correspondence between archbishops ussher and laud

Correspondence between Archbishops Ussher and LaudAuthor(s): Alan FordSource: Archivium Hibernicum, Vol. 46 (1991/1992), pp. 5-21Published by: Catholic Historical Society of IrelandStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25529608 .

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Alan Ford

Correspondence between Archbishops Ussher and Laud

James Ussher and William Laud first came into contact in the late 1620s as the effective leaders of their respective churches, Ussher had been appointed

Archbishop of Armagh in 1625, while Laud had been made first Bishop of London in 1628, and then Archbishop of Canterbury in 1633. But whereas Laud's power within the Church of England grew substantially as Bishop and then Archbishop, Ussher's capacity to influence events in the Church of Ireland declined substantially after the arrival of Laud's ally Thomas Went

worth as Lord Deputy in 1633. Though the relationship between the two Arch

bishops was outwardly friendly, underneath the cordiality lay significant intellectual and religious differences. Laud was a politician at the centre of

power. Ussher preferred the study to the council table. Laud was a hammer of non-conformity. Ussher was almost the type of a puritan bishop carefully sidestepping issues which might lead to division and contention between preci sian and conformist. Ussher was a predestinarian Calvinist. Laud was not.

Laud was determined to bring the Church of Ireland into conformity with the Church of England. Ussher resisted.1 Though it is tempting to read back some of the bitter polarisation of the 1640s into these underlying differences of the earlier decade, the gentle character of Ussher, and his enduring friendship with

Wentworth argues against elevating differences of opinion into a stark

antagonism.2 Contemporary and even later writers have, as a result, struggled to come to terms with the relationship between Ussher and Laud, some arguing for antipathy, others for friendship.3

The actual evidence upon which such judgements can be based is, however,

decidedly scanty -

only twenty-four letters over a period of twelve years, six teen printed in the collected works of Laud and Ussher, and an additional eight in the State Papers.4 Moreover references in the letters themselves indicate

clearly that they are but a part of a much larger overall correspondence.5 Where are the other letters? Given the dismal history of the destruction and

loss of Irish records and archives, the natural reaction of the historian might be that the remainder have perished, never to be recovered. Some do indeed

appear to have vanished.6 But others can be traced, in both printed and

manuscript sources. It is the purpose of this article to give an inventory of the

surviving correspondence, and to edit additional material hitherto

unpublished. The key figure in the survival of additional material is the barrister, lay

theologian and political activist, William Prynne. Having pursued his cam

paign against Laud and Arminianism throughout the (for him) painful 1630s,

Prynne finally triumphed in 1643, when parliament decided to put Laud on

trial. Prynne was entrusted with the task of helping to prepare the case against

5



ARCHIVIUM HIBERNICUM

his arch-emeny. He ransacked the Archbishop's library and personal papers,

copying ktters and taking documents which he thought might prove his Armi

nian conspiracy-theory.7 The result was a far from impartially edited version

of Laud's diary, and an equally biassed account of his life and times and trial, with extensive use of documents taken from Laud's study.8 Amongst this

material quoted by Prynne were five otherwise unknown letters of Ussher to

Laud, suggesting that Prynne had gained access to unique copies of Ussher's

correspondence.9 Had Prynne's extensive collection of papers, including many of Laud's, survived, it would be possible to check directly for further letters

from Ussher. Unfortunately, Prynne's papers disappeared soon after his death.

One trace of them has, however, survived. In the later sixteenth century, William Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury 1677-90, gained access to

Prynne's papers, or at least to the unpublished letters from Ussher to Laud, and made notes on them.10 The notes, all that remain of the original letters, are preserved in Bodleian Library, in Sancroft MS 18. They yield a further fourteen unpublished letters, making a total of forty-three letters in all.

The importance of these letters is twofold. In broad terms, the chronological distribution of the full forty-two letters shows conclusively how Ussher's rela

tionship with Laud, and his role in the Church of Ireland, declined after the arrival of Wentworth. In fact, in August 1637, Laud complained that he had

hardly heard from Ussher in two years.11 In terms of their detailed contents, the letters also provide additional information about both Ussher's and Laud's

wide-ranging activities, scholarly, theological, political and ecclesiastical. New information is given about ecclesiastical jurisdiction and patronage, the dis

putes between the regular and secular Catholic clergy in Ireland and between

Armagh and Dublin over precedence, the practice of the Irish Church with

regard to synods, and the condition of the Protestant Church, including an

interesting sidelight on the clergy's drinking habits.

Sanroft and Sancroft MS 18 William Sancroft (1619-93) was a tireless scholar, with a wide range of

literary, theological and historical interests. No one, in the opinion of D'Oyly, his nineteenth century biographer, has ever transcribed so much material with his own hand. He was in particular 'a diligent searcher after original letters of

distinguished persons', including those of Ussher.12 Sancroft MS 18 is bound volume, 470 pages long, in Sancroft's hand, written

on paper, measuring 18.5cm x 12cm, which consists of miscellaneous jottings from printed works and manuscript sources, including on pp 8-21 a series of notes and excerpts entitled '22 letters of the Lord Primate Ussher written with his own hands to Archbishop Laud'.13 In fact not all of the '22 letters' are from

Ussher: one is from Laud to Bishop William Bedell of Kilmore, printed in Laud's works14; two are from Bedell to Laud.15 Nor are those from Ussher all unprinted: three had already been published by Prynne,16 while one appears in Parr's life and letters, and again in Ussher's complete works.17 Sancroft also included the familiar 1626 declaration of the Irish bishops opposing toleration for Roman Catholicism.18 There are, therefore, fourteen original letters from

Ussher to Laud. The thoroughness of Sancroft's notes varies. Some of the letters are

6



CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ARCHBISHOPS USSHER AND LAUD

transcribed verbatim, others in the form of brief summaries, some in a com bination of both. The start of verbatim transcription is sometimes marked by capitalisation of the initial letter of the first word quoted. Generally, where

comparison is possible with the full text of a letter, Sancroft's transcriptions are an accurate reflection of the content, though it is apparent that even when

quoting verbatim, Sancroft often elides and shortens the original.19 In some cases where the original does not survive, Sancroft's transcription is suspect

-

though he may, of course, have simply been copying the error from Ussher's

original.20 In sum, where Sancroft quotes, he conveys the sense accurately, but it must always be borne in mind that he might not be quoting the whole of a

letter, and that there might be minor errors of transcription.

Editing principles Abbreviations, which are extensive in Sancroft's notes, have for the most

part been silently expanded. Editorial additions are included in square brackets. In the case of the three letters which were published in Prynne addi tional material from Prynne's version has been included in square brackets. In the inventory, entries for letters previously unpublished are given in italics.

Dating poses some minor problems. The letters in Sancroft are for the most

part in chronological order.21 In the inventory, the old style has been retained for the day and the month, but the year is treated as beginning on 1 January. In the text of the letters, the dates are transcribed as in the manuscript, with the addition in square brackets of the year given in the inventory. The two references to 'January 1631' in the letter of '17 March 1630' are explained by the fact that they refer to events on the continent, where of course the new year did begin on 1 January.

INVENTORY

Abbreviations C.S.P.I. R. P. Mahaffy ed., Calendar of state papers relating to

Ireland, of the reign of Charles I, preserved in the Public

Record Office, 4 vols (London, 1900-3) L.W. W. Scott and J. Bliss ed., The Works of Archbishop Laud,

(7 vols, Oxford, 1847-60) Parr R. Parr, The life of the most reverend father in God, James

Ussher, late Lord Archbishop of Armagh (London, 1686)

Prynne, Breviate William Prynne, A breviate of the life of William Laud

(London, 1644) Prynne, Doome William Prynne, Canterburies doome (London, 1646)

S.P. State Papers, Public Record Office, Chancery Lane, London

Sancroft Sancroft MS 18, Bodleian Library, Oxford

U.W. C. R. Erlington and J. H. Todd ed., The whole works of the

Most Rev. James Ussher, D.D., (17 vols, Dublin - London,

1847-64)

7




1629 29 January Laud to Ussher Parr, 401: U.W., xv, 423f: L.W., vi,

258 1 May Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 8

6 May Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 8f. 16 June Laud to Ussher Parr, 409: U.W., xv, 4431: L.W., vi,

260ff.

25 June Laud to Ussher Parr, 410f.: U.W., xv, 445f.: L.W., vi, 262f.

30 July Ussher to Laud S.P. 63/249/1442: C.S.P.I., 1625-32, 471

10 August Ussher to Laud Parr, 412: U.W., xv, 449f.

29 August Ussher and Downham of Derry S.P. 63/249/1474: C.S.P.I. 1625-32, to Laud 478

11 September Ussher to Laud S.P. 63/249/1485: C.S.P.I., 1625-32, 481

7 December Laud to Ussher Parr, 415f.: U.W., xv., 456f.: L.W., vi, 266ff.

1630 23 February Laud to Ussher Parr, 426f.: L.W., vi., 270ff.: U.W.,

xv, 477ff. J April Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 9ff. 17 April Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 11 2 May12 Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 13 4 June Ussher to Laud Sancroft, llf.

5 July Laud to Ussher Parr., 448f.: U.W., xv, 525ff.: L.W., vi, 272ff.

25 August Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 12 13 December Laud to Ussher U.W., xvi, 518f.

1631 10 February Ussher to Laud Prynne, Breviate, 104 17 March Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 12f.: Prynne, Breviate, 107 30 June Ussher to Laud S.P. 63/252/1978: C.S.P.I., 1625-32,

618 2 August Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 13f. 8 November Ussher to Laud Prynne, Doome, 172: S.P. 63/252/2035:

C.S.P.I. 1625-32, 633 23 December Ussher to Laud S.P. 63/252/2054: C.S.P.I., 1625-32,

638

1632 24 March Ussher and Earl S.P. 63/253/2100: C.S.P.I., 1625-32,

of Cork to Laud 653 19 November Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 14

8




1633 1 March Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 14: Prynne, Breviate, 110

24 March Ussher to Laud S.P. 63/254/17: C.S.P.L, 1633-47, 6 26 April Ussher to Laud S.P. 63/254/23: C.S.P.L, 1633-47, 8 Late 1633? Ussher to Laud Parr, 459f.: U.W., xv, 571f.

1634 13 February Ussher to Laud Parr, 460: U.W., xv, 374f.: Sancroft, 14

(for date) 30 April Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 14f 20 August Ussher to Laud Sancroft. 15

1635 10 May Laud to Ussher Parr, 476L: U.W., xvi, 7f.: L.W., vi,

418f. 1636 4 January23 Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 16f.: Prynne, Doome, 554. 8 January Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 16 5 August Laud to Ussher S.P. 63/255/139-140: C.S.P.L, 1633-47,

138f.: L.W., vii, 267 18 October Laud to Ussher Parr, 482: L.W., vi, 469f: U.W., xvi,

22f. 5 November Laud to Ussher Check C.S.P.L: L.W., vii, 29Iff.

1638 9 July Ussher to Laud U.W., xvi, 36: S.P. 63/256/107,

C.S.P.L, 1633-47 196

29 July24 Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 17

1639 30 November Ussher to Laud Sancroft, 17f

1640 23 October Laud to Ussher U.W, xvi, 536: L.W., vi, 584ff.

[p.8] Out of Archbishop Laud's papers recovered from Mr Prinns

executors after his Death. There are 22 Letters of the Lord

Primate Usher written with his own hand to Archbishop Laud.

Out of which ut sequitur.25

May 1 1629 He recommends the Dean of Cassells to succeed the Archbishop then lately dead. 69 years old: had bin Dean 22 years. Never con

sented to any Act whereby the Archbishoprick might be dam

nified. By his discovery, and good Assistance had raised it from

60 to 26011 per annum and resolved to spend his other estate

9




(good and competent) in repairing whatever was recoverable in

that church out of the Fangs of those Wolves, who had made a

prey thereof.

May 6 1629 Concerning the Dean of Cassells, he adds, That he had restored

the Cathedral Church and establisht a quire there: which before

his time had bin quite extinguish! You have wonne my heart (my Lord) by preferring Dr Beadle

to the Bishoprick of Kilmoor; and Ardagh, I hope, is not forgot ten in his letter: for they were never severed, the means being small: and if it be left out, hee will never seek after it. I drew him

into Ireland heretofore by the Importunitie of my Letters, as one

that concurred much with me in the same kind of Studies, and the same care to avoyd the common error, which Saint Basil observed in his, so we may much more in the learned of our time

'tti ctjisxpio: rt\q 'avBo^x'HQ Siajiapxsiv to jieaov. The King recommended Dr Bedle at his first coming over to

be Provost of Dublin College to which place the Fellows had chosen Mr Mede, and Dr Usher sonne to Primate Usher (unckle to the great Usher) and immediate predecessor to Dr Hampton,

Mr Mede relinquisht his election in modestie (it being somewhat

litigious), Dr Usher in obedience to the Kings recommendation.

Hereupon the Primate recommends him to succeed Dr Bedle for sure I am (saith he) that none will be more carefull to sett for

ward the worthy work which Dr Bedle hath so happily begun, in laying the Foundation of an Irish Lecture in the College: there

being no hope at all that the Irish will ever be regained, untill

they may have some among them, that are able to instruct them in their own Language.

Upon this Occasion he propownds it, as a fitt course to be

[p. 9] thought upon for the present necessitie: That a certain / Number of towardly young men (of the age of 21, or 22) should be selected: who being already fitted with skill in the Irish tongue,

might for 2 or 3 years space be trained in the College in the Grounds of Christian Religion, and fitted to deliver unto the

simple people, as much as they themselves have learned: and that the means of their Maintenance be raised, either by Contribution from such of the Ministers, as possess many Livings among the

meer Irish (where for defect of the language they are able to do no good) or by sequestration of some Livings in remoter places, where no kind of ministery is exercised: and as any living among the meer Irish shall fall [vacant] afterwards (especially not of any great value) that these, who are thus fitted, may be thought upon, rather than others, and placed there.

The scandalous life of many unworthy ministers gives exceeding much hinderance to the progress of the Gospel among us: the Vice of Drunkenness especially (so common among them)

10




incurring daily into the Eyes of all men. To have any public Act come forth against these Enormities might perhaps prove as offensive another way: for that would soon be told in Gath etc. But if Matters could be carried, that Letters (not to remain upon Record) might be directed to the several Bishops charging them (as they'll answer to God and avoid the King his Majesties high Indignation) to be careful to redress these gross faults in their

Clergy, I doubt not it might work a great Reformation. We have great want of Civilians to open Causes in the

Ecclesiastical Courts: all of them being recusants, save one old man (William Clark) who is worse than all the rest, being a very turbulent man, and a secret underminer of the State of the

Church. Insomuch that I was lately moved to put in execution an order made against him at Council Table etc.

The conflict that I undergo daily for the preservation of the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, and the Church patrimony (for which the 6ripio|ia%ia that I have bin and still am put to would minister

matter to a large story) may perhaps move those whom I have

angred to asperse me - but let me be heard - etc.

April 5 1630 My most honoured Lord: Your Letter of December 7 (wherein your happy recovery from your most dangerous sickness was

first signified to me by our Lordship) was not delivered to me till March 7. But having understood your wellfare otherwise I had no sooner (according to my bounden duty) congratulated the

restoring of you to us again when it pleased God to lay the same

hand of his fatherly chastisement upon me also, wherewith I

[p. 10] was brought so low that I received the sentence / of Death in

2 Cor l9 myself to the end I might not trust in myself but in God which

raiseth the Dead. And although our gracious God hath bin

pleased to shew the same mercy to me, that he did unto you and to deliver me from so great a Death: yet such hath bin my

Weakness ever since, that having but once adventured to shew

myself in God's Temple I swowned in the congregation, and to

this day am still forced to keep within doores. But this (my Rom 148 Lord) is our comfort: that whether we live we live onto the Lord,

and whether etc. In the mean time happy are you who have

already paid so great a part of your Fine and have that fruit

Phil 417 laid up in store: which may so greatly abound to your account.

For to let pass those other good things which within so late, and

so short a compass of time you have procured for this poor Church of Ireland: The settling of a provost in the College of

Dublin (which never was better governed, God be praised, than

it now is) the new Erection of the Dean and Chapter of Derry

(now past the great Seal) the stoppage of the Alienation of

patronages from his Majesties Donation (which the projectors have now quite given over) and the proper establishment of the

11




payment of Tithes within the escheated Counties (for which the

Clergy of Ulster shall ever have cause to pray for your Lordship:) what more glorious Act could you ever have done than this last

of procuring an estate to the Church of the reversion of all such

Impropriations as remain in Laymens Hands? A work wherein

(above all others, you ever had hand in) you may rejoyce in the

Lord, and which will be your rejoycing and your Crown in the

Day of Christ who in this present Case of your (pda8s^(t>ia the

Church seemeth to speak [to] you as to the angel in Revelation 3.11. Behold I come quickly: Hold that fast, which thou hast, that no man take thy Crown.

How much this good Work was opposed by Sir John Bath, and after his Death by his brother executor of his Will, upon

pretence of a patent from the King, and what contests were

about it (see the sequele of these Letters) both in Ireland and

England. When the Commissioners sent over into Ireland by King James first propounded this matter to the Lords in

England, it was so generally approved off at the Table that the then Lord Bishop of Winchester (the Honour of our Church and

Kingdoms) did openly give his Episcopall Benediction unto them for making so pious a motion. And King Charles upon great

Deliberation did after solemnly make it over unto God and his Church./

[p. 11] The papists are erecting among us their Friaries, and Abbies, and

publish books in print of the particular revenues anciently belonging to them ex gratia to Saint Marie Abbie in Dublin.

It appears Lord Brook had at this time a designe to put Mr Vossius into his lecture at Cambridge and the Primate to draw him into Ireland to be Dean of Armagh; worth, saith he, no more than 12011 per annum.

I must make bold to put your Lordship in mind, that if you look to the good of this Church you must not too strictly observe that rule of chusing Deans to be Bishops: for most of our Deans, are

young men, and diverse not so well qualified. The most eminent of all yet unpreferred is Mr. John Richardson Archdeacon of

Derry, D.D. of 17 years standing, and for little less time constant Lecturer before the Lord Deputy and State at Dublin.

April 17 1630 The appropriations above mentioned were disposed to the public good of the Church by King Charles's letters of July 8th 1626.

June 4 1630 All the Letters full of complaints of the miserable conditions of the Bishoprickes and dioceses in Ireland. Of the Bishoprick of

Kilphenora he saith, That if all the livings within the whole

12




Diocese should be annext to it, that Addition would hardly advance it to any competence of means: so miserable are the

wasts of the Church in that part of the Kingdom. We are glad of you Lordships late honour being chosen

Chancellor of the famous University wherein you were bred. Your noble predecessor in that place honoured himself exceedingly by enriching the University Library with the Greek

MSS of Barocius the Venetian: which hath some way recompensed our loss in this kind sustained at Heidelberg. There hath bin lately offered unto me a great bargain of ancient Coins to the number of 5500, gold, silver, and copper pieces, to be sold for 60011. A greater number, I suppose, are not to be found

together in any part of Europe, that collection of Abraham Gorlaeus only excepted, which Prince Henry purchased, and left unto his Majesty. It may be your Lordship may be able to prevail with some noble spirits, that have had their education at Oxford to joyn their purses together and add that Treasure likewise to the University Library: which will make it without all com

parison farr to exceed all the other Libraries, that are in Christendom./

[p. 12] In the Kings letter for setling the Remainder of the Impropria tions upon the Church the Judges in Ireland found this main

Defect, That the State was settled upon the Cities of Dublin or London Derry for the behalf of the ministers: whereas a Cor

poration (they said) by Law (unless there were a special custom, or Act of parliament to the contrary) could not be capable of any use for the Benefit of those, that are without their own Body.

Hereupon the Primate gott another Letter drawn: and inserted also the school lands in the six escheated counties, the patent whereoff was made to the Primate, and his successors for the use

of the schoolmasters: a Bishop being also held to be a Corpora tion capable of no use.

Sir John Bath had the forehead to avouch to the Lords in

England That the Church and Church men of Ireland had more

than the third part of the Estate and Riches of that Kingdom. Alass! Alass! that those Edomites, after they have pulled down

the poor church even to the ground, and eaten it to the very

Bones, should add their Ismaelitish scoffs to our misery. What

the state of this miserable Church is King James of Blessed

memory did diligently search out by a special Visitation

appointed for that purpose over the whole Kingdom and the

Return of the Regal Visitors remains upon Record in England, to the stopping of all sycophants mouths. Had not that blessed

King left a seed for us within the plantation of the six escheated

Counties (where yet the ministers are well content if they gett their own Tenths) all Ulster had bin left, as Connaght and [the]

greatest part of Munster is, even like unto Sodom and

13




Gomorrah. Of all the rest in my province the Diocese of Meath

is best provided: yet 79 parishes there, that have neither Parson nor Vicar but such Curates as the Impropriators can get best

cheap: the salary commonly not so much as they allow one of

their own ordinary servants. In the Countie of Louth in my Diocese all the institutive Livings left in a whole shire (being all

put together) amount not to 14011 per annum. All the rest being

Impropriate and stipendiary Curates, all who's means joynd

together will scarce maintein two able preachers. And now Sir

John Bath not content with Tithes great, and small, would in some places take away the very Alterages too. A wofull case!

When the profest enemies of all Altars shall not only eat of our

Altars, but take our whole Alterages quite from us!

The Lord Almoner remember you concerning this and wipe not out the Kindnesses which you have done for the honour of

your God and the offices thereof.

August 25 1630 The Bargain of ancient Coins was offered me by the son and heyr of Mr Harrison sometime schoolmaster at Saint Pauls London.

Q. how many Ounces of Gold and how many of silver peeces.

March 17 1630 [1631] There came lately to my Hand certain propositions of our Irish

Regulars against the Seculars, censured at Paris January 15

[p. 13] 1631 / by 60 Doctors of the Sorbon: one whereoff is this:

Superiores Regularium digniores sunt Episcopis: siquidem Dignitas pastoris petenda est ex conditione sui Gregis: quemad modum Opilio dignior est subulco. Another, In partibus Haereticorum non tenetur populus Christianus necessariam sustentionem suo parocho subministrare, quia bona

Ecclesiastica ab Haereticis possidentur. Together with them I received the Archbishop of Paris's condemnation of 2 English books publisht January 30 1631, the one An Answer to certain Assertions of Dr Kellison in his Treatise of the Ecclesiastical

Hierarchie, written by Nicholas Smith: the other An Apologie for the Popes manner of proceeding in governing the Catholics of England during the time of persecution: Author Daniele a Jesu.

May 2 1630 Sir Charles Coot, I hear, intends to move the Revocation of his

Majesties gracious Order for the settling of the payment of Tithes in the Diocese of Ardagh. I love the Knight well for his forwardness in Religion otherwise: but am sorry he should blemish his profession with so unworthy an Act as this. Your

Lordship may do him a very good turn, if you would give him a Caveat, not to shew himself too forward in opposing the

14




maintenance of Gods Ministers; as he will avoyd the dreadfull Curse threatened against such, Deuternomy XXXIILII which I often ring in your Ears.

August 2 1631 The draught of the Kings letter for settling the impropriations upon the Church I have communicated to my Council, and returned it to Mr Noy with such Additions, as they thought fitt. I am in love with the man; not for his forwardness only in this, but also for his freedom in signifying to me how by Law the

Immpropriators may be compelled to allow a competent main tenance to those that discharge the Cure of Souls: Which is a

Matter of as great (if not greater) Moment for the repayring of the Wastes of this poor church as that we now have in hand. I have conferred with Sir George Shurley our Lord Chief Justice

touching that point, and find him also to be of the same opinion.

I had the happiness to be present when King James of blessed

memory shortly after he had recoverd out of his dangerous sickness used this speech with Tears standing in his eyes: It is not

long since, I was going to my God, and then did I find nothing, that did minister more comfort to my soul, than this, that I was conscious to myself I had used my utmost endeavours, to vin dicate his Ministers from poverty and contemt. And happy are

you, my Lord, that have the opportunity to incite his sacred

Majesty etc. And of this persuade yourself that when all these

worldly preferments, and contentments shall stand us in little

stead, King James's comfort wilbe one of the principal that will cleave fast to us, when we shalbe able to say with him, and with

good Nehemiah before him Remember me, O my God concern

ing this etc.

[p. 14] November 19 1632 The last letter concerning Impropriations. The councell of Ireland the great enemies of the settlement, and effectually dasht

it at last by a proposition made for the improving of the Rents

to the King, of which be against it, see this Letter.

With this letter he sent a book lately publisht by the seculars

against the Friars, which took very well, and wrought much dis

traction on that side. Q. what it is.

March 1 1632 [1633] [If you shall think it expedient that I may meet your Lordship this summer in Scotland, to do my service there unto his Majesty, I shall have opportunity (God willing) more freely to deliver my

mind unto you, both touching this particular, and] The generall Grievance which the protestant party here hath taken upon the

unhappy stop of the Execution of the Statute of 12d against

15




Recusants, grounded upon a most untrue suggestion made unto

his Majesty, [that writs were issued out for the levying of those

monies before the time of the contribution granted by the coun

try for the maintenance of the army was expired: after which] The next news here expected is, that the Earl of Westmeath

should bring over directions for the abridging of our Episcopall Jurisdiction: that so the Popish Bishops may keep their courts

more freely, then we shalbe permitted to doe. Quod dirum omen

avertat a nobis Deus

February 12 1633 . ..

[Printed (but undated) in U.W., xv, 374f.: Parr, 460.]

April 30 1634 The Bishop of Derry (Downham I think) died April 17 1634. The Primate desired Dr Richardson Archdeacon there and then

Bishop of Ardagh (the whole Rents whereof were not above

10011) might succeed: but the Deputie recommended his

Chaplain: to who's deeper Judgment (saith the Primate) I hold it my Duty to submitt my Desires: especially Dr Bramhall being

known to be a Man able for Learning, very Active in Busineses of the Church and liable to no exception; unless peradventure to that of his age: which yet is within about a year of 40 under

which years divers have been made Bishops in this Kingdom. The College of Dublin have power by their Charter of Foun

dation to chuse the Chancellor of the University, and to make Statutes for their own Government. They had now chosen the

Archbishop their Chancellor, and had statutes made them in Dr Bedles time: no[t] otherwise confirmed under the great Seal

(saith the Primate) then by that generall power granted by that Foundation. Yet the Statutes sent to the Archbishop run in the

King's Name and are by him confirmed. Vid. [Reference to p. 23 of MS]

Among the books which Archbishop Parker bestood upon the

public Library of the University of Cambridge (sundry whereof, no doubt, did heretofore belong to the Church of Canterbury)

[p. 15] there are / 2 great volumes of the Popes Decrees, Epistles col lected by Isidore Mercator: in the later whereof I found that epis tle of Radulphus the copie whereoff I sent you.

August 20 1634 A parliament now sitting in Ireland. Before the meeting a ques tion touching the primates place within the Diocese and Province of Dublin, came to be skanned. Where the evidence on both sides

having bin taken into full consideration, questioned at the Coun cil bord, the sentence past fully for the right of the Primate; and was accordingly by the Archbishop of Dublin readily obeyed. In the agitation of the controversy the difference between a

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provinciall primate, and a National^ and the Identity of the lat ter of these with a Patriarch was considered: and therein the received tradition of the Irish touching the Archbishop of

Armaghs patriarchship. Whence also Arentinus in Annales Boiorum giveth to our Richardus Armachanus (that famous

opposer of the orders of begging Fryers) the style of Her micanorum (or Armachanorum) patriarcha

- even as your predecessors also in the see of Canterbury were heretofore accounted patriarchs; not only by your own Historians at home

(as Eadmerus in t of his Historia Novella and William of

Malmesbury prologus liber I de Gestis Pontificum Anglorum) but also by the Canonists abroad: as Johannes Seneca in the

gloss upon Gratian distinctio 21 capitulum Cleros verbum

Archiepiscopus, and Gulielmus Durandus in Speculo Juris liber I particula I de dispensatione ?8: For the eclipsing of which

patriarchal Dignity Letters have bin procured from Pope Calixtus II in the year 1121 by Thurstan Archbishop of York

(more, quo cuncta Romae impetrantur, as the historian of that time spareth not to write (scilicet Eadmerus Historia novella liber 6 p. 136). Radulphus was driven to enter that protestation for the ancient Right of the see of Canterbury, which formerly I made bold to present unto your Grace (vide supra Epistola preced.). And it would peradventure be not altogether unworthy the consideration, whether it would not make somewhat for the

Dignity of his Majesties Kingdoms and the splendour of our

Church that we should have not only Metropolitans, but

patriarchs also within ourselves as in the Daies of old. At the first sitting of the Lords were certain Orders of the

House read wherein I mainly tak Exception at one clause, as

derogating from the Dignity of the Lords Spirituall: scilicet that

Bishops are only Lords of the Parliament, not Peers: because

they are not of triall by Nobility. Where after much Contestation I offering to make it good by sufficient Matter of Record, That

Bishops were Peers both of the Parliament and of the Kingdom. The matter was referred to the Lord Deputy, and concluded that

the Clause should be omitted. A question in the Convocation for the precedency between the

Dean of Armagh, and those of Christ Church and St Patricks in

Dublin: referred to a certificate from England, whether the Dean

of Canterbury when Convocation meets at St Pauls or

Westminster takes place of those deans, or no. /

[p. 16] January 8 1635 [1636] Touching your Grace's Enquiry after a MS of one Butler Contra

Versionem Anglicanam, I searcht that part of my Collections, which conteined the Deduction of the question of the Vulgar use

of Scripture throughout all Ages: where I was sure I should find

whatever I knew concerning that matter. And there at the year

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1401 I found noted out of Lelands liber of English writers.

Gulielmus Butler Franciscanus scripsit determinationis nomine

lihellum contra translationem Scripturae in linguam vulgarem: and

then out of Dr James's Catalogue, Extat adhuc libellus iste

Oxonii in Mertonensis Collegii Bibliothecam vol 143. But over

the last Words I found superscribed with a newer Ink but mine

own hand: Nuper plagio sublatum mihi significavit T. James.

Which nuper was above 24 years before: for in his Treatise of the

Corruption of the Fathers London 1611 part 2 p. 74 he noteth, that Butlers Treatise was sometimes in Merton College Vol. 143.

Of this I am most certain, that at my last being in that Library, not only that Tractate was lost, but also the whole vol. 137

wherein were divers good things: and especially Gildas de

Excidio Britanniae. In the 229 vol. MS in Merton College in Bedes unprinted Epis

tle De sex aetatibus saeculi: beginning thus Fratri diletissimo, et

in Christi Visceribus honorando Plegwino Beda in Domino

salutem: which I transcribed with my own hand: and a Tract of John Sharp De Orationibus Sanctorum et suffragiis Viatorum

which I cite in Answer to Jesuits Challenge Edit. 3 p. 452 printed at London 1631.

January 4 1635 [1636] Ipso die meo Natali: quo inutilis Christi servus annum aetatis

exegi quinquagesimum quintum. On St Stephens day I confirmed : . . and because this was the

first public solemn celebration of that Rite, which had bin there

performed for 70 years and more, he preached, to inform the

people of the true Use and Intention of it, and how our Church hath purged out of it all the leven of the Popes sacramentall Con firmation.

To a Report sent him by his Grace (raised certainly in Ireland

by some leud Jesuits and Fryars) That he had preacht himself into popery: He saith. [That this conceit is so rife in the minds and mouths of the Papists now adayes, that we are comming on and every day drawing nigher unto them then other:] For the

stopping of who's slanderous mouths let this suffice: That what soever others do imagine of the Matter, I stand fully convicted in my Conscience That the Pope is Antichrist and so if I should be so mad as to worship the Beast, or receive the mark of his

Name, I must be aoxoKCtxotKpixoc;, and justly expect the

Vengeance threatned against such. Apoc. XIV. 10, 11. When I last took leave of his Majesty, my Lord Duke printed unto his

signature a warrant, whereby I might be licensed fully to conferr with any Popish Bishop, Priest, or Jesuit. I remember how the

[p. 17] King smiled while / he signed it, and said, He durst trust me with any of them all: Which trust by Gods grace I will never violate, as long as Breath remains in me.

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After two years attendance upon the public Business at Dublin he retired to Drogheda

- to have some breathing time, in which, (saith he) I might Vacare mihi ipsi, and see how things stood between God and my own soul. By which scrutinie, I thank God I have discovered so much of the divine excellency of private

meditation, that I may pronounce of it more truly, and boldly what others have ascribed to humane Oratorie, Eius virtus

prudenter adhibita mirabiles Effectus habet. In this Recess he had an Eye to the good of the Church: lookt

over the Patents granted onto, and leases past by his

predecessors, and found the leases all voidable, in which his counsell confirmed him. Whereupon he gott a Commission under the broad Seal to enquire into the breaches of conditions. The Bishop of Derry (the prime Commissioner) carried the matter so well that upon the very reading of the Commission most of the Tenants submitted to take new leases upon such

augmentation of Rents as they hoped would advance the Revenues of the Bishoprick 120011 per annum for which he

praies the Archbishop to give the Bishop of Derry deserved thanks.

November 30 1639 I am glad to understand how graciously his Majesty is pleased to accept of those rude Collections which I layd together of the

Antiquities of his Dominions. When I drew toward the End of that work, the uproares of Scotland were at the height. Which

moved me to insert into my Index (p. 1089) that place of St

Tom 3 p. 52 Ambrose touching Maximus, teaching now in Hell by his mis

De obit. example, quam durum sit (I would read dirum, might I assume

Theodossii to myself the liberty of a critic) arma suis principibus irrogare: Edit. and to conclude my Epistle dedicatory with that solemn prayer Basil. which the ancient Church used to make for the very persecuting

emperors.

Your grace hath heard I know long since of the Canons made

in my Lord of Kilmore's Diocesan Synod. I could wish, that your.

grace (as of yourself) would friendly advise him to forbear the

Execution of them: as farr as they are singular, and different

from the Canons of the Nationall Synod confirmed here by his

Majesties supreme Authority. For to have a public question made of the Matter, I suppose, would do more hurt than good:

considering the Disposition of the Man, who (although he be a

very grave and learned prelate, yet) is very Stoical, and too too

much addicted to the maintenance of that principle of that

philosophic In summam permaneto: so farr, I beleeve, that he will

rather forgo his Bishoprick than acknowledge that he hath done

amiss in his proceedings: especially seeing he hath former pre cedents to countenance him in his Doings. For in mine own

[p. 18] time (to pass by / old examples) Bishop Montgomery past a great

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number of Canons in his Diocesan Synod held at Derry; which

yet were never executed. The Archbishop of Dublin doth every third year hold his Provinciall Synod: and my predecessor

Primate Hampton did the like for the Province of Ulster. And

in one of his Synods made diverse Canons, whereof we now take no Notice at all. I for my part, have hitherto forborn as much as to congregate any provinciall Meetings: and much more shall

hereafter upon consideration of the Mischiefs, which have

ensued upon such public Assemblies in the neighbouring nation.

Without the Direction of higher powers I intend to do nothing that way etc.

29 July 1638 After finishing the Catena upon Job, there was a designe to put Patrick Young upon printing a Catena on the Psalms.

1. H. R. Trevor Roper, Archbishop Laud 1573-1645 (2nd ed., London, 1965): Kevin Sharpe,

'Archbishop Laud\ History Today, (August, 1983): J. E. Davies, 'The growth and implementa tion of "Laudianisrn" with special reference to the southern province1, Oxford D.Phil. Thesis, 1987: C Carlton, Archbishop William Laud (London, 1987): R. B. Knox, James Ussher Arch

bishop of Armagh (Cardiff, 1967): D.N.B., sv. 'Ussher, James': H. R. Trevor Roper, 'James

Ussher, Archbishop of Armagh', in Catholics, Anglicans and Puritans. Seventeenth century essays (London, 1987).

2. William Knowler ed., The Earl of Strafforde's letters and dispatches (London, 1739), ii, 26:

Sheffield City Library, Strafford MSS, vol. 7 fols 35r, 39r, 106r, 123r. 3. For contemporaries see William Prynne, Canterburies doome (London, 1646), The epistle

dedicatory, and Peter Heylin, Observations, p. 240f., though it should be noted, that Prynne's attitude towards Ussher changed with his own political and religious views over the years, see

W. M. Lamont, Marginal Prynne 1600-1669 (London, 1963), p. 77: for later historians see H. F. Kearney, Strafford in Ireland 1633-41. A study in absolutism, (2nd ed., Cambridge, 1989), pp 118f.: R. B. Knox, James Ussher Archbishop of Armagh (Cardiff, 1967), pp 44f.: R. B. Knox, 'A Caroline trio: Ussher, Laud and Williams' in Church Quarterly Review, clxiv (1963), 452.

4. See inventory, above. 5. The following letters of Ussher all contain references to additional correspondence not in

Prynne, the collected works of either Laud or Ussher, or the State Papers: 29 January 1629, 30 June, 8 November and 23 December 1631 (see inventory, below): other missing letters are

mentioned in W. Scott and J. Bliss ed., The works of Archbishop Laud (7 vols, Oxford, 1847-60), vi, 551, vii, 164, 212f.

6. For example the detailed letter Ussher wrote to Laud c.July 1636 about the dispute between the Provost and Fellows in Trinity College, Dublin has not survived, Scott and Bliss ed.,

Works of Laud, vi, p. 464. 7. Lamont, Marginal Prynne, 129. 8. Prynne, Canterburies doome: A breviate of the life of William Laud (London, 1644): Lamont,

Marginal Prynne, pp 233f. 9. See letters of 10 February, 17 March and 8 November 1631, 1 March 1633, and 4 January

1636. 10. At Prynne's death in 1669, Archbishop Seldon expressed an interest in Prynne's MSS, and

reportedly arranged to procure them through an intermediary, but, apart from the fact that Sancroft apparently saw them, presumably after Prynne's death, they have not been traced any further: see Lamont, Marginal Prynne, Appendix.

11. Scott and Bliss ed., Works of Laud, vii, 369. 12. G. D'Oyly, Life of William Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury (London, 1821), i, 73: Trevor

Roper, 'James Ussher, Archbishop of Armagh', 122. 13. Sancroft MS 18, p. 8.

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14. Sancroft MS 18, p. 18: printed in Works of Land, ed Scott and Bliss, vi, 324ff.

15. 5 and 24 November 1633: Sancroft MS 18, pp. 19ff.

16. Letters of 8 November 1631, 1 March 1633, 4 January 1636 (see inventory). 17. Letters of 13 February 1634 (see inventory). 18. Sancroft MS 18, pp. 18f: see C. R. Elrington and J. R. Todd ed.. The whole works of the Most

Rev. James Ussher, D.D., (17 vols, Dublin-London, 1847-64), i, 73f.

19. In the letter of 17 March 1631, for example, Sancroft omits the place the letter was written

from, and the final sentence, both given by Prynne: in the relatively short letter of 1 March

1633, Sancroft conveys the main points of the letter by direct quotation, but reduces the length by about half by judicious omission. Compare also, his excerpt from Laud's letter to Bedell

of 14 October 1633 which shortens the original in several minor ways. (Sancroft MS 18, p. 18: Bliss and Scott ed., Works of Laud, vi, 325).

20. See the reference to Eadmer's Historia Novella, rather than Historia Novorum, Sancroft MS

18, p. 15: and the misquotation of a reference from Ussher's An answer to a challenge made

bv a Jesuit (London 1631), where 'Sanctorum' is substituted for 'auctorum\ Sancroft MS 18.

p. 16.

21. The exceptions are the letters of 2 May 1630 and 4 January 1636 (see inventory): that the latter

is indeed dated correctly is confirmed by Ussher's reference to his fifty-fifth birthday. 22. Dated 1630, but placed in chronological order after letter of March 1631.

23. Dated thus in Sancroft 18, though listed after letter of 8 January 1636.

24. This letter might be identical with that of 9 July 1638.

25. I wish to thank Mrs. Mary Clapinson, the Keeper of the Western Manuscripts, Bodleian

Library, Oxford, for permission to publish these letters.

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correspondence between archbishops ussher and laud

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