The White HouseAttn: Dr. Barack Obama J.D. Esq.President of the United States1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NWWashington, DC 20500

Dear President Obama,

Our family comes before you today, having futilely written your predecessor in 1989, to place upon you, and this nation, the responsibility not just for this innocent family’s destruction at the hands of criminal ideologues acting under color of law, but for all of the good and decent people of Latin America where the national fabric of our societies has been devastated as a direct consequence of the black market legislated into existence by the Acts of the Congress of the United States. The legislature of the United States had extensive experience with the tragic consequences of black markets since at least Prohibition and Al Capone’s Chicago, your own hometown, except this time the victims are not predominantly white nor represented in Congress while some ethnic groups actually profit economically and politically at the expense of the destruction wrought upon the living environment of other ethnic groups in America and innocent citizens in countries like Colombia and Mexico which have paid the bloody price over and over again.

The reason this burden has been placed upon this family is because we have lost more than most in this farcical situation whereby in order to prevent somebody from using a substance that is harmful but hardly as lethal as cigarettes, people’s lives need to be destroyed and the funding of all kinds of massacres are justified; absurd. Our family owned and operated ships in the Caribbean city of Cartagena since the early 1950s. Our ships plied the fluvial and maritime waters of Colombia and the Caribbean engaged in legitimate commerce, for clients such as Cementos del Caribe S.A. (http://www.argos.com.co) and the Colombian government (http://www.maritimasjustice.blogspot.com). They called on American ports primarily to transport raw material for Monomeros Colombo-Venezolanos (http://www.monomeros.com/), a chemical manufacturer headquartered in our, by the early 1970s, hometown of Barranquila, Colombia. Our city was the most peaceful place imaginable with only a few murders per year, crimes of passion mostly really, and our land was fertile and bountiful.

As the 1970s came to a close, the black market created by legislation of the Congress of the United States and implemented domestically and internationally (http://www.tni.org/detail_page.phtml?page=drugscoca-docs_coca - who) by the executive branch for which you now are responsible for, President Obama, became the first man made life and death peril our ships, our office staff, our crew, our company, and our family had ever faced. At first, the phenomena manifested itself as lower ranked crewmembers detained while on shore leave with small quantities of cocaine in the early 1980s and our company, Maritimas Internacionales Limitada (Maritimas), being fined for something we were never able to control as a ship has many possible hiding places, the kind of profits associated with this behavior corrupted many, and security on Colombia’s docks was non-existent; we did, however, hire a private security firm to help with controlling these incidents. Then, sometime around 1983 or 1984, U.S. Customs Service agent Victor Thompson, based out of the U.S. Customs Service Tampa office, a regular port of call for our ships for decades by then, contacted Julio Zakzuk; this man had already investigated the Zakzuk family as he stated that he was aware we were not involved in the drug trafficking on board our ships but he requested, in the name of the U.S. government, the cooperation of our company against “those who would poison American youth”. Julio Zakzuk agreed to cooperate as any decent person would and visited the Tampa offices of the United States Customs Service in 1983 or 1984 at the request of U.S. Customs Service agent Victor Thompson ; according to the testimony of one of our captains, Captain Carlos Rubio (whom we have finally found after 5 years of searching), Victor Thompson was the U.S. Customs official who regularly inspected the Don Alejo upon its arrival at the Port of Tampa during the early 1980s.

The scope of the cooperation rendered to the United States Customs Service included, but was not limited to:

A network of observers at all Colombian ports; Julio Zakzuk and family were the oldest and biggest private ship owning enterprise in Colombia and knew the industry and its key aspects in a way which must have been very valuable to the United States Customs Service. These observers were tasked with photographing and reporting on all ships leaving Colombian ports for years; this activity went on for years.

All three of our ships, the Don Julio, the Don Alejo, and the Don Nicky were outfitted with hidden remote tracking devices supplied and installed by

the U.S Customs Service in order to be able to know exactly where our ships were at every moment; this too went on for years.

Undercover U.S. Customs Service agents were assigned to fictitious duties on board our ships, even placed on the payroll, in order to observe and report any illegal activities onboard, as well as participate in the entrapment of Colombian traffickers. This went on for years and on one occasion one of the undercover agents was discovered and was about to be assassinated; he appeared at the doorstep of our Barranquilla home in the middle of the night and Julio Zakzuk saved his life by getting him out of the country.

Julio Zakzuk, at the request of U.S. Customs Service agent Victor Thompson, would carry out the entrapment of drug traffickers, which he would approach, trick into placing their narcotics on our ships, and help capture them in the United States as they attempted to claim their cocaine or the cocaine was handed over to U.S. Customs upon arrival of the ship. We can document many such operations through the testimonies of Captain Rubio and Yolanda de Zakzuk who herself witnessed the mid-April 1987 arrest resulting from one of these entrapment schemes on the Miami River.

We believe that this conduct in and of itself was completely out of line, ethically and morally, and the only explanation we can come to as to why Julio Zakzuk would agree to such a dangerous request is that the inevitable violence that accompanies black markets, as your own hometown of Chicago suffered during that tragic American experiment with Prohibition, had not yet reached the epic proportions it did in 1987 as Pablo Escobar battled other drug families, extradition, and the governments of the United States and Colombia. Other factors that surely must have influenced this fateful decision, and which at the same time also gave U.S. Customs leverage when soliciting cooperation from foreign ship owners, were the changes in the law introduced by the Congress of the United States in 1984 which became progressively more controversial and ideologically driven culminating with U.S. Customs Commissioner William von Raab’s discretionary policy of “zero tolerance” during the summer of 1988 (our Don Alejo was seized in the midst of this ideological sophistry and feeding frenzy), as chronicled by the Journal of Commerce on January 2, 1987:

“…new tougher law renders a ship or aircraft subject to seizure simply if unmanifested illegal drugs are found.”

“Until October, US Customs could seize vessels only if the district director had evidence the line was intentionally involved in the smuggling.” “Despite the toughened law, which also boosted the fines to $1,000 from $50 an ounce of cocaine seized and to $500 from $25 an ounce of marijuana”

A few years later, United States 9th Circuit Judge Reinhardt:

REINHARDT, Circuit Judge, concurring:15

I concur in the result. Although I believe that Commissioner von Raab's zero tolerance policy was arbitrary and capricious and served to deny innocent persons their constitutional rights

The other factor we know must have served Mr. Thompson well was his simplistic and Manichean cry,” They are poisoning American youth”; Julio Zakzuk, who had been cigarette and liquor free since the age of 25 and an avid sports fan, provided many career opportunities in sports and financially sponsored, in toto, 3 professional baseball teams, was the Colombia National Baseball federation President, supported boxing, asylums for the old, little league teams in lower income neighborhoods as well as at the country club, was the Danish Consul in Barranquilla for 20 years, was knighted by the Queen of Denmark in 1986, and like any other decent but misguided and uninformed citizen believed U.S. Customs agent Victor Thompson’s simplistic way of framing the issue: “We are the good guys”. Julio Zakzuk’s reputation was such that he did business transactions worth millions routinely with only a handshake; a different time, place, and culture than modern day America, and we charge that this U.S. Customs agent took advantage of his naïveté and good faith.

The first sign that foreshadowed the danger that was to come in this destructive and parasitic relationship our family and our ships found ourselves entangled with your government, President Obama, that we can document, is the incident recorded in Captain Carlos Rubio’s testimony (we have recently found Captain Rubio who has been able to piece together for us the Don Julio’s Bahamas incident and other details). He testifies that a drug trafficker, who had been duped by Julio Zakzuk into placing 30 kilos of cocaine onboard our ship and which were given to U.S. Customs upon the

ship’s arrival in the United States, was not captured by U.S. Customs nor where any headlines of the cocaine seizure published; the result is that Julio Zakzuk is almost assassinated in his own office except he was able to calm this man down (who can be found even now) by writing him a check for his lost cocaine, in dollars, from one of our U.S. based banking accounts. (We have hired an investigator firm to find our decades long banker, Pamela Cherrington, from 1970s Pan American Bank, and when she transferred to the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, we followed) President Obama, we want to see proof that U.S. Customs reimbursed Julio Zakzuk for this loss and of what happened to that cocaine given to U.S. Customs.

We would also like to know exactly who was supervising this agent as he devised his schemes, which almost got Julio Zakzuk killed and if there was any realization of the danger they were placing our family in as the your government not only exposed us to the violent drug trafficking community in Colombia as collaborators of American drug law enforcement, a death penalty on its own, but at the same time the actions of the federal government were closing off all the traditional trafficking routes through the blanket radar coverage of the Florida peninsula (through which 75% of the cocaine entered the country, 80% of which belonged to the Medellin Cartel according the DEA spokesman Tom Cash), seizing thousands of boats, and dozens of ships forcing drug traffickers to turn even more to commercial shipping, such as ours. The result was, where before our ships had been stalked by low level drug traffickers for years, now they were squarely between the Cartels, and many other trafficking groups in our own hometown, and their billion dollar market in the United States, as documented by the Miami Herald, the Journal of Commerce, and many other news organizations while reporting on the exponential rise in number of cocaine seizures on board commercial carriers.

CREW HELD ON DRUG CHARGESMiami Herald, The (FL)October 18, 1986Section: LOCALEdition: FINALPage: 2B“Agents on the lookout for cocaine shipments on commercial vessels” “Customs agents have been watching for cocaine shipments on commercial vessels for the past month, O'Brien said. Agents reasoned that recent Coast Guard and Customs successes in seizing smugglers' boats coming in from Colombia and the Bahamas would force smugglers to turn to commercial vessels”, he said.

"We put a real effort into freighters and their cargos," he said.

HEAT IS ON, BUT DRUG CARTEL SEEMS INVINCIBLEMiami Herald, The (FL)November 29, 1987Section: FRONTEdition: FINALPage: 1AMemo: THE MEDELLIN CARTEL: America's Cocaine Connection; firstof six; see description of series at end of text. “By late this year, it was clear that the war against cocaine had evolved once again. In Operation Beacon, U.S. Customs agents crushed a cartel air-and-sea transport group that had developed an infrared/radio beacon for cocaine loads, what Customs called "the most sophisticated methods yet seen." The problem was, these methods were already obsolete.They had been replaced by a simpler, but more effective, scheme -- smuggling through commercial cargo.In rapid succession over the past 14 months, three record cocaine loads were found ingeniously hidden in legitimate cargo containers arriving from South and Central America -- 6,900 pounds in a furniture shipment in West Palm Beach, 5,487 pounds in a tropical fruit shipment in Chicago and 8,052 pounds inside hollowed-out mahogany boards in Miami.Although the seizures were unprecedented, they were mere grains of sand in the great stream of cargo imported from South America.”“Ochoa was responsible for protection and bribes; Escobar handled production and transportation.”

This strategic environment directly caused the following situation: on a spring 1987 voyage of the Don Alejo, a sizeable amount of cocaine was found during a routine mid-voyage inspection; an official Act was recorded in the ship’s log, the cocaine was dissolved in oil drums and dumped overboard, and the ship continued its voyage to the United States. Following the ship’s return to Colombia, Julio Zakzuk received an appointment request from then Colombian Senator Luis Lorduy Lorduy, which he granted. Unbeknownst to Julio Zakzuk, the owner of the cocaine thrown overboard came to this meeting, and after attempting to recruit Julio Zakzuk to his drug trafficking activities and being rebuffed, finally identified himself as Victor Anichiarico (Pablo Escobar’s man in our hometown of Barranquilla), pronounced us as financially responsible for the cocaine thrown overboard (he even knew the coordinates of where the cocaine had been destroyed), and informed us that, should we not accede to his demand for payment, our family was dead. (See Graphic Context page on website for graphic context of this man’s bloody reign in Barranquilla). This incident occurred the week of April 6-10th, 1987; that Sunday night, April 12th, 1987, Victor

Anichiarico, the drug trafficker who owned the cocaine, along with his Colombian Senator facilitator, accosted Julio Zakzuk, Yolanda de Zakzuk, and their teenage children while they were waiting for carryout at a local restaurant. The situation did not degenerate into their assassination because it was in the middle of the street as he had backed his Mercedes Benz behind ours and threatened our lives; the next day, April 13, 1987, as immigration records can prove, we all fled to Miami.

Upon our arrival to Miami, that same week at the Miami River, Julio Zakzuk assists U.S. Customs agents in capturing cocaine traffickers that had been targeted in one of Mr. Thompson’s drug stings onboard the Don Julio.

For the first time since the 1950s our enterprise was left without the supervision of the pillar of our family and our company: Julio Zakzuk.On May 16, 1987, one month later, Julio Zakzuk attempted to reenter Colombia incognito, flying from Miami to Bogota and then to Barranquilla. The precautions were for naught as the drug traffickers had bribed our gardener (who by then was working next door at the Londono house) into informing of any sightings of Julio Zakzuk, which he did on that same night as he arrived at our home in Barranquilla. This man, Ariel Villareal, a Venezuelan national, was also the one who opened the door for the traffickers to come in and torture Julio Zakzuk and steal what they could to compensate themselves for the loss of their cocaine. (See related Police Report at the Web site). The information about his involvement came from the interrogation all household employees were subjected to by Colombian National Police, which then raided Mr. Anichiarico’s house in search of the valuables taken with no success. What they did find was more than a dozen machine guns with permits signed by a general of the Colombian army in Bogota.

As recorded officially by the 5th Notary of Barranquilla, Colombia, on May 21st, Julio Zakzuk reorganized our enterprise by removing the management in place and naming two of his sons to positions of authority: Alejandro Zakzuk, Julio’s first born from his first wife, and Carlos Zakzuk. We had already had problems with lower level office staff filtering the true destinations of our ships to drug traffickers who by then had learned that the destination reports given to port authorities, such as Admiral Ciro Fernandez at the Port of Barranquilla offices, were purposefully being falsified to throw off drug traffickers. That same week, U.S. immigration records can prove, Julio Zakzuk entered the United States for a yearlong exile in Miami and our

ships were left in the hands of a fallible ad hoc management because of circumstances created by your own legislation.

And then, just weeks later, the U.S. Coast Guard cutter Bear, on June 3, 1987, seizes the Don Julio in international waters, and after removing the U.S. Customs undercover agent posing as the oiler on our ship (a Mr. Jorge Lozano of Ecuadorian nationality) and questioning the crew, the Coast Guard is given orders to turn us over to the Bahamian authorities and accuse us of drug trafficking; as if placing us in the crosshairs of drug traffickers and directly causing Julio Zakzuk’s torture and exile, exactly when we needed the “good guys”, the government you now lead decides we are more of a liability than an asset and decide to destroy our ship, which they succeed in doing as the Bahamian attorney reports (see www.LetItBeKnown.org). The ship was seized in international waters not in Bahamian territorial waters and without the knowledge or permission of the Bahamas, as stated to the press by the U.S. Coast Guard. Indeed, Mr. President, in a separate interview on this incident to the Miami Herald it clearly states:

June 5, 1987Section: LOCALEdition: FINALPage: 4C

COAST GUARD SEIZES 64 TONS OF POTJEFF LEEN Herald Staff Writer

“The tip that broke the case came from the National Narcotics Border Interdiction System, which coordinates drug intelligence information among several federal agencies, Diaz said.”

This confirms our crew’s testimony which testify that our ship and the Coast guard cutter Bear were located closer to the island of Bimini, 50 miles from Miami and still in international waters, by Friday June 5th, 1987, slowly on its way to Miami federal court when suddenly the Bear turns around and starts navigating eastward. Minutes later they are informed that they are to be taken to Nassau to be charged domestically by the Bahamians under domestic drug trafficking charges. Standard practice, as reported by many news organizations, was that ships and vessels of all types were

brought back and forfeited by the self-financing federal law enforcement agencies in order to keep the proceeds of the sale.

The other reason we believe we were denied American standards of justice was that your government also must have wished to prevent our plight and scandalous circumstances from entering American jurisprudence where such a legal precedent would have ended up creating many future difficulties for U.S. Attorneys in “civil forfeiture” proceedings; this is no small detail because one of the most valuable forfeitures U.S. Customs could make was the that of a foreign ship owner’s property, as the fact that the most absurd forfeiture “laws” (deodand, in rem) have mostly been confined to the admiralty laws proves.

What’s even more perverse, Mr. President, is the fact that the 5 kilos of cocaine our crew and ship were charged with, later struck down by the Magistrate, belonged to the U.S. Customs undercover agent and incriminating us with it is a criminal act against our property and the well being of the Colombian crew for which we hereby legally petition you to compel transparency and accountability for government actions by ordering the U.S. Customs Service to comply with our multiple Freedom of Information Act requests. The failure to comply with our F.O.I.A. requests on the part of the U.S. Customs Service amounts to obstruction of justice; since 2005 we have been seeking justice in this country by attempting to point out to the Department of Homeland Security, the U.S. government department overseeing the U.S. Customs Service (see our 2005 email correspondence with D.H.S. agent Anita Trujillo), the miscarriage of justice we have been subjected to with no interest shown on their part to investigate themselves.

We also believe that our situation, Julio Zakzuk’s dangerous proactive cooperation, his assassination attempts, his torture 2 weeks before this incident, were not what the supervisors who reviewed this case on June 3-5 1987 wanted public, especially if Julio Zakzuk was assassinated during one of their ridiculous entrapment schemes which actually created these crimes and with U.S. Customs legally owing him the cost of the 30 kilos paid by Julio Zakzuk at gunpoint, with all the resultant lawsuit and negative publicity. We believe this, and the fact that we had already helped Mr. Thompson earn all the medals, made us expendable in their eyes; the fact that they did not bring our ship to U.S. federal court with all its pesky

fairness issues proves that there was no evidence of criminality on our part, and yet, your government decided, on their own, to exercise “cowboy justice”, against somebody else’s property, of course, and in a piratical act as this occurred in international waters.

We respectfully request an official explanation for these acts by the government you now find yourself responsible for against our family, our crew, and our property which ended up bankrupting us, as our financial records online at www.LetItBeKnown.org show; we lost the Don Julio because when we were finally able to retrieve our ship and free the crew, 2 years later, the ship had been looted and the sea water was above her engines. No government claiming to be a democracy and purporting to act within the rule of law, as even the prior administration tried to make everyone believe, may act so without accountability.

As detailed above, the office was abandoned by Julio Zakzuk’s torture on May 16th, 1987, in order to save our lives and the man we left in charge, Alejandro Zakzuk, not one month after his father had been tortured, began his malfeasance against the innocent stockholders of our family corporation by forging documents which transferred 40 stocks from Julio Zakzuk to himself; the forgery can be proven because on June 15, 1987, the date used in the forgery for the legally required stockholders’ meeting, quorum, and consent cannot be true; Julio and Yolanda de Zakzuk were in the United States at the time and not present in Barranquilla at this meeting, as the “Act” purports to record.

The next act by Alejandro Zakzuk not within the scope of his employment, absolutely without the consent of the innocent owners against whom he had just committed fraud, and not for the benefit of the corporation which had owned and operated the Don Alejo legitimately for 15 years in any way, and while taking advantage of our absence, was to allow a ton of cocaine to be placed on board the Don Alejo to be taken to the United States. The traffickers were successful and Alejandro Zakzuk flew to Miami during the summer or early fall of 1987 where he was given a million dollars in cash by one Alberto Llinas of Barranquilla. The testimony given by Sylvia Zakzuk, who was told what had transpired by Alberto Llinas himself at a cocktail party in Barranquilla, can be found on the In Our Own Words page of our site.

That same year, 1987, Alejandro Zakzuk flew to Switzerland (he had a sister living in Lausanne, Rosario Zakzuk) and we believe it is there that he deposited the funds. What is undeniable is the fact that this man had sold his stock in Maritimas to a Miryam Sales in February of 1987 (see Don Alejo Affair page of site), had just gone through a divorce which had left him without a home, car, or liquidity. Now he owns multiple properties, a multinational corporation (see http://www.navescolombia.com) and everything is in his wife’s name; indeed, in September of 1988, the same month the U.S. visas of the innocent owners of the corporation were criminally canceled in the middle of the forfeiture proceeding to keep us from telling this story to a federal judge and jury, Alejandro Zakzuk again forges documents which transfers “his stock” to his wife’s name in a blatant attempt to distance himself from the corporation he had just helped destroy.

To be absolutely clear on the events that amount to a violation of our Due Process of Law rights, under American law (the Due Process Clause of the Constitution), and under international maritime as well as humanitarian law:

Our ship, the Don Alejo was seized in Port Arthur, TX. On June 23, 1988, while we were still exiled in Miami since April of 1987. In the month of July or August Julio Zakzuk hired Miami “drug bar” attorney Edward Shohat to represent us, but this man wanted the last of our savings (the Miami Brickell condo, see Zakzuk Financials online) which we were not prepared to give up nor should we ever have been placed in this situation; the seizure of our ship (U.S. Customs was asking for a million dollars to release the ship) imposed such hardship that this in effect stripped us our ability to defend ourselves and coming after the Bahamas debacle where we had already sold our Barranquilla home, at a loss, to pay attorney fees is an abuse of authority.

Sometime around August of 1988, I personally called the Tampa office of the U.S. Customs Service to insult Mr. Thompson and to let him know that he was the worst possible kind of human being; the one who willfully destroys another’s hard work in arrogance. We then flew to Colombia to seek loans in order to pay for attorney fees and then suddenly we are notified, no later than October 1988, a few weeks after arriving, that our U.S. visas had been canceled.

As this Government Accountability Office update on Civil Asset Forfeiture dated April 24, 1989 detailed:

ASSET FORFEITURE: A BILLION DOLLAR PROGRAM Forfeiture law allows the government to take property, including cash, that has been illegally used or acquired without compensating the owner. In cases of $100,000 or less, forfeiture can be handled administratively by the seizing agencies such as . the Drug Enforcement Administration and Customs Service. Generally, this proceeding is used on smaller cases involving cars, boats, planes, and other types of property such as jewelry and artwork. For amounts above $100,000 and for all real Property, the cases are handled judicially by U.S. Attorney offices and the courts.

I can assure you, Mr. President, that I was not allowed to seek assistance from an impartial federal judge because of the actions of your government. I labored at my husband’s side from the time of our marriage in 1969 in the Dominican Republic (later married in Miami by our corporate attorney John Corrigan) until 1982, or so, when my husband’s first born son, Alejandro Zakzuk, came back from the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor. The taking of my property in this fashion cannot be sanctioned with even an appearance of legitimacy; a process where the known innocent owners were not allowed to tell their side of the story, which should not even be the situation in the first place; what happened to the presumption of innocence?

The proof that we were not in agreement with anything done in that flawed proceeding are the letters of protest sent by Julio Zakzuk to President George H. Bush and Colombian President Virgilio Barco in 1988-89, copies of which we are requesting now (at least the White House letter).

This case informs the outcome of what should have been in a federal courtroom:

No. 91-1617

United States Court of Appeals, Seventh Circuit. - 965 F.2d 311

Argued Dec. 2, 1991.Decided June 2, 1992.Rehearing and Rehearing En Banc

Denied Oct. 6, 1992

Relying on these general principles of agency and their underlying presumptions,

we will not impute Harry III's knowledge of his own illegal activities to Modernaire

in spite of the extent of Harry III's authority. Harry III was dealing drugs to benefit

Harry III not as part of his job at Modernaire. Harry III testified that no proceeds

of his illegal conduct went to Modernaire in any way, and the government offered

no conflicting evidence. Harry III's interest indisputably lay in concealing his own

drug deals from Modernaire thus undermining the presumption that an agent

reports his knowledge to his principal. Consequently, we will not mechanically

attribute Harry III's knowledge of his own drug deals to Modernaire to defeat

Modernaire's innocent owner defense. Cf. 4,657 Acres in Martin County, Florida,

730 F.Supp. at 426-27 (Where a corporate agent allowed a plane carrying narcotics

to land on corporate property as part of a drug trafficking enterprise, the corporate

agent's knowledge was not imputed to the corporation because the agent was not

acting for the benefit of the corporation.).4

The next act attributable to the self financing federal drug law enforcement agencies is the circulation of a letter among our business and social acquaintances, in Spanish, alleging that everything Julio Zakzuk had ever had was the product of drug trafficking and numerous properties in the United States were slandered to be owned by us; I personally showed a copy of this letter to our banker of more than 20 years, Pamela Cherrington, who knew exactly where every penny we had ever made came from and she responded angrily. As stated above, we have hired investigators to find her.

The final act in this charade by the U.S. Customs Service was the honoring of one of my husband’s colleagues, Manuel del Dago owner of Agromar, a shipping concern of much less history and tradition, as “Leading Shipowner of Colombia” not even 6 months after, frankly, stealing our ship.

My husband requested an appointment with General Maza Marquez, then head of Colombian government security forces attempting to stop the offspring of your government’s black market, Pablo Escobar. He told him the whole sordid story and was assured, as was in fact the case, that the Colombian government would not investigate him.

We are aware that this situation should have been resolved in a courtroom but since it was by the acts of the agents in the U.S. Customs Service and the Department of State, entities you now find yourself responsible for, President Obama, that not once but twice obstructed justice, while bankrupting us, to keep this case away from a federal judge and since we can now prove that the self financing federal drug law enforcement agencies lied to the Associated Press and the Miami Herald and that they are now guilty, under any reasonable analysis, of obstruction of justice, we believe that it is indeed your government’s responsibility to investigate criminal acts whether committed by regular citizens or agents acting under color of law.

We believe that the only way to make the violent injustices inflicted upon, not just our family, but upon our neighborhoods and cities, here and in Latin America right, is for the innocent to die of a hunger strike on your doorstep, the White House’s doorstep, for it is from here that the black market is managed, manipulated, and profited from in many ways, so that it may not be denied forevermore.

Yolanda de ZakzukAnd family