Creating New Discursive Terrain for the Custodians of the Tibetan Spiritscape:A Bio-cultural audit of Sacred Natural Sites in NW Yunnan with special

reference to the Yubeng Valley

John Studley

Abstract

For hundreds of year’s numinous spiritscapes, presided over by “place gods” or gzhi bdag, havebeen a defining cultural feature of Tibetan lay society, as well as being exemplars of explicit nature

conservation. The animistic beliefs that support Tibetan spiritscapes have had to be discursivelyrecalibrated repeatedly in the face of Tibetan Buddhism, the Cultural Revolution, and currently by

modernity, tourism and formal education.Little is known about the recovery of Tibetan spiritscapes since the Cultural Revolution, the revival

of traditional religious practices (1984) and the felling ban (1998), so a bio-cultural audit wasconducted in 12 selected sites in Deqin Prefecture in Sept/Oct 2013 to assess their current bio-

cultural status and importance as exemplars of explicit nature conservation.The audit was predicated on a literature review, participatory field methods and GIS technologies,

and was informed by the author’s research in the region.Most villages surveyed in Deqin Prefecture have on average 700ha of gzhi bdag spiritscape spread

over 3 sites comprising up to 60% of village land, although 25% is more typical.Most respondents can describe the rituals for honouring a gzhi bdag, the taboos and forms of

retribution and restitution, the current status of biodiversity in the spiritscape and name uniqueflora and fauna.

Whatever metrics are used there is greater biodiversity in “sacred” sites than in pilot plots andthese findings are supported by 83% of respondents. Although many respondents stated that gzhi

bdag spiritscapes had recovered from felling it was evident that there was much greaterbiodiversity prior to 1950.

The preservation of gzhi bdag spiritscapes is contingent upon the protection of indigenous cultureand its intergenerational transmission. The greatest threats to gzhi bdag spiritscapes are posed by

the formal education and tourism.Although Tibetan spiritscapes are exemplars of biodiversity and may constitute 25% of the land

mass of Cultural Tibet they have been discursively excluded from official narratives. Consequentlythey are not recognized or protected internationally as unique phenomenon in their own right.

This chapter concludes by elaborating the challenges posed by the audit and provides somerecommendations for those interested in enhancing and protecting the bio-cultural diversity of

the Tibetan spiritscapes of Southwest China.

Key words: spiritscape, numina, Tibetan, gzhi bdag, animism, place gods, discursive terrain

Introduction

The sacred natural sites (SNS) of indigenous societies are mostly supported by a worldview

predicated on animism and numinous spiritscapes1. This paradigm is characterized by strong

psycho-spiritual values2, eco-spiritual auditing3, topocosmic reciprocity4 and explicit nature

1 Spiritscape describes an animistic phenomenon where landscape features (mountains, hills, knolls) or bodies of water(lakes, ponds, mires) are inhabited by a divinity or numina – See Byrne 19992 Studley 20053 Hollan 1996, Reichel 19924 Posey 1999, Reichel 1992, Sahlins 2004

conservation within the domains of numina5. In spite of this, numinous landscapes are more

vulnerable and threatened than SNS associated with mainstream faiths6.

1.1 Tibetan Spiritscapes

The spiritscape paradigm is a defining characteristic of Tibetan lay society and is exemplified in

territorial cults7 and cadastral spirits8. These beliefs, however, have been subsumed by Tibetan

Buddhist (TB) and an environmental paradigm exemplified by “holy mountains”9 and the

mandalization of landscape10. As a result Tibetan Spiritscapes are often discursively excluded as a

discrete phenomenon in their own right.

Historically the cultural identity of Tibetan nomads and farmers was predicated on the honouring

of mundane numina (known collectively as yul lha11 and locally as gzhi bdag12) under the aegis of

what are commonly described as “mountain cults”13, “territorial cults” or the “cult of height”14.

Most mountains in the Tibetan world are owned and inhabited by a gzhi bdag15 associated with

specific communities and territories. They are part of an animistic and shamanistic tradition

concerned with the immediate world, involving various rituals that take place in the home and

mountain locales. The gzhi bdag16 and other 'gods of the past', theoretically 'tamed' by

Buddhism17 are closer to Tibetan nomads and farmers in both geography, identity and in sensed

presence. In the world of the lay Tibetan, many landscape features point back to the worship of

ancient gods. They are not only conscious of the constant scrutiny of gzhi bdag when they go

hunting, but engage in rituals and place demands on them for protection and health, and success,

in hunting, trading, travel, farming etc.

5 Bayo 2012, Verschuuren et al 20106 Wild et al 20087 Huber 2004, 20068 Mus 19759 gnas ri10 McKay 199811 Tibetan landscape is populated by a myriad of deities known as yul lha, who act both as protectors and wrathful gods,depending on the ability of the local community to please them. They are grouped under the aegis of ‘jig rten pa’i lha,or mundane deities, and classified into the following categories: klu (naga spirits dwelling in the water), gnyan (kind ofspirit usually dwelling in trees and rocks), btsan (kind on spirit), sa bdag and gzhi bdag (protective spirits of theground), gdon (kind of demon), ‘dre (kind of demon), sri (kind of demon), srung ma (protectors) and dgra lha (wargods) See Punzi 201312 Often yul lha and gzhi bdag are used together i.e. yul lha gzhi bdag in a general sense for any place’s gods, includinggods of land, mountains, stone, water, etc (Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 20/11/2013)13 Blondeau & Steinkellner 199814 Karmay 199815 Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 11/3/1316 a place god or territorial numina i.e a spirit or deity that presides over or inhabits a place or landscape feature17 When they theoretically became “Dharma protectors” (or srung ma)

Participation in territorial cults is still an essential element of rural Tibetan life and identity and is

expressed in cultural, economic, eco-spiritual and political behaviour. It is part of an ongoing

process of folk practice recovery18 and a contemporary means of expressing “Tibetanness”19.

1.2 Explicit Nature Conservation

Territorial cults are characterized by explicit nature conservation and ritual protection within the

domain of the gzhi bdag which is encompassed by the territory they preside over20.

1.3 Monocultural myopia

The unique animistic spiritual ecologies of the Tibetan laity, which support these biodiversity

hotspots appear to have been ‘discursively excluded’21 from official narratives. Elite interests have

attempted to assimilate these beliefs or ignore them as a result of secondary ethnocentrism or

“monocultural myopia”22.

Within the last ten years there has been a “discursive recalibration” 23 of the cultural and spiritual

values of biodiversity24 and the promotion of sacred natural sites as a means of conserving nature

and culture25. This “new discursive terrain”26, however, has often excluded the spiritual ecologies

of animism27 which is the most common belief system of the world’s indigenous people28.

It has been estimated29 that 25%30 of “Cultural Tibet” is comprised of “Sacred Lands” dedicated to

gzhi bdag.

The purpose of this study is to redress the “monocultural myopia”31 by attempting: -

1) To “ground truth” the realities and extents of selected SNS, under the aegis of a divinity knownas a gzhi bdag predicated on a bio-cultural audit.

18 Huber 200219 Kolas 200420 Studley 201021 Weinblum and Iglesias 201322 Hwa Yol Jung 2002 Page 323 Ferrera 2007, Page 1324 Posey 199925 Wild et al 200826 Rabgey 2008, Page 33327 Sponsel 201228 Clarke and Beyer 200829 Buckley 2007, Shen et al 201230 567,000km2

31 Hwa Yol Jung 2002 Page 3

2) To bring phenomenological recognition and understanding of the gzhi bdag phenomenon tolocal and global audiences.

3) To begin to secure, with others, international recognition and protection for 500,000 km2 ofTibetan Spiritscape.

2 The Study Area

The Yubeng Valley

The Yubeng Valley, comprising 8899ha32, lies at the heart of the Khawakarpo mountain range in

Deqin Prefecture, NW Yunnan and straddles the inner kora pilgrim route33. It encompasses nine

groups of peaks which circumscribe the abodes34 of the gzhi bdag35, including three forested

peaks which are also “sealed”36. It is only accessible on foot and is an important trekking and

pilgrimage centre. Its Tibetan inhabitants mostly live in Upper Yubeng37 or Lower Yubeng38 and

speak a dialect of Kham. It is a constituent part of one of the ‘properties’ within the Three Parallel

Rivers World Heritage Site because of its biodiversity, its sacred peaks and its ritual sites39.

3 Survey Methods

The survey methods were predicated on:-

• a literature review of “sacred sites” in NW Yunnan

• contact with “sacred site” researchers who have studied NW Yunnan

• the preparation of GIS data sets of Deqin, Zhongdian and Khawakarpo

• a bio-cultural audit of the Yubeng Valley and selected villages in Zhongdian County40

3.1 Site Selection

The Yubeng Valley was selected as the principal research site because it was known as an

important Tibetan Buddhist site, its mountains are inhabited by gzhi bdag and several of them are

also sealed41. In additional 11 sites were selected in Zhongdian County42 to assess the distribution

across the Prefecture.

32 GIS estimate33 http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/34 Known as palaces or citadels or ་ང�or pho brang in Tibetan35 Pronounced reda in much of Deqin TAP – this should not be confused with rida.36 Known in Tibetan as ་་བམ། or ri rgya bsdam37 3350m38 3250m39 which include a sacred waterfall, a mystic temple, a conic megalith and a sacred cave complex40 Also known as Shangri-la County41 Known in Tibetan as ri rgya bsdam42 Also known as Shangri-la County

Figure 1 Research sites (including Yunnan insert)

4 Results

4.1 The gzhi bdag survey

6 How many gzhi bdag

1 1 8.33%

2 5 41.67%

3 4 33.33%

5 1 8.33%

9 1 8.33%

Total 12

Mean 3.08

Standard Dev. 2.11

Variance 4.45

Response 12 100.00%

5 are there any gzhi bdag here

yes 12 100.00%

no 0 0.00%

Total 12

Mean 1.00

Standard Dev. 0.00

Variance 0.00

Response 12 100.00%

8 is there a known liminal boundaryyes 12 100.00%

no 0 0.00%

Total 12

Mean 1.00

Standard Dev. 0.00

Variance 0.00

Response 12 100.00%

Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com

7 what is the size of the total gzhi bdag

domains in the village (mu)?

(how long does it take to walk around)

15 mu = 1 ha

Data Set:

350, 450, 500, 1212, 2000, 2500, 4401, 4500,

4500, 9000, 85320 ha

Descriptive Statistics: Minimum: 350

Maximum

:

85320

Range: 84970

Count: 11

Sum: 114733 7648.86

Mean: 10430 695.33

Median: 2500

Mode: 4500

Standard

Deviation:

24970

Variance: 623600000

10 can you describe the gzhi bdag rituals

household devotions 10 27.03%

men/monks offer bsang at la btsas 8 21.62%

community and ad hoc 9 24.32%

all offerbsang at bsangthab 10 27.03%

Total 37

Mean 2.51

Standard Dev. 1.17

Variance 1.37

Response 10 83.33%

Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com

9 Is the domain sealed (ri rgya)?

Yes 1 8.33%

No 0 0.00%

I have never heard ofsealing 11 91.67%

Total 12

Mean 2.83

Standard Dev. 0.58

Variance 0.33

Response 12 100.00%

11 what activities are sanctioned in gzhi bdag

domainlimited cutting 1 6.25%

collectingherbs 1 6.25%

collect grass 1 6.25%

collect dry firewood 1 6.25%

grazing 5 31.25%

male access 1 6.25%

protect trees 3 18.75%

protect animals 2 12.50%

special access forwomen 1 6.25%

Total 16

Mean 5.44

Standard Dev. 2.22

Variance 4.93

Response 12 100.00%

13 can you name the types of retribution

for upsetting a gzhi bdaghuman illness 4 23.53%

cancer 1 5.88%

human death 2 11.76%

animal il lness 2 11.76%

animal death 2 11.76%

hail and storms 1 5.88%

avalanches 1 5.88%

glaciers recede 1 5.88%

madness or craziness 1 5.88%

dreams and nightmares 1 5.88%

bad things happen 1 5.88%

Total 17

Mean 4.94

Standard Dev. 3.60

Variance 12.93

Response 6 50%

14 What are the means of restitution

offer bsang 7 43.75%

chanting 1 6.25%

pra yer flags 2 12.50%

pra y for all vil lagers 1 6.25%

white scarf 1 6.25%

plant trees 3 18.75%

release animals 1 6.25%

Total 16

Mean 3.06

Standard Dev. 2.26

Variance 5.13

Response 9 75% Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com

12 what activities are not sanctioned in gzhi bdag

domain

no tree cutting 2 10.00%

no litter dropping 1 5.00%

improper dress 2 10.00%

no hunting 4 20.00%

no burning 1 5.00%

no access to snow peaks 1 5.00%

no access for women 3 15.00%

no firewood collection 4 20.00%

no herbcollecting 1 5.00%

no urinating ordefecating on glaciers 1 5.00%

Total 20

Mean 5.45

Standard Dev. 2.70

Variance 7.31

Response 9 75.00%

15 who assists you when you make

restitution

a lama 3 60.00%

a cangba 1 20.00%

a lha pa 0 0.00%

a sngags pa 0 0.00%

a divination master or mo pa 1 20.00%

an amchi / Tibetan doctor 0 0.00%

nobody 0 0.00%

Total 5

Mean 2.00

Standard Dev. 1.73

Variance 3.00

Response 3 25.00%

16 who is responsible for cultural

reproduction (of gzhi bdag cult)

Village elders 2 50.00%

Parents 2 50.00%

Lamas 0 0.00%

Cangba 0 0.00%

Total 4

Mean 1.50

Standard Dev. 0.58

Variance 0.33

Response 2 8.16%

17 Is biodiversity greater in the gzhi bdag

domain?

Yes 10 83.33%

No 2 16.67%

Total 12

Mean 1.17

Standard Dev. 0.39

Variance 0.15

Response 12 100.00%

Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com

18 Can you name any unique

flora or fauna in the gzhi bdag domain

nabi 1 3.45%

pheasants 4 13.79%

small panda 3 10.34%

wolves 2 6.90%

bears 1 3.45%

leopards 3 10.34%

tigers 2 6.90%

musk deer 2 6.90%

many bamboo species 2 6.90%

rare plants 3 10.34%

rare animals 1 3.45%

monkeys 2 6.90%

108 plant/tree species 2 6.90%

other 1 3.45%

Total 29

Mean 7.00

Standard Dev. 4.00

Variance 16.00

Other Option [Other]

serow

Response 8 66.66%

19 What are the greatest threats to gzhi

bdag sites

Tourism 1 5.56%

Formal Education (in boarding schools) 1 5.56%

Economic development 1 5.56%

Logging 3 16.67%

Mining 0 0.00%

Globalisation 0 0.00%

External philosophic values 6 33.33%

External cultural values 6 33.33%

Total 18

Mean 6.00

Standard Dev. 2.33

Variance 5.41

Response 6 50%

Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com

Q15, 16 and 19 were based on volunteered information

4.2 The GIS Survey

5 Discussion

5.1 gzhi bdag Sites

gzhi bdag sites are a common phenomenon throughout the Tibetan world43 and comprise44 25%

of the land area of the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau45. On the basis of the gzhi bdag survey (section 4)

43 Huber 1999a+b, Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 11/3/13

respondents46 were familiar with gzhi bdag (100%), the number of sites (100%)47 and their size

(91.66%)48.

There are nine gzhi bdag locales in the Yubeng Valley, and six of them are snow mountain groups,

and three are forested mountains. The gzhi bdag mountains comprise in total an area of 5278 ha

or 60 % of the Yubeng catchment.

Figure 2. The protected and sealed gzhi bdag domains of the Yubeng Valley

5.2 Ritual Protection and Sealing

44 with gnas or monastery land45 Buckley 200746 Q5-747 An average of 3.08 sites per village48 An average of 10,430 mu or 700ha – this was estimated in several cases from the time it took to walk around thedomain

The protection of gzhi bdag sites is not merely a cultural or spiritual phenomenon. It is a human

right that has been identified and protected by international law49. On the basis of the survey

100% of respondents knew the liminal boundary50 of the gzhi bdag sites (Q8) and were able to

describe its geospatial extent and taboos. Only 8.33% of respondents were familiar with sealing

(Q9) which ensures “double protection” of gzhi bdag sites.

gzhi bdag site “sealing” is not a universal practice in every Tibetan community but it is quite

widespread51. Mountain domains are sealed to protect flora and fauna owned by gzhi bdag and to

prevent any disturbance within the domain of the gzhi bdag. Eleven villages52 out of fifty, in the

Khawakarpo Mountains have sealed off their numinous gzhi bdag lands from domesticated

settlements by establishing liminal lines above their villages.

Three forested mountains53 in the Yubeng Valley have been ritually sealed in a ceremony involving

the hereditary headmen of Yubeng and a Lama from Hong Po Monastery, Deqin54.

5.3 Maintaining Topocosmic Equilibrium

The economies and well-being of most indigenous societies are maintained on the basis of

topocosmic reciprocity55. This is manifest through behavioural expectations, customs, taboos,

rites, and values and articulated in stories, histories and lessons.

Equilibrium is maintained in Deqin by securing the ‘patronage’56 of the gzhi bdag by protecting

their domain, honouring and thanking them and by restitution when necessary.

Habitat Taboos in gzhi bdag domains

49 Article 25 of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples states that “Indigenous peoples have the rightto maintain and strengthen their distinctive spiritual relationship with their traditionally owned or otherwise occupiedand used lands, territories, waters and coastal seas and other resources and to uphold their responsibilities to futuregenerations in this regard.”50 A threshold to a liminal zone (See Durkheim 1995, Robertson 2006)51 See Huber 200452 Lanier 200553 tso da, ben de ru and bon bo ru54 Upon the request of the local people, the Lama is invited to check the "feng-shui" (geomancy) of the gzhi bdagmountain first. They will decide the direction of the boundary line after they have surveyed the landscape, forest, aswell as the places that are likely to be frequented with mudslides and landslides. They will set the line according to thesun-dial, and then set up mani stone piles intermittently, or bury a treasure vase containing 25 kinds of medicinal herbs,five kinds of silk and satin, five sorts of gold, silver and gem stones and five kinds of grain. Afterwards, they will recitethe Buddhist manuscripts for seven to 21 days. When all these have been completed, the grass above the divide linecannot be collected, the trees cannot be felled and stones cannot be quarried. Each year, the local community will sendfor the Lama to preside over the ceremonies and recite the Buddhist manuscripts (Guo Jing 2000)55 Bird-David 1992, Gaster 196156 success (in hunting, trading, travel, farming, forestry), protection, blessing, glory, honour, fame, prosperity, progenyand power for the people and their political and religious leadership

Taboos exist in most cultures where norms rather than juridical laws determine human behaviour

including treatment of the natural environment57 where they are defined as "resource and habitat

taboos”58. On the basis of the survey 100% of respondents knew which activities were sanctioned

in a gzhi bdag domain (Q11), namely grazing (31.25%), protecting trees (18.75%), protecting

animals (12.50%), limited cutting (6.25%), collecting herbs (6.25%), collecting grass (6.25%),

collecting dry firewood (6.25%), male access (6.25%), special access for women (6.25%)59.

75% of respondents knew which activities were not sanctioned (Q12) namely no hunting (20.00%),

no firewood collection (20.00%), no access for women (15.00%), no tree cutting (10.00%),

improper dress (10.00%), no litter dropping (5.00%), no burning (5.00%), no access to snow peaks

(5.00%), no herb collection (5.00%), no urinating or defecating on glaciers (5.00%)

41.66% of respondents mentioned that non/sanctioned activities in gzhi bdag domains were self-

regulated i.e. restrictions were self-imposed, self-monitored and self-enforced60.

Honouring and thanking the gzhi bdag

gzhi bdag sites are inscribed in the landscape and in local consciousness through folklore and

through a cycle of daily, monthly, seasonal and annual ritual devotions. For each gzhi bdag there

are specific prayers for specific occasions, many of which have been preserved in ritual texts61.

On the basis of the survey (Q10) 83.3% of respondents were aware of the gzhi bdag rituals

including; household devotions (27.03%) the offering of bsang62 for all at a bsang thab63 (27.03%),

community and ad hoc offerings (24.32%), offerings by monks and/or men at mountain la btsas64

(21.62%).

Retribution

gzhi bdag are capricious and easily offended65 especially if they are not honoured and thanked

and humankind disturbs them, their domain, or the flora and fauna they own. If they are angered

they will take retribution66 on the people they are responsible for, or their stock, or their crops.

57 Tengö et al 2004, 200758 Colding and Folke 200159 On specific sites60 Colding and Folke 200161 known in Tibetan as བསང་ག། (bsang yig)62 incense63 incense altar64 mountain altar65 The Tibetan word for this is ག་ག་གང�(or phog thug gtong) to be offended

66 The Tibetan word for this is ལས་འས། (or las ‘bras)

On the basis of the survey (Q13) only 50% of respondents were aware of the types of retribution

that would result from upsetting or disturbing a gzhi bdag. These included human illness

(23.53%), human death (11.76%), animal illness (11.76%), animal death (11.76%), cancer (5.88%),

hail and storms (5.88%), avalanches (5.88%), glacial retreat (5.88%), madness (5.88%), nightmares

(5.88%), “bad things happening” (5.88%).

Figure 3 An altar on the roof of a house in Upper Yubeng for honouring and appeasing the gzhi bdag of snow peak “min tso mo”

ན་བཙ་། and forested peak of ben de ru བན་་།

Making restitution with the gzhi bdag

When a gzhi bdag is offended this not only results in retribution but it has an impact on

topocosmic equilibrium. As a result restitution is required between the transgressor and the gzhi

bdag and the transgressor and the community.

On the basis of the survey (Q14) 75% of respondents were aware of the measures required to

make restitution with a gzhi bdag. Typically the measures included offering bsang67 (43.75%),

67 incense

planting trees (18.75%), erecting prayer flags (12.50%), chanting (6.25%), praying for the village

(6.25%), offering a white scarf (6.25%), and releasing animals into the wild68 (6.25%)

Mediation or Ritual Enquiry

Some form of mediation or “ritual enquiry” is often employed to establish which gzhi bdag is

offended, who the transgressor is, and what type of restitution is required. Traditionally deity

mediums69 were consulted but as many of them were persecuted during the Cultural Revolution

transgressors have had to rely on other “cultural specialists”70 (i.e. blamas, cangba71 , amchi72, or

mo pa73). In the case of a deity medium the gzhi bdag communicates verbally, but most other

cultural specialists have to rely on divination74 through astrology or chance.

On the basis of the survey (Q15) 25% of respondents referred to ritual enquiry, namely blamas

(60%), canga (20%) and mo pa75 (20%).

The gzhi bdag do sometimes warn transgressors through dreams, visions, omens76, theophanies77

and even the abduction of relatives78. Omens and divination are important for maintaining

harmony with a gzhi bdag and the topocosm79.

Cultural reproduction (of the gzhi bdag cult)

In most indigenous societies cultural specialists are knowledgeable about wildlife and play an

important role in environmental storytelling and the transmission of culture and indigenous

knowledge ensuring harmony within the cosmos.

As a result of persecution the role of the cultural specialists in Deqin appears to be limited to

mediation80, and with the exception of one cultural specialist81 elders and parents appear82 to be

shouldering most of the responsibility for intergenerational enculturation83.

68 known as ་ཐར་གང། tshe thar gtong in Tibetan. The release of animals is a pre-Buddhist custom, for averting danger,

regaining bla (soul) and health, and the annulment of misdeeds (sdig pa sel ba). It is a common practice among nomadsand the Tibetan diaspora (See Bauer 2013, Gerke 2012, Rosing and Spurkhapa 2006, Tucci 1988)69 Often known as lha pa in Tibetan70 Yang Fuquan 200271 The author was unable to establish if cangba were trance mediums or relied on dice divination.

72 Tibetan Doctor or ཨམ་།73 Divination master

74 ། mo in Tibetan75 Divination masters76 ན་འལ། (rten ‘brel) in Tibetan and pronounced “tendrel”.77 The temporal and spatial manifestation of a divinity in some tangible form (e.g. human or animal)78 Norbu 199779 Samuel 199380 On the basis of the gzhi bdag survey (Q15)81 A monk in the chapel next to the padma cave complex in Yubeng82 On the basis of the gzhi bdag survey (Q16)

5.4 Biodiversity

Sacred land, especially ritually protected numinous enclosures such as gzhi bdag locales, are

typically characterised by explicit nature conservation and serve as exemplars or refugia84 of

biodiversity.

In spite of the Cultural Revolution and Logging between 1950 and 1998 the survey revealed that

83.33% of respondents (Q18) believed that there was more biodiversity inside the gzhi bdag

domain than outside, although most of them recognized that there had been much greater

biodiversity prior to 1950. In addition 66.66% of respondents were able to name unique flora &

fauna (See Q19 for detail).

Biodiversity studies of Yubeng flora85 suggest some significant differences based on “sanctity”.

These included differences in useful species, endemic species, tree size (DBH) and basal area

(m2/ha). The literature86 suggests that the fauna found in the Yubeng Valley includes:- deer, blue

sheep, golden-haired monkey, monkey, tiger, panda, musk deer, pheasant, bear, rabbit, wolf,

small panda, snow leopards, “Ja”87,parakeets, golden eagles, bearded vultures, rose finches,

yellow throated buntings, Gould’s sunbird and Lady Amherst’s pheasant.

5.5 Threats to gzhi bdag locales and culture

The preservation of gzhi bdag sites and their biodiversity is contingent upon the protection of

indigenous culture and its intergenerational transmission. Threats to indigenous culture are

addressed elsewhere88 and can only be summarised in this chapter.

The greatest bio-cultural threats, on the basis of the survey (Q19), include: - external philosophic

values (33.33%), external cultural values (33.33%), logging (16.67%), primary education in

boarding school (5.56%), tourism (5.56%) and economic development (5.56%)

In Yubeng the greatest threats are posed by: - formal education and tourism followed by the

expansion of transportation and communication links, mountaineering, and economic

83 Enculturation is the process by which people learn the requirements of their surrounding culture and acquire valuesand behaviours appropriate or necessary in that culture. As part of this process, the influences that limit, direct, or shapethe individual (whether deliberately or not) include parents, other adults, and peers. If successful, enculturation resultsin competence in the language, values and rituals of the culture84 An area where special environmental circumstances have enabled a species or a community of species tosurvive after extinction in surrounding areas.85 Anderson et al 2005, Salick et al 200786 Guo Jing 2000 Eckholm 2001, Holmes and Holmes 2011, Sonam Dorje p.c. 15/9/201387 “Ja” is believed to be gya in Tibetan or serow in Lepcha or Capricornis thar. In the Khawakarpo mountains theyoften have a white mane.88 Studley 2005

development89. According to the Khawakarpo Culture Association if the local culture is degraded

by outside influences it will affect the religious culture and the conservation ethic90.

There is already evidence of alienation91 in Tibetan secondary school children in Ganzi TAP92 which

may have spread to Tibetan primary school students in NW Yunnan93. Although the headmaster

still lives in Yubeng the Primary School was closed in 2012 and primary school children currently

attend boarding school in Deqin.

Tourism94 and the market economy have been more destructive in Southwest China than the

Cultural Revolution, because it has resulted in a new generation who care little for religion and

culture.

The forced elimination of Tibetan Culture in one generation coupled with the effects of modernity

has significantly changed Tibetan culture in Yubeng95 and as a result of tourism96 the protected

areas in Yubeng are no longer safe, and beliefs in gzhi bdag are beginning to break down.

Figure 4 Yubeng’s defunct primary school (CCTV)

In marked contrast to Deqin TAP efforts are being made globally to bring indigenous language and

knowledge into school curriculum, and to move learning back into the community, thus

reaffirming the status of elders as knowledge holders97.

89 Sonam Dorje p.c. 15/9/2013, Moseley et al 200390 Moseley et al 200391 From place and culture92 Studley 201293 Recently the Deqin TAP government has established boarding schools in the main towns, for primary school studentsfrom remote villages.94 Ma Jianzhong in Lanier 200595 Lanier 200596 Tanga Lobsang p.c. 29/19/2013

Although the Khawakarpo Cultural association and others98 have created a bio-cultural archive of

the region there are no formal mechanisms to reproduce enculturation or to move learning back

into the community.

6. Conclusions

“Sacred Natural Sites” continue to play a major role in the lives and identity of the Tibetan

population of China, but for very different reasons. The gzhi bdag sites are the numinous abodes

of territorial divinities that protect and grant success to lay Tibetans and undergird their identity

and “Tibetanness”.

Ritually protected enclosures are common throughout the Tibetan world and the diaspora99 and

may comprise up to 25% of the land mass of Cultural Tibet. In NW Yunnan most villages have three

gzhi bdag sites totalling approximately 700ha with well known and well defined geospatial extents

and greater biodiversity than adjacent areas.

The ritual protection of the flora and fauna within a gzhi bdag domain is currently conducted on

the basis of self-regulation in order to ensure topocosmic equilibrium. Although ritual protection

is being maintained it is coming under pressure as a result of timber requirements for tourism.

There is recognition that if the local culture is degraded by outside influences it will affect the

religious culture and the conservation ethic. Some steps have been taken both globally and locally

to strengthen ties between elders and youth in order to reinforce the transmission of indigenous

knowledge and culture, but more needs to be done.

Cultural specialists were heavily persecuted during the Cultural Revolution and in some locations

only a few remain today.

Given the paucity of cultural specialists elders and parents appear to be shouldering most of the

responsibility for intergenerational enculturation. It is questionable, however, if cultural

reproduction will continue automatically in much of Deqin TAP with primary school children

currently being sent to boarding school.

Currently there are two main international channels for recognizing and protecting unique areas

of bio-cultural diversity, namely via the IUCN100 or ICCA101. Both of these avenues present

problems when the custodians are minority peoples living in countries that have top-down

97 Arenas et al 2010, http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdf98 Greer 2002, Lanier 2005, Xiao Xiangyi 201299 Tibetan emigration has occurred in five waves, 1) during the reign of Langdharma (836-842AD), 2) during the “Eraof Fragmentation” (9th-11th century), 3) following the 1959 Tibetan uprising 80,000 Tibetans emigrated to India, 4)following “opening and reform” (from 1987), 5)School children going to India for further education (from 2000).100 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Nature101 http://www.iccaconsortium.org/

hierarchical political systems and ambiguous autonomy. In the light of these difficulties the

current ICCA registration processes and GIS data publication protocols are in urgent need of

review.

7 Recommendations

Further field work is required to confirm the total area of spiritscapes in Cultural Tibet. This

information can also be used as base material for their protection.

Further research is required in order to audit gzhi bdag ritual activity.

Further research is required into the role of cangba and mo pa in Tibetan society and the viability

of increasing their numbers and distribution through training or mentoring.

Research is required into mechanisms for ensuring cultural reproduction.

There is an urgent need to identify international organisations and forums that can disseminate

the endangered status of Tibetan Spiritscapes and highlight the need to recognise them and

secure protection for them as discrete categories in their own right.

Representation need to be made to ICCA, WCMC102 and IUCN to amend registration and GIS

protocols so that Tibetan spiritscapes can be recognized and protected.

Lastly there is an urgent need for all to assist in the process of discursive recalibration of SNS to

ensure the bio-cultural diversity of the Tibetan Plateau and bring recognition to its custodians.

Acknowledgements

The author is indebted to the support provided for this research by China Exploration and

Research Society

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