crystal - future english
TRANSCRIPT
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he Future of English
ID RYST L
norory Professor of Linguistics University of Wales angor
anecdotal introduction
me t ime ago, I was a ttending an internat ional seminar at a European universi ty.
round the table were representatives of some 20 countries. There were two
eople from the UK, two from the US, and one from Austral ia, wit h t he ot hers all
om countr ies where Engl ish was e ither a second (official ) l anguage or a foreign
anguage. The lingua franca of the meeting was English, and everyone seemed to
using the language competently - even the nat ive speakers.
We were wel l into the discussion period fol lowing apaper which had generated
l ively buzz of comment and counter-comment. Someone t hen made a tell ing
emark. There was a silence round the table, which was broken by one of the US
legates observing: That came from out in lef t f ield. There was another si lence,
nd I could see some of the delegates turning to their neighbours in a SUlTep
i tious way, as one does when one does not underst and what on earth is going on,
nd wants to check that one is not alone. But t hey were not pondering t he tell ing
mark. They were asking each other what from out in lef t fi eld meant. My neigh
ur asked me: as a nat ive speaker , he fe lt confident Iwould know. [did not know.
aseball at that time was a closed book to me - and stil l is, very l argely.
One of the braver of the delegates spoke up: out where? , he asked. It took the
S delegate bysurprise, as plainly hehad never had tha t idiom questioned before;
t he managed to explain that i twas a f igure ofspeech from basebal l, a bal l com
ng from an unusual direction, and what he had meant was that the remark was
urpri sing, unexpected. There were nods of rel ief from around the tabl e. Then
e of the UK delega tes chipped
in:
You played that with a s traight bat , he sa id.
h? , said the American. Oh, I say, t hat s not cricket , I added, parodically.
n t i t? ,asked a delegate from Asia, now totally confused.
The next few minutes of the meeting were somewhat chaotic. The original
eme was qui te forgotten, as people energet ica lly debated the meaning of cr icket
nd baseball idioms with their neighbours. Those who could added their own
ocal version of how they said things like that in their part of the world - the sports
etaphors they l ived by. Eventua lly, the cha irman cal led everyone back to order ,
nd the discussion of the paper continued. But my attention was blown, and [
pent the remainder of the session l is tening not towhat delegates were saying, but
o how they were saying it.
THE FUTURE OF ENGLISH
What was immediately noti ceable was t hat the native speakers seemed
come much less colloquial. In particular, I did not sense any further u
na tional idioms. Indeed, the speakers seemed to be going out of the ir way to
them. I made a small contribution towards the end, and I remember thin
while I was doing i t - don t use any cricket terms . Afterwards, in the bar,
admi t ted todoing the same. My Bri ti sh colleague said he had consc iously av
using the word fortnight replacing itby two weeks as he had had trouble with
one before . And, as the evening wore on, people began apologis ing face ti
when they noticed themselves using a national idiom, or when somebody
used one. It became something of a game - the ki nd that l inguists love t o p
There was one nice moment, I recall, when the US, UK, and Australian
gates were all reduced to i ncoherence when t hey found that t hey had di sb
themselves from using any of the ir na tural express ions for the safe walking
at the side of a road -
pavement
(UK),
sidewalk
(US), and
footpath
(Austra
In the absence of a regionall y neutral t erm, al l they were left wi th was c
locution (such as the one just given). I also remember engine-cover
proposed as a neutral term for bonnet and hood Somebody made a j oke abo
need for a l inguis ti c United Nations. The res t i sa blur.
n interpretation
In the cold, sober light of later days, it seemed to me that what I had ob
taking place at that seminar was of some significance, as far as the future
English l anguage was concerned - and probably was taki ng place regularly
ternat ional gather ings a ll over the world. I was seeing a new kind of Engl is
born - a variety which was intended for international spoken usage, and
was thus avoiding the idiosyncrasies associated with nat ional var ie ti es of
si on. Such a variety is not yet wit h us, as a l iving entit y wi th st andardised
but i t s ti ll needs a name. Let us cal l i tEmerging World Standard Spoken
(EWSSE).
Although EWSSE does not exist as an institutionalised variety, its
equivalent does - t radit ional ly cal led Standard Engl ish, but in the present
perhaps bet ter called World Standard Pri nted Engl ish (WSPE). [t is som
forgotten that what we cal l Standard Engli sh i sessential ly a wri tt en - and
ilya printed - variety of language, and moreover one which has develop
standard precisely because it guarantees mutual written intel ligibili ty, fir
indivi dual count ries, t hen internat ionall y. Tt is not difficul t to demonstr
reality ofWSPE.In preparing The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English L
(1995), I chose one day - 6 Jul y 1993 - and col lect ed as many English-lan
newspapers as Icould get hol d of from around t he world. Friends, people
Cambridge University Press (CUP) offices, academi c contacts, and oth
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PLENARY SESSIONS
em in to me - an enormous pile of newsprint. They came from first language
ntr ies, such as the UK, USA, and Austral ia ; second-language count ries , where
l anguage has some special status, such as Indi a and Singapore; and count ries
here Engl ish has no such st at us, bei ng t augh t solely as a forei gn language, such
Greece
The Athens News ,
Egypt
AIAhram ,
the Czech Republic
The Prague
Korea
The Korea Herald ,
and Japan
The Daily Yorniuri .
I then went
ough t hese papers looki ng for d ifferences in vocabulary, grammar, and any
ing else which might be considered linguistic. There was next to nothing.
l tural inf luences were obvious , of course - loca l names and persona li ti es , more
ace devoted to local sport s and pol it ics - but l inguist ical ly t here was l it tl e var i
ion. The range of grammatical constructions was virtually identical - not
rpr ising, perhaps, when we reali se that, in the whol e of the l argest reference
ammar we have for English (Quirk, et ai's
Comprehensive Grammar of the
lish Language ,
reference to the index (under American English, British
nglish, etc.) brings to light only a handful of constructions which display
gional var iation. There was much more var iation in vocabulary, of course, but
n here the overall impression was one of uni formi ty and standardisati on - and
e places where thi s uni formity was miss ing were res tr icted to cer tain sec tions of
newspaper , such as car toon cap ti ons and sport s report s. Onl y in spell ing and
nctuation were there noticeable national differences, reflecting British vs
merican points of origin - and it is a moot point nowadays whether these can
l onger be cal led 'nati onal', gi ven t he way t hese two standards have come to be
ed erratically throughout the world. They even appear in 'mixed' versions in
me countri es, such as i n Canada and Aust ralia (where there may be variati on
n between provinces/ states) and in Bri ta in (where the inf luence ofUS spe ll ing
espread) . On the whole , therefore, WSPE is the same wherever i t i sencoun
red. This is what one would expect. That is what a s tandard is for. It would not
able to ful fi l i ts role asan interna tional (writ ten) l ingua franca i f i t were r iddled
th regional idiosyncrasies.
erging World
tandard poken nglish
hat the seminar example seems to be suggesti ng is t he event ual emergence of a
oken equivalent to WSPE, in international settings where educated people
me to talk to each other and choose to use English as their (spoken) lingua
anca. It i s not surpr ising t hat such a vari et y shoul d be growing, gi ven the way in
ich Engli sh has developed asa genuine global language in the second hal f of the
t h cent ury (Cryst al , 1997). The l ingui st ic characteristi cs of thi s vari et y are
rrentl y unclear : but , a p rior i, i f it is t o succeed , there are cert ai n feat ures whi ch
must have, and which we would expect t o see emergi ng early on in it sdevel op
ent , i n the form of uncertain ti es about usage. Chief amongst t hese would be in-
THE FUTURE OF ENGLI
t el ligibi li ty diffi cult ies over nat iona l regiona l norms (as in the case of the
idi om), as peopl e usi ng Engli sh from one part of t he worl d come in to con ta
those using Engli sh from another . Because most regional dialec t differentia
a matter of vocabulary, this is the domain where usage problems will b
immedi at el y and not iceabl y encount ered. (l use vocabulary t o include id
course - and use as y ch ief example of tr ansl at lanti c di fficul ty the pro
faced when, on my first visit to the USA, and arriving in a hotel restaur
breakfast one morning, I asked for eggs . I was asked: How do you li
eggs? Unused to thi s quest ion, I s tammered cooked . The unflappable re
which listed 'once over easy', 'sunny side up', and several other altern
brought me into contact with the lexicon of an unfamiliar culinary wo
probl em remains: when last i n New York, the t erminology, as wel l as the s
sandwi ch construct ion , is sti ll beyond me.) Next, in th is EWSSE, wi ll b
ences in grammar - as I have said, insofar as national variations exist at
the domain of pronunciation will provide a third kind of close enco
a lready observable in the 'mid-at lantic' accents which emerge when people
ing different regional forms of English accommodate to each other, o
unique amalgam of ex-European accents which currently characteris
corri dors of power i n t he European Union.
nglish as a
global language
This i s an exci ti ng time, for l inguist observers o f the worl d scene. No l ang
ever had such global exposure as Engl ish has, so t here are no precedent s
is curren t ly t aki ng p lace. We do no t know what happens to a language wh
comes a genuinel y world language - recogn ised as a prest ige language in
tries, and used in aggregate by more people (especially as a second o
language) for more purposes than any other language. Let us pause for am
and refl ect on t he stati st ics (bearing in mind that st at isti cs on world lang
are notoriously approximate). The number of people who use English
language must curren tly be abouqoo mil li on - more accurately, between
450 million. The chief reason for the uncertainty is whether creole an
varieties derived from English should be included in the total: if you
t hese t o be 'varieti es of Engl ish', then
y u
will include them, and you w
towards the higher total ; cont ra riwise, i fyou consider that they are, in so
separate languages now, you may wish to exclude them, and you will th
t owards t he lower to tal. It should also be not ed, in passi ng t hat , of these
l ion peopl e, abou t 230 mil li on of t hem l ive i n the USA - well over half . 5
live in the UK-very much a minority dialect of world English now
But the issue of British versus American English begins to seem v
when we consider the next total - the number of people who speak En
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PLENARY SESSIONS
cond or foreign language. Here the figures are even more difficult to be sure
bout, for the obvious reason that fluency is a continuum, and we have to decide
ow much competence in English somebody needs before being allowed to join
e community of wor ld English users . A cri terion of nat ive-speaker-l ike f luency
uld clear ly produce a re la tively small f igure; including every beginner would
roduce a relatively large one - such as the British Council estimate that, at the
rn of the century, about a billion (thousand million) people will be learning
glish, somewhere or o ther. That f igure cannot be ignored - the people are , after '
l l, learning English, as opposed to some other language - but plainly it needs to
interpreted cautiously. The commonest est imates Isee these days hover around
00-400 million for second-language users, and around 500-700 million for
oreign language users . That makes 1200-1500 as a grand total , which is about a
arter of the world' s populat ion, and far larger than the cumulat ive total for ( the
ght languages which comprise) Chinese.
This isnot the place to rev iew the reasons for the remarkable spread ofEnglish .
have gone into these in my
nglish as a Global Language
(1997), so there is no
oint in repeating them here - other than to remind you that wea re t alking about
ifferent forms of power. Languages spread, not because of any intrins ic struc
ral character is tics - inherent not ions of logic or beauty or simplic ity, or the l ike
but for one reason only: the power of the people who use them. You c an see this
t the very outset of the global English period. At the end of the 16th century,
nglish people t ravel ling abroad would refl ect on which l anguages would be of
ost use to them. Latin, Itali an, F rench, and Dutch were among those list ed - but
glish, never. Our English tongue, says Richard Mulcaster in 1582, is of small
each - it stretcheth no further than this island of ours - nay, not there over all.
here must have been only about 5 million speake rs of Engl ish then. And there
as no reason for anybody abroad to pay much attention to what was written in
nglish. But, ironically, Mulcaster made his remarks in the same year that an
spiring actor married a Stratford girl called Anne Hathaway, and just before
ale igh sent the f ir st ofh is three expedi tions toAmer ica (1584) .Within a genera
on, the sta tus of English would have fundamental ly changed . Within a century,
he British Empire would be a real ity. And in additi on to this milita ry, colonial
ppl ication of power, we then find three othe r appl ications: in the ]8th century, a
echnological, industrial power (the Industrial Revolution, where we must
emember that over half of the pioneers were working through the medium of
ngli sh); in the 19th century, economic power, with the USA eventually taking
ver the world lead from Britain; and final ly, cultural power, with the USA again
redominant in the present century, asis evident in such domains asadvert is ing,
roadcasting , the cinema and the Internet .
THE FUTURE OF ENGLISH
The future of English
That, in a very tiny nutshel l, is the his tory of English as a world language. It s
ge sts that the prospects for English, and its rel ationships with other languages,
David Graddol has pointed out in h is Bri tish Council survey,
The uture of ng
(1998), are tot ally bound up with world economic and demographic trends . A
one of these trends isa l ready very significant . Analysis of the popula tion grow
of the countries involved indicate s that (on average) count ri es where Engl is
used as a second language are growing at approximately three times the rat
those countries where i t isa mother- tongue. For example , even though only 3
4 of the people of India are fluent in Engli sh, with a popula tion fas t approa
ing a bil lion and a growth rate of 1.9 per annum, there will soon be more pe
speaking English in India than there are in England . And certainly, the wor ld
for second-language speakers will soon pass - it may have done so already -
world total for f ir st -language speakers. What this means, in short , i s that Eng
has gone well beyond the stage where i t c an be said to be'owned' by anyone -
which many people (especia lly those in the UK), recal ling their nat ional past,
unpala table. Even 230mil lion Americans compr ise only about a six th of the w
language total.
No language has ever been spoken by so many people in so many coun
before. No language of such socio-his torica l pres tige has ever had its mo
tongue speakers so sign if ican tly outnumbered. There are therefore no preced
to guide us about the likely outcomes . And there are precious fewfacts . We ha
be on our toes - and that means all of us, academics, consultants, journal
teachers ... We are at a cruci al obse rvational s tage in English linguis tic hi
and al lwecan do to cope with the riot ofli nguist ic speculat ion is f all back on
estab lished theory to guide our pract ice. Specula tion? You wil l have seen the
l ines. Wil l the English language f ragment into mutually unintel ligible langu
as it spreads around the world? Will English kill off other languages? Wi
teaching models survive?
To begin answering these ques tions it i s essent ial to adopt an appropri
general perspective. And chief among these is the need to broaden our
abou t the funct ions of language. The ' referent ia l' function iscertainly impo
at a global level, because it underpins the notion of s tandard. As tandard gu
tees mutual intelligibility. That is what it is for. But there is another fun
which, although it is always with us, has been brought into the centre
att ent ion by the issue of world Engl ish, and that i s i dentity. Indeed, on any s
relati ve importance, whe re importance is judged in terms of what people a
pared to do, ident ity emerges asl igh t-years ahead of intel ligibi li ty . People
usually go on hunger-str ike, take par t in pro test marches, invade par liame
buildings, and kil l themselves for intel ligibi li ty - though there is the occ
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PLENARY SESSIONS
famous excepti on, such as the publi c shredd ing of government forms in Parli a
ment Square by the Plain English Campaign in 1979. But people do all of these
t hi ng s f or i de nt it y - t o p re ser ve t he ir l an gu ag e, w he th er co ll ect iv el y o r i nd iv id u
ally , i n the face of a perceiv ed th reat . Th e Universal Decl aration of Lin guisti c
Ri ght s, formulated at B arcelon a in 1996, and currentl y the focus of a g reat deal of
i nternat ional at tenti on, i s devot ed to t his matt er. An d a concern for id ent ity has
fuell ed many of t he t rends we not ice i n t he use of Engli sh , as i t increases it s global
ngu ge nd n tion l identity
hief among t hese trends i s t he g rowth of new nati onal standards - t he so-call ed
n ew E ng li sh es i n s uc h c ou nt ri es as I nd ia, Si ng ap or e, a nd G han a - w ho se ro is
p re ser ve n at io na l i den ti ty . T hes e h av e n ow b een we ll d is cu ss ed M acA rt hu r,
998), t hough sti ll o nly superficially described, and I wil l not go int o them here,
ther than to draw attention to the recency with which this phenomenon has
merged. Recal l t hat in 19 56 t here were o nly 80 members of t he Uni ted Nat ions;
ow there are over 180. Most of the new members are the result of the indepen
ence movements which date from the 1960s. With new found independence
omes an urge to manifest your identity in the eyes of the world. And the most
onvenient way of manifesting this identity is through the medium of the lan
uage you u se. Many of the new cou ntri es, such as Ghana and Nigeria, found that
ey had no alternative but to continue using English - the alternative was to
k e a n i mp os si bl e ch oi ce b et wee n t he ma ny co mp et in g l oc al e th ni c l an gu ag es
e r 4 00 , i n t he c as e o f Ni ger ia. H ow ev er , we ca n al so a pp rec ia te t hei r v iew t ha t t o
nti nue wi th Engli sh wou ld be, in the eyes of many , an u naccept abl e l ink wi th
e coloni al past . How could t his dilemma be resolved? The answer was to con
nue wi th Engl ish, b ut t o shap e it t o meet their o wn ends - addi ng local v ocab u
ry, focussing on local cultural variations, developing fresh standards of
onunciat ion . It i s n ot dif ficu lt to qu ick ly accumulate several t housand local
x ica l i tem s, i n co un tr ie s w hi ch h av e a w i de r an ge o fl oca l f au na an d f lo ra, d iv er se
n ic cu st oms , a nd r eg ul ar d ai ly co nt ac ts w it h d if fer en t l an gu ag es . A nd I me an
c umul at e - several regiona l dic ti onary proje ct s were l aunc he d soon a ft er i nde
n den ce, as p ar t o f t hi s ex pr ess io n o f n ew i de nt it y. An d t he em er gi ng l it er at ur es
the C ommonwealt h count ries - the novels from vari ous parts of West Africa,
poetry from the countries of the Caribbean - illustrate how quickly new
t it ie s c an e me rge. The t erm New Engli shes refle ct s t he se i de nt it ie s.
Th e n ew v ar ie ti es at tr act ed e no rm ou s d eb at e i n t he 1 97 0S an d 1 98 0s . T he q ues
n of which kind of English to write in - or even, whether to write in English at
- w as a r ea l p ro bl em f ac in g ma ny cr eat iv e au th or s. B ut t he se d ay s, w it h t he f ir st
n er at io n o f p os t - co lo ni al d ev el op men t b eh in d u s, t he i ss ue s ar e s et tl in g d ow n,
T HE FUTURE OF ENG LIS
and repeatedly one encounters the view nowadays that it is not a ne
eit her/ or choi ce. It is not a mat ter of havi ng t o choose between int ell igi bil
identi ty, bu t of al lowin g t he coexi stence o f bot h int el li gibi lit y and i dent it
a happy lan guage-using i ndiv idual o r communi ty), bot h dimensio ns ar
tial: we need to be able to talk to others outside our community, and to
stand them, if we wish to trade with them, and have access to their goo
services; at t he same ti me, we need t o be ab le t o demon st rat e, thr ough our
t hat we are not the same as th em. There is no i nevi table confl ict, b ecause
funct ions of languag e respond to different needs. There is uni ty and dive
t he same ti me. But the demands do appear to be cont radi ct ory, and when
d o see them as co ntradict ory, or are not sensi ti ve to the needs of all th e li
communities with whom they live, there is always trouble, in the form
moni ous debates abo ut st andards i n th e schoo l curriculum or in soci ety
wi despread anxiety abo ut the sur vival of a local lan guage or dial ect, and
extreme cases - languag e marches, ri otin g, and deaths. Wise lan guage p
can av oid th e co ntradiction , and reduce t he t ensio n - even t hough thi s i
t unat el y rare) eli mi nat e i t: it i s possi ble t o have you r li nguisti c cak e and
c an b e se en i n su ch c ou nt ri es a s S wi tzer lan d an d F in la nd , w he re p ol ici es
t iv e mu lt il in gu al is m r eco gn is e t he s tr en gt hs o f i nd iv id ual l an gu ag es , an d
ferent purposes for which t hey are used , and real suppo rt i s g iven t o dev
bilingual ways of life. More appropriate, in the present discussion, wou
t al k abou t bidi alect ism - and th is too can be sensit ively promot ed. Howev
itive approaches are often not easy to implement: they are bedevilled
plications arising out of individual national histories, whereby the
aspirations of minority groups come into conflict with national gove
p ol ic ie s. A b il in gu al o r b id ia le ct al p ol ic y ca n al so b e ex tr em el y e xp en si ve.
the only way in which the otherwise competing demands of intelligibil
i de nt it y c an be rec onci le d.
These are important issues for anyone interested in language, at any
address; an d cert ai nly an y curri cul um sh ould give it s st udents t he op portu
do so. The i ssues are i mport ant b ecause everyone is affect ed by them. No-
avoid being part of t he current ofli nguist ic chan ge or - to extend the met
can avoid bathing in the sea of linguistic variety. Nor can anyone esc
variations of attitude which people express in reaction to what is happen
some t ry to swim against t he curren t, whi le others bli thely l et it carry them
E ver yo ne, at so me t ime o r o th er , w il l h av e t hei r u sag e ch al len ge d b y s o meo
w het her i t b e a p ar en t, t eac her , p eer -g ro up me mb er , n ei gh bo ur , ed it or , c o
or boss. The contexts might be local, national, or global. To cope w
challenges, or to respond to them coherently, people need confidence
cOl1fidence comes from knowledge, an awareness of what is happen
l an gu ag e a nd wh at t he i ss ues a re. A l in gu is ti cal ly i nf or med cu rr ic ul um ,
in mother-tongue teaching or in foreign-language teaching, can prov
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PLENARY SESSIONS
foundat ion Onwhich such confidence can be buil t, because i tgives people ins ight
into principles \vhich can make sense of the multifaceted and potel:Jtial ly confus
ing linguistic world which surrounds them.
And
so
to take one of the questions regularly asked: will the English-language
fragment? The history of language suggests that fragmentatioo is a regular
phenomel lOn (as in the well-known case of Lati n); but the hi story .of l anguage i s
no l onger a guide. Today, we live in the proverbial gl obal village, where we have
immediate access to other languages , and to variet ies of Engl ish, in ;Nays that have
come to be avai lable but recently; and t hi s is having a radical effect . A Brit ish
Counci l Col league told me recently that he had jus t come back fwn11ndia where
he had seen a group of people in an out-of-the-way village clustering around a
t elevisi on set, where t hey were hearing CNN News beamed dowt l via sat ellit e.
None of these People, he felt, would have heard any kind of EngliSh before - at
least, not in any regular way - other than the Indian variety of English used by
their school-teacher. With a whole range of fresh audit ory models becoming
rout inely avai lable, i t i seasy to see how the type of Engl ish spoken in India could
move in fresh directions. And satell ite communi cation being,
by
definition,
gl obal, it is e asy to see how a system of natural checks and balances - also well
attested in the hi story of language - could emerge in the case of world English.
The pull i rnpos~d by the need for identi ty, which has been making Iodian Engli sh
increasingly dissimilar from British English, will be balanced bya pull imposed by
the need for intelligibility, on a world scale, which will make Iodian English
increasingly sil1lilar - to CNN, at least And this could happen anywhere.
~i~~~i~tic
Iiversity
And how does balance manifest itself in community terms? This is where the
not ion ofmul ti lingual ism comes into play. I t i s an axiom of contemporary socio
l inguistically informed language planning that the only way to reduce the tension
between language comm unities isto recognise the importa nce of l inguistic diver
s ity, and place ])1ult il ingual ism at the centre of language pol icy and planning. In
the case of Engli sh, as I have said, we should be talking about mt .l lt idialect ism
rather than I11Ul ti lingual ism, but the i ssue i s the same: joint respect for the two
principles, intel ligibili ty and identity. And this iswhat my baseball aoecdote at the
beginning of 111ypaper was intended to illustrate. The EWSSE scenario suggests
that, duri ng the 21st cent ury, peopl e with an i nt ernat ional presence who speak
English as a fi rst language will find themsel ves adding a third variety to t hei r
repertoire. Many people already have two. They speak a national forl11alvariety, or
dialect J speak British/US/Australian ... English ) as well as an intra-national
informal variety, which is often regionally biased ( I speak the colloquial English
of Liverpool, Glasgow, Boston, New Orleans ... ). Those who are bidialectal in this
THE FUTURE OF ENGLISH
way slip into each of these variet ies without thinking about i t. In future, th
ball example suggests, they will become tridialectal, with the international
offeri ng them a further option of an English in which national usages hav
replaced by regional ly neutral forms - to be used, of course, only when ci
stances are right .
I feel it happening to me. At home, I speak my personal brand of Welsh/L
pudlian-infl uenced English. At a nat ional conference I drop the local
Liverpudl ian expressions, and adopt an accent more in the di rec tion ofRP.
an international conference, such as this one, I go a stage further, and d
many of my national Briti shisms as Ican - especi ally the colloqui alisms - w
sense might pose problems of intel ligibi li ty . Even the accent changes . This
foreigner-speak - a conscious simplifying or talking-down. It isa new vari
complex as any other vari ety I know, but geared towards a different aud
And, as I sai d at the outset, i t does not exi st in st able form as yet. I am consci
it growing within me. But it takes a long time for a new set of norms to b
internalised. It requires feedback from others,of the conversational kind, an
l ittle of this has yet happened to me. I have probably used several Bri tishis
t his talk today without intending to. But I do know that the variet y in which
given this talk is di fferent from the corresponding variety I would be usi ng
I giving it to a predominantly native English speaking audience. I sen
constraints.
The future of
EmergingWorld
Standard Spoken nglis
What becomes especial ly interest ing, of course, i s to speculate about the w
EWSSE wi ll deve lop. I t wi ll undoubtedly adopt fresh forms of lexical expre
as national regionalisms come to be avoided. Some of these wi ll come fro
nature of the interact ive context i tsel f: I am told that there i sa growing dist
t echnical and slang vocabulary in Engl ish in the corr idors of the European
muni ty these days - words and phrases which only the diplomats and bureau
use when going about their business. Huge numbers of terms begin wi
prefix
Euro
for example. In that microcosm, we see the members of an
nat ional , mult il ingual communi ty changing a l ingua franca to sui t them
And because i t i sa microcosm, wi th re lat ively smal l numbers of people inv
the changes are t aki ng place quit e qui ckl y. It could t ake a hundred years f
happen on a world scale, though once the Internet comes to be voice- intera
(within the next 25 years, I suspect) that could change. Even pronunciatio
affected. I have heard a conversation where the linguistic accommoda
between the multinational participants was so great that everyone ado
range of phonological modif icat ions - such as ar ti culat ing final consonants
fully, and speaking in a more syllable-timed way. Even - and thi s is t he poin
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8/11/2019 Crystal - Future English
6/6
PLENARY SESSIONS
British participants picked up these speaking patterns. I have heard myself do it
many times - slipping into the syllable-timed speech being used by everyone else.
Indeed, given that varieties of syllable-timed speech is the norm for most lan
guages in the world, and has emerged through language contact in so many
varieties of second-language English (such as the Caribbean, South Africa, India),
it may well be that WSSE, at the end of the next century, will be a syllable-timed
variety of English. That would certainly save us all a great deal of time worrying
about patterns of word stress
That is enough speculation for one talk. I hope the principles which fuelled the
speculation are clear. There is always a tension between unity and diversity, and
the only way it can be resolved is by understanding the processes which foster
both. A developed concept of language function is critical, and within this, an
appreciation of the complementary notions of intelligibility and identity.
eferences
Crystal, David (1995). TheCambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language Cambridge.
Cambridge University Press.
Crystal, David
(1997).
English as a Global Language Cambridge. Cambridge University
Press.
Graddol, David
(1998).
TheFuture of English London.The BritishCouncil.
MacArthur,Tom
(1998).
TheEnglish Languages Cambridge. Cambridge UniversityPress.
Quirk,R.,Greenbaum, 5., Leech,G.and svartvik, . (1985). Comprehensive Grammarof
the English Language London. Longman.
ote
Asthose who attended DavidCrystal s talk at the congress inBathwillknow,itwas not based
on awritten text, but was delivered withgreat fluency and spontaneity without a single note.
This paper is adapted from a talk given earlier in the same year to the TEsOLArabiaConfer
ence. The content and ideas expressed are, however, very similar to those we heard in Bath
inApril
1998.