cuba neoliberalism embargo negative - framework - sdi 2013

8/13/2019 Cuba Neoliberalism Embargo Negative - Framework - SDI 2013

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A2: DA = ignore Structural violence

prioritizing structural violence is worse for its own ends. Balancing macro and structural violence is best.

Folk, 78Professor of Religious and Peace Studies at Bethany College, 78 [Jerry, Peace Educations Peace Studies : Towards an Integrated Approach,

Peace & Change, volume V, number 1, Spring, p. 58]

Those proponents of the positive peace approach who reject out of hand the work of researchers and educators coming to the

field from the perspective of negative peace too easily forget that the prevention of a nuclear confrontation of

global dimensions is the prerequisite for all other peace research, education, and action. Unless such a

confrontation can be avoided there will be no world left in which to build positive peace. Moreover, the blanket

condemnation of all such negative peace oriented research, education or action as a reactionary attempt to

support and reinforce the status quo is doctrinaire. Conflict theory and resolution, disarmament studies, studies of the international systemand of international organizations, and integration studies are in themselves neutral. They do not intrinsically support either the status quo or revolutionary efforts to

change or overthrow it. Rather they offer a body of knowledge which can be used for either purpose or for some purpose in between . It is much more

logical for those who understand peace as positive peace to integrate this knowledge into their own framework

and to utilize it in achieving their own purposes. A balanced peace studies program should therefore offer the studentexposure to the questions and concerns which occupy those who view the field essentially from the point of view of negative peace.

( ) tradeoff arg is wrongno one is going to up and forget positive peace. Weigh both.

Galtung 85(Johaa, PeaceResearcher for 25 years, originator of the concept of "positive peace" and critical peace research. Journal of Peace, 145)

That peace has something to do with 'absence of violence is so widespread as an idea that any concept or

peace research would have to accommodate this notion, however, from the very beginning this was seen as

too negative. In a sense the inspiration was taken from medical science where health can be seen as the absence of disease (meaning absenceof symptoms of disease), but also as something more positive: as the building of a healthy body capable of resisting diseases, relying on its own

health forces or health sources. Correspondingly a concept of 'positive peace emerged,build around such ideas as 'harmony,

'cooperation' and Integration'. The role of peace research was to consider both the negative and the positive aspects of

peace, both the conditions for absence of violence in general and war "in particular, and "the conditions forpeace buildingperhaps referring to the action needed for negative peace as peace-keeping; peace-mafcing could then be used to cover

both (Gaining 1967). Again, exactly what is put into the twin ideas of negative and positive

peace is not so important as the broad agreementthat peace studies shouldcoverboththereby expanding the field of study from prevention and control of war to the study of peacefulrelations in general.In a sense constructive (as opposed to critical) development studies take care of the latter.

( ) Positive Peace K = creates a void, gets filled by far-Right violence.

Kay 9Barbara Kay, Columnist for The National Post (Canada), B.A. in English Language and Literature from the University of Toronto and M.A. in

English Literature from McGill University, 2009 (Forty years of "peace" studies and nothing to show for it, The National Post, February 18th,Available Online at http://network.nationalpost.com/np/blogs/fullcomment/archive/2009/02/18/barbara-kay-forty-years-of-quot-peace-quot-

studies-and-nothing-to-show-for-it.aspx, Accessed 08-02-2010)

Peace, peace, peace. In vogue as never before. Yes, Peace Studies is very hot, even though, unlike Renaissance Studies or

Canadian Studies, there is no actual subject to analyze. Peace is not a thing or a place or a related series of

events. Just as dark is the absence of light, peacewarm or coldis essentially the absence of war. The

rest is opinion and commentary. Yet Peace Studies has become a huge academic industryover the last 40 years.

The name is benignwhat could be more worthwhile in principle than studies that claim to further what all of us desire? but its

allegedly disinterested agenda is anything but. Peace Studies programsthe idealistic school of conflict resolution as opposed


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A2: Talking about Big Impacts Bad

Turn - imagining nuclear death is a project of survival - their alternative promotes life-denying repression

and denial

Lenz '90(Millicent, Assistant professor in the School of Information Science and Policy - SUNY Albany,NUCLEAR AGE LITERATURE FOR YOUTH: THE QUEST FOR A LIFE-AFFIRMING ETHIC, p. 9-10)

A summary of Frank's thought in "Psychological Determinants of the Nuclear Arms Race" notes how all people have difficulty

grasping the magnitude and immediacy of the threat of nuclear arms and this-psychological unreality is a

basic obstacle to eliminating that threat.22 Only events that people have actually experienced can have true emotional impact. SinceAmericans have escaped the devastation of nuclear weapons on their own soil and "nuclear weapons poised for annihilation in distant countries

cannot be seen, heard, smelled, tasted, or touched," we find it easy to imagine ourselves immune to the threat. Albert Camus had the same

phenomenon in mind when he wrotein his essay Neither Victims nor Executionersof the inability of most people reallyto imagine other people's death(he might have added "or their own"). Commenting on Camus, David P. Barash and Judith Eve

Lipton observed that this distancing from deaths reality is yet another aspect of our insulation from lifes most

basic realities. "We make love by telephone, we work not on matter but on machines, and we kill and are

killed by proxy. We gain in cleanliness, but lose in understanding." If we are to heed Camus call to refuse to

be either the victims of violence like the Jews of the Holocaust, or the perpetrators of it like the Nazi

executionersof the death camps,we must revivify the imagination of what violence really entails. It is here, of course,

that the literature of nuclear holocaust can play a significant role.Without either firsthand experience or vivid imagining, it

is natural, as Frank points out, to deny the existence of death machines and their consequences. In psychiatric usage,denial means to

exclude them from awareness, because "letting [the instruments of destruction] enter consciousness would create too strong a level of

anxiety or other painful emotions."24 In most life-threatening situations, an organism's adaptation increases chances of survivalbut

ironically, adapting ourselves to nuclear fear is counterproductive. We only seal our doom more certainly.

The repressed fear,moreover,takes a psychic toll.

Turn - Extinction representations break societal numbing and create hope

Lifton '99 (Robert J., Director of the Center for Peace and Social Justice - City University of New York,

CONVERSATIONS ON ART AND PERFORMANCE, Eds: Bonnie Marranca & Gautam Dasgupta, p. 11-12)

Well, I wrote a piece a few years ago called "Survivor as Creator" in which I took up three writers: Camus, Vonnegut, and Grass. Each saw

himself as a survivor, and creatively, a survivor has to imagine that death encounter in order to create past it: to stay

in it and use it, and yet move beyond it. There the artist and the writer parallel and anticipate some of the thinking and politics

necessary to stem the nuclear threat. You must imaginewhat the end of the worldis as Jonathan Schell tries to do in his book The

Fate of the Earth,in order to prevent it. For me, then, the problem is to get a handle on this, andthe Psy-

chological handle is death and the continuity of life and the larger symbolization of human connectedness; orthe "symbolization of immortality.'' So the theatre has the task of expressing, symbolizing, and representing how, in the face of or threat of

extinction, one imagines human continuity. Perhaps that spiritual theatre or expressive theatre you mention is one way of imagining it. BGM: Or

turning away from it... RJL: Something in terms of feeling is happening that's importantafter the decades ofnumbing that followed World

War II, thenumbing is beginning to break down.That's got to affect the theatre, too. It's a breakdown of the kind of

collective arrangement, collusion, and "not-feeling"especially not feeling what happens at the other end of the

weapon, andespecially what might happen to us. People are afraid. When I talk to audiences now, kids at colleges are frightened, sometimesat secondary schools, and ordinary audiences. The polls show that most Americans fear and even expect a nuclear war in the not-too-distant

future. That's new. There's a movement now toward awareness or a shift in consciousness that's quite hopeful.

( ) Dystopic images are an antidotethey counteract fatalism and catalyze debates to alter the future

Kurasawa 4(Fuyuki, Professor of SociologyYork University of Toronto, Cautionary Tales: The Global Culture of Prevention

and the Work of Foresight,Constellations, 11(4))

Returning to the point I made at the beginning of this paper, the significance of foresight is a direct outcome ofthe transition toward


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a dystopian imaginary(or what Sontag has called the imagination of disaster).11 Huxleys Brave New World and Orwells NineteenEighty-Four, two groundbreaking dystopian novels of the first half of the twent ieth century, remain as influential as ever in framing publicdiscourse and understanding current techno-scientific dangers, while recent paradigmatic cultural artifactsfilms like The Matrixand novels likeAtwoods Oryx and Crakereflect and give shape to this catastrophic sensibility.12 And yet dystopianism need not implydespondency,

paralysis, or fear. Quite the opposite, in fact, sincethe pervasiveness of a dystopian imaginary can help notions of historical

contingency and fallibilism gain tractionagainst their determinist and absolutist counterparts .13 Once we recognize

that the future is uncertainand that any course of action produces both unintended and unexpected consequences, the responsibility to

face up topotential disasters and intervene before they strike becomes compelling.From another angle, dystopianism liesat the core of politics in a global civil society where groups mobilize their own nightmare scenarios (Frankenfoods anda lifeless planet for environmentalists, totalitarian patriarchy of the sort depicted in Atwoods Handmaids Talefor Western feminism, McWorldand a global neoliberal oligarchy for the alternative globalization movement, etc.). Such scenarioscan act ascatalystsfor public

debate andsocio-political action, spurring citizens involvement in the work of preventive foresight .


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A2: Gender K of politics DA

Assumes we are advocating inaction because gender violence is inevitable so we should accept itthatsOBVIOUSLY not our argumentand our case turns proves we are advocating a better way to deal with

gender violenceany claim that we are worse in result is a CONSEQUENCEif consequences are evaluated

than the aff turns a blind eye to widespread violence against everyone

DA turns case more than vice versa - War increases gender violence a hundredfoldSancho 97(Neila, Regional CoordinatorAsian Womens Human Rights Council, Gender & Catastrophe, Ed.

Ronit Lentin, p. 153)

Conclusion: Women and War

The case of the comfort women is the most convincing argument against war. By telling their stories, these women survivors tell in the clearest

terms possible the brutality and inhumanity that wars wreak on people, but most especially women. The oppression of womenin Asia and

the Third World confront in their lives, the inequality, thepoverty, the discrimination, the gender violence, increase a

hundredfold during times of war and armed conflict, when the normal fabric of society is torn asunder.

Women, who are seen as weak and vulnerable, and at the same time bear their collectivities honour and tradition, inevitably

become the main targets of armies bent on destruction and annihilation of the enemy (Burke, 1994; 10). This is the reason

why whenever there is war, there are rapes and other forms of violence against women . In the war equation, men do the

dirty workthey sell arms, they buy arms, they use armsand women are the victims.

( ) Gender is not the root cause of warEfforts to end gender injustice must start by

dealing with warOnly the aff can provide the space necessary for change.

Joshua S. Goldstein, Professor of International Relations at American University, War and Gender: How Gender

Shapes the War System and Vice Versa, 2001, pp.411-412

I began this book hoping to contribute in some way to a deeper understanding of waran understanding that would improve the chances of

someday achieving real peace, by deleting war from our human repertoire. In following the thread of gender running through war, I found thedeeper understanding I had hoped fora multidisciplinary and multilevel engagement with the subject. Yet I became somewhat more

pessimistic about how quickly or easily war may end. The war system emerges, from the evidence in this book, as relatively ubiquitous and

robust. Efforts to change this system must overcome several dilemmas mentioned in this book. First, peace activists face a dilemma in thinking

about causes of war and working for peace. Many peace scholars and activists support the approach, if you want peace, work for justice. Then,

if one believes that sexism contributes to war, one can work for gender justice specifically(perhaps among others) in

order to pursue peace. This approach brings strategic allies to the peace movement (women, labor, minorities), but rests on the

assumption that injustices cause war. The evidencein this book suggests that causality runs at least as strongly

the other way. War is not a product ofcapitalism, imperialism, gender, innate aggression, or any other single cause, although all

of these influence wars outbreaks and outcomes. Rather, war has in part fueled and sustained these and other injustices.

So, if you want peace, work for peace. Indeed, if you want justice (gender and others), work for peace. Causality does not run just

upward through the levels of analysis, from types of individuals, societies, and governments up to war. It

runs downward too. Enloe suggests that changes in attitudes towards war and the military may be the most important way to reversewomens oppression. The dilemma is that peace work focused on justice brings to the peace movement energy, allies, and moral grounding, yet,

in light of this books evidence, the emphasis on injustice as the main cause of war seems to be empirically

inadequate.


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Its moral and not regressive --- Lincolns delay of the Emancipation Proclamation proves its best for liberal

goals

Gergen 00(David, Professor of Public ServiceKennedy School of Government at Harvard University and Co-

Director of the Schools Center for Public Leadership, Eyewitness to Power: The Essence of Leadership, p. 122)

In the most famous instance, Lincoln decided in the summerof 1862 to issue the Emancipation Proclamation but kept it

locked in his desk until Union forces could win a significant victory in the field, giving him enough political capital

to hold the Union together. Meanwhile, he dropped a series of public hints, including a well-publicized letter to Horace Greeley,

foreshadowing his announcement. Massive Confederate casualties at Antietam gave him the momenthe had been awaiting, and he

finally went publicwith his decision in September. Even then, he waited until January 1 to sign the Proclamation, giving the

country three additional months to ready itself. A man of extraordinary insight into public psychology , Lincoln

was always patient , allowing issues to ripen and events to move in his direction before he moved.

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