemma the blacks resorted to the cheap, illicit but highly toxic

kachasu that can take only a few hours to brew.

Kachasu is an attempt by the poor black people to do away with European culture and to

revive the traditional customs. But without the necessary ingredients and a system of quality

71

control, what came out of this ‗innovation‘ was neither African nor European. The quality,

taste and the level of intoxication is something out of this world, a new product altogether, a

drug. Therefore, kachasu is an offspring of the ghetto slums that came about as a result of

European pressure.

If inculturation is the haphazard revival of African traditions and customs then it is a

psychological retreat before European pressure, a drug, kachasu/chikokiyani. If inculturation

is characterised by a process of pick and choose, retaining one thing and discarding another,

then it is kachasu, highly toxic. Kachasu was a quick-fix type of drink that ignored all the

standards and methods of brewing and compromised the quality of the final product. A

kachasu type of inculturation is not only an irrational mixture of African and Christian values,

but also something that is neither African nor Christian.

If inculturation is not to be kachasu then it should be an organic process that takes into

account the whole pattern of African or Shona life and culture. Shona life, or African life, is

essentially religious, the African thoughts and actions are permeated with religion. A well-

brewed, high-quality, inculturated Shona Christianity then in an intelligent integration into

modern life what seems valuable from the past. There are many neutral customs and practices

in Shona society, traditional and modern, which have a hidden religious meaning and

character. What this means is that there should be a positive effort on the part of the modern

Shona to identify which values are distinctively Shona, renew and use them as the basis for

building a genuinely indigenous Shona Church. This positive process is not kachasu, but may

be called ‗Shonalisation‘. It is the assimilation of those elements which modern African

church demands, and in this process the elements are so transformed and adapted that a well-

brewed, high-quality inculturated Shona Christianity emerges out of it.

There are many reasons why people, especially the laity, resort to a kachasu type of

inculturation. Let me point out some of them:

1. The clergy who should have the knowledge about Christian doctrine and practice are not

committed to the cause of inculturation. Those who should be in charge of the brewing

process are not the laity but the clergy. If the laity led the whole process there is a danger

of having a kachasu/chikokiyani type of Christianity, which is mediocre and shallow in

doctrine and practice.

2. Another problem is ignorance of cultural issues. The clergy either do not know or do not

understand our cultural heritage or are just ignore them in favour of western ideology.

Issues about midzimu (ancestor spirits), kurova guva, birth, marriage death etc, are

relegated to the background or simply classified as ‗diabolic‘.

3. In the Catholic Church in Zimbabwe the biggest problem is procrastination whose cousin

is complacency. The clergy always talk and sing about inculturation but we never begin

the process. Surely the blame lies heavily on them that nothing practically has been

achieved. Are they waiting for a time when perfection would come, or when the best

brains would handle the subject? Or should they wait until the Roman rite of burial

handed to us from ages and successively reformed is revised again by Rome itself? If we

are afraid of making mistakes then we should remember that the person who never goes

wrong is the person who has never been born. The journey of a hundred mile starts with

one step.

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Lastly, the challenge before all Africans is to create a traditionalised Christianity that will

permeate all aspects of African life so that there may not be a dichotomy between the sacred

and the secular. The task of all believers is to eliminate conflict that now exists among

African Christian faithful who try to live the Gospel values on the one hand and the traditional

practices on the other. Inter-faith dialogue should have its roots deep in local communities,

and move upward through the parish, diocesan and national levels. Few dioceses in

Zimbabwe have put in place special commissions charged with matters of culture. On the

national level there are such bodies whose function is sporadic and mainly in response to

explosive crisis- situations. The prevailing pastoral exigencies in Africa demand a much more

spirited and well co-ordinated programme involving the clergy, religious and lay members of

the Church that should aim at the systematic understanding of different aspects of the

traditional religious culture and life, especially death and burial rites. Such an exercise that

clearly arises from the inherent logic of the Gospel itself and reiterated in our age by the

teachings of Vatican II, is a fundamental prerequisite to any relevant and lasting catechesis

and inculturation of the Christian faith in Africa.

Appendix 1 Glossary of Shona Words & Phrases

1. Chema, zvimiti Gifts given at a funeral as a sign of grief.

2. Donhodzo A cooling or appeasing agent

(kutonhodza-to cool).

3. Dunzvi, muzukuru Male nephew, family of the son-in-law;

vazukuru (plural).

4. Garadziva Water lilies.

5. Gudza, gondo Traditional blanket made of cowhide.

6. Hwanyanza, banda A stretcher bed made of poles.

7. Itsika yedu It is our culture/custom/tradition

8. Imba House

9. Kandiro kanoenda kunobva Kamwe One good turn deserves another.

10. Kuchema To cry, wail.

11. Kudzana ngoma yorufu To beat a drum of death.

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12. Kukanda ivhu To throw the soil (into the grave). (ivhu-

soil).

13. Kuonekana nomufi To bid farewell to the dead.

14. Kupira, kusuma To offer something.

15. Kurasa rushanga To cast away misfortune.

16. Kurunga mudzimu To (‗salt‘) arouse the anger of the

ancestors. (kurunga- to put salt on

something).

17. Kusiyiwa muguva To be left in the grave.

18. Kutema rukarwa To cut the first sod at a site where a grave

is to be dug.

19. Kwenje, tsuri One note wooden flute that is played

continuously.

20. Mahapa Flower gold

21. Mbanda A shrub that has a pungent smell (tagetes

minuta-black jack grass).

22. Midzimu Ancestors (plural); mudzimu (singular)

23. Mubani Wet ground.

24. Mudona A fig tree that is rich in latex. (Ficus

stuhlmannii).

25. Mudzimu mukuru The most senior ancestor.

26. Mukarati, munhondo Burkea Africana

27. Mukuwasha Son-in-law.

28. Munamatireiwo, mureverereiwo Pray/intercede for him/her

29. Mupfuti Brachystegia boehmii

30. Musasa A temporary shelter or hut

31. Mutarara Small tree with hard wood. (Gardenia

jovis-tonantis).

32. Musosawafa, chizhuzhu Gymnosporoia senegalensis

33. Muswowabeto Asparagus fern

34. Muvheneki Undertaker, one who leads the way.

35. Mwari wemadzibaba edu God of our forefathers (Mwari – God)

36. Mweya Spirit, soul.

37. N’anga Traditional (indigenous) healer.

38. Nhokwe A type of river-grass, (Scirpus

inclinatus).

39. Nhope Unfermented beer.

40. Ngoma yehokero A traditional death- warning drum.

(ngoma- drum; hokero- to invite).

41. Ngozi An avenging spirit.

42. Nyadenga The Heavenly One, God

43. Pfungaidzo, manhuwanhuwa Smoke that irritates the eyes.

44. Rupasa A sleeping mat made from split reeds.

45. Sahwira Ritual friend

46. Tsapata rukukwe hazvienzane Even a badly worn out mat is better to

nokurara pasi sleep on than sleeping on

bare floor. (Shona proverb).

47. Uri huruva, uchadzokerazve kuhuruva ‗You are dust and to dust you shall

return‘

48. Varoyi Witches (singular: muroyi- a witch).

74

49. Vatauri Speakers (kutaura – to speak).

50. Wafa Wanaka ‗A dead person is faultless‘.

51. Watishora You have despised us.

52. Zumbani A shrub that has a fragrant smell. Its

leaves are also used to prepare a cough

mixture. (Lippia javanica).

Appendix 2 Shona Proverbs on Death

1. Rufu runoudzwa mombe, rukaudzwa munhu anotiza/Chinonzi ifa imombe, munhu anotiza.

Death can be announced to an ox, if is announced to a person he/she runs away.

2. Munhu anonzi gara tidye, kwete kuti gara tife. A person is asked to wait for food, not for

death.

3. Hapana mutunhu usina guva? Hapana nyika isina rinda. There is no region without a

grave.

4. Shure kweguva hakuna muteuro/Kutsi kweguva hakuna munamato. Beyond the grave

there is no prayer (offering).

5. Kufa kwehanga, mazai anoparara. When a guinea fowl dies her eggs also perish.

6. Rufu haruna nzira/Rufu haruna gwanza. Death has no (defined) path.

7. Rufu hauna n’anga. Death needs no diviner.

8. Mubayiro wezvivi rufu. The reward of sin is death.

75

9. Mwene worufu anoonekwa nebaravara. The relative of a dead person is recognised by

his/her shaved head.

10. Rufu runita wegondo, runotora nhiyo richisiya mai vachichema. Death is like an eagle

that takes a chick leaving the mother hen mourning.

11. Murwere anofa nebota rake. The sick person chooses to die with his thin porridge.

12. Vakafa vakazorora. The deceased are (now) resting in peace.

13. Rufu haruwaridzirwi nhoo/bonde. For death, no mat is spread.

14. Rufu haruzuvusi. Death does not give a warning.

15. Pasi hapaguti, panodya zvakakomba/Ivhu hariguti. The soil is never satisfied, hence it

swallows even important people.

16. Rufu haruna ishe. Death knows no chief.

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