consumption paradoxes in global nomadism

CONSUMPTION PARADOXES IN

GLOBAL NOMADISM

MASTER THESIS

Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE

in Strategic Management

Univ.-Prof. Dr. Andrea HEMETSBERGER

Department of Strategic Management, Marketing and Tourism

The University of Innsbruck School of Management

Submitted by

Stephanie KAUFMANN, BSc.

Innsbruck, June 2020

CONSUMPTION PARADOXES IN GLOBAL NOMADISM

II

ABSTRACT

Although much attention has been payed to travelling and global nomadism from a variety of

perspectives, less attention has been dedicated to the paradoxes that occur in the consumption

practices of individuals engaging in this lifestyle. Liquid modernity (Bauman, 2012) as well as

concepts of liquefaction concerning consumption (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017) and relationships

to material objects (Bardhi et al., 2012) foster this lifestyle of high mobility. This thesis expands

knowledge about global nomads by investigating paradoxes that arise due to tensions caused

by combining work and travel. The findings of the empirical study are used to demonstrate how

the identified consumption paradoxes concerning (1) freedom, (2) sustainability, (3)

dematerialization and (3) acceleration manifest in the global nomads’ lives.

Keywords: global nomadism; liquid modernity; liquid consumption; paradoxes;

deconsumption; dematerialization; acceleration; deceleration


III

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................... V

LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................................... V

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................... V

1. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 1

1.1 PROBLEM DESCRIPTION ................................................................................................... 1 1.2 RESEARCH OBJECTIVE ..................................................................................................... 3

1.3 STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS ............................................................................................ 4

2. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND ................................................................................... 5

2.1 LIQUID MODERNITY .......................................................................................................... 5 2.1.1 CRUCIAL FACTORS OF LIQUID MODERNITY ....................................................................... 7 2.1.2 REMARKS ON LIQUID MODERNITY ...................................................................................... 11

2.2 NOMADISM ........................................................................................................................ 11 2.2.1 GLOBAL NOMADISM ................................................................................................................ 13 2.2.2 DIGITAL NOMADISM ................................................................................................................ 17

2.3 INSTAGRAM AND GLOBAL NOMADISM ..................................................................... 20 2.4 LIQUID CONSUMPTION ................................................................................................... 21

2.4.1 EPHEMERALITY AND A LIQUID RELATIONSHIP TO POSSESSIONS .............................. 22 2.4.2 DECONSUMPTION ...................................................................................................................... 23 2.4.3 DEMATERIALIZATION .............................................................................................................. 26

2.5 CONSUMER DECELERATION ......................................................................................... 27 2.6 PARADOX THEORY .......................................................................................................... 29

2.7 LITERATURE SUMMARY ................................................................................................ 30

3. EMPIRICAL STUDY ...................................................................................................... 32

3.1 RESEARCH DESIGN .......................................................................................................... 32 3.2 RESEARCH METHODS AND PROCEDURE ................................................................... 33

3.2.1 VISUAL CONTENT ANALYSIS ................................................................................................. 33 3.2.2 IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS ............................................................................................................ 34

3.3 RESEARCH SAMPLE & DATA COLLECTION ............................................................... 36 3.3.1 VISUAL CONTENT ANALYSIS ................................................................................................. 37 3.3.2 IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS ............................................................................................................ 37

3.4 DATA ANALYSIS ............................................................................................................... 39


IV

3.4.1 VISUAL CONTENT ANALYSIS ................................................................................................. 39 3.4.2 IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS ............................................................................................................ 40

4. FINDINGS ....................................................................................................................... 42

4.1 GLOBAL NOMADIC THEMES ......................................................................................... 42

4.2 PARADOXES OF FREEDOM ............................................................................................ 44

4.3 PARADOX OF SUSTAINABILITY ................................................................................... 49 4.4 PARADOX OF DEMATERIALIZATION .......................................................................... 52

4.5 PARADOX OF ACCELERATION ...................................................................................... 56

5. DISCUSSION .................................................................................................................. 60

6. CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................ 64

6.1 MANAGERIAL IMPLICATIONS ....................................................................................... 64

6.2 LIMITATIONS AND FURTHER RESEARCH .................................................................. 65

REFERENCES ......................................................................................................................... 67

APPENDIX .............................................................................................................................. 78

APPENDIX A: RESULTS VISUAL CONTENT ANALYSIS ........................................................ 78 APPENDIX B: STUDY INVITATION LETTER ............................................................................. 83 APPENDIX C: CONSENT FORM FOR PARTICIPATION ........................................................... 84

APPENDIX D: STUDY INFORMATION LETTER ........................................................................ 85 APPENDIX E: INTERVIEW GUIDELINE ...................................................................................... 86 APPENDIX F: STUDY CODEBOOK IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS ................................................. 92

AFFIDAVIT ............................................................................................................................. 96


V

LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Visual displaying Wanderlust, Exploration, Joy, Freedom and Adventure .............. 43

Figure 2: Visual displaying Wanderlust, Exploration and Curiosity ....................................... 43

Figure 3: Meaning of Freedom ................................................................................................. 45

LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Respondents' Characteristics ...................................................................................... 39

Table 2: Material Components ................................................................................................. 78

Table 3: Expressive Components ............................................................................................. 81

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS TCKs Third culture kids

TCIs Third culture individuals


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1. INTRODUCTION

“Twenty years from now you will be more disappointed by the things that you didn’t do than

by the ones you did do. So, throw off the bowlines. Sail away from the safe harbor. Catch the

trade winds in your sails. Explore. Dream. Discover.”

- H. Jackson Brown Jr., Author of P.S. I Love You

1.1 PROBLEM DESCRIPTION

Globalization as well as advances in infrastructure, communication and information

technologies foster mobility and enable a fluid lifestyle. Encouraged by changes of society and

consumption, more and more people start to explore, dream and discover by engaging in the

lifestyle of global nomadism. Postmodern individuals are “on a never-ending identity quest, a

quest for the meaning of their life” (Cova, 1997, p. 305) and become nomads due to the

character of mobility to their actions. They want to be “free from constraint, free to act on one’s

wishes, the imagination and the ability to act” (Bauman, 2012, p. 17).

Literature defines not a uniform description of the phenomenon of global nomadism. Currently,

two types of nomads are distinguished: global nomads and digital nomads. The lifestyle of

global nomadism can be described as of high internationalization and mobility, engaging in

independence of geographic locations and frequent relocations including persistent boarder-

crossings (Bardhi et al., 2012; Richards & Wilson, 2004). The global nomad itself becomes a

“symbol of flux, hybridity and mobility in a globalizing world” (Richards, 2015, p. 341). The

second type of the nomad, the digital nomad, can be seen as an extension of its global relative,

but also involves engaging in work. Nash et al. (2018) describe the lifestyle of digital nomadism

as a hybrid of global nomadic adventure travel, gig work, digital work and nomadic work and

argue that this type of nomads show “characteristics from all the four labels, people categorized

under one label are not necessarily digital nomads” (Nash et al., 2018, p. 8). To pursue this

lifestyle and maintain a certain degree of independence, digital nomads consider themselves as

minimalists and renounce material products in favour of digital ones (Nash et al., 2018). Due

to liquefaction of society and consumption, global nomadism can be seen as a sign for the

decreasing importance of stationary work places enabling location-independent work through

digital technologies (Nash et al., 2018; Richards, 2015).


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The concept of liquefaction was first introduced by Bauman (2012) in 2000 and further used as

a basis concept by Bardhi & Eckhardt (2012, 2017) for describing how society and especially

consumption change from solid to liquid. Bauman (2012) describes liquefaction as a result of

the emergence of service, knowledge and digital economies whereas consumption forms

change from “enduring, ownership-based, and material” to “ephemeral, access based, and

dematerialized” (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017, p. 585). Disposing of a liquid relationship to objects

and being less attached to possessions (Bardhi et al., 2012), global nomads increasingly engage

in forms of deconsumption and dematerialization. Deconsumption can be described as

decreasing consumption in order to consume more conscious (Bylok, 2017; Wilczak, 2018) or

to reject consumption at all (Lee & Ahn, 2016). Dematerialization stands for consuming less

material and increasing the consumption of digital products as well as using less or no material

to provide the same functions and values. On this premise one can argue that digital products

are replacing material ones with consumers perceiving their digital possessions as real as their

material ones (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017; Belk, 2013).

Another important factor regarding liquefaction is velocity as it is the dominant competitive

advantage in a game that “is not played between the ‘bigger’ and the ‘smaller’ but between the

quicker and the slower” (Bauman, 2000, p. 188) leading to perceived acceleration of society

fostered by digitalization and increased mobility. The concept of social acceleration was mainly

shaped by Rosa (2003, 2013) who defines acceleration in a broad sense as an “increase in

quantity per unit of time” (p. 65). But with perceived time accelerating, individuals increasingly

feel the need to decelerate. They are striving for experiences, that are slowed-down and feel

more intense (Husemann & Eckhardt, 2019; Rosa, 2013).

Global nomads’ lifestyle of living a life between working and travelling, solid and liquid

consumption (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2012, 2017; Bauman, 2005, 2012), acceleration of life and

seeking deceleration (Husemann & Eckhardt, 2019; Rosa, 2003, 2013) is a lifestyle full of

tensions, contradictions and paradoxes. Smith & Lewis (2011) define a paradox as

“contradictory yet interrelated elements that exist simultaneously and persist over time” (p.

382). Considering contradictory but linked elements individually, they seem logical. But taking

such elements together makes them seem incoherent and absurd. Furthermore, paradoxes stay

hidden until uncovered by interactions and self- or social reflection (Lewis, 2000; W. Smith &

Lewis, 2011). Observing paradoxes offers a new perspective for studying a phenomenon by


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looking at how contradictory elements interact, coexist and become meaningful for the

consumer (Hemetsberger, Gabl & Stoeckl, 2013).

Due to liquefaction highly influencing global nomads’ lifestyle and consumers endeavours for

individualization, members of this group are strongly represented on social media platforms

like Facebook, Twitter and especially nowadays Instagram. The last one mentioned enables

global nomads to curate their public profile through a combination of their interests, news and

events concerning their special lifestyle of working and travelling which are showcased through

photographs (Nash et al., 2018; Reckwitz, 2017). This behaviour is in accordance to Ruppert,

Law & Savage (2013) who argue that “digital devices observe and follow activities and ‘doings’

– often, but not always or exclusively, those of people. Such ‘doings’ might include physical

movements but have more to do with actions (transactions, choices, statements, interactions)

and their traceability” (p. 34).

1.2 RESEARCH OBJECTIVE

Previous studies already investigated different issues concerning global nomadism. Bardhi et

al. (2012) for example researched global nomads’ relationship to possessions and Richards &

Wilson (2004) uncovered motivations and behaviours of travellers. But due to global nomads

being subjects to changing times, encouraged and fostered by liquefaction of society and

consumption, globalization and digitalization, knowledge about this specific group becomes

outdated very fast. For this reason, this thesis aims to answer the following research questions:

(1) What consumption paradoxes occur in the lifestyle of global nomads?

(2) How do these paradoxes manifest and become meaningful in the context of global

nomadism?

This thesis contributes to literature by uncovering consumption forms with regard to

dematerialization, deconsumption, acceleration and deceleration of global nomads and applying

a paradox perspective. Therefore, a qualitative-exploratory research design is applied using two

qualitative methods. Using Instagram as a platform to observe these consumption forms offers

the opportunity to collect a significant amount of real-time data “since it allows [the researcher]

to study social phenomena that have always been difficult to observe and measure before”

(Caliandro & Gandini, 2016, p. 18).


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1.3 STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS

The present thesis investigates the occurrence of paradoxes in the global nomadic lifestyle.

Therefore, the thesis is divided into six main chapters. After giving a brief overview of the topic

and the problem description in the introduction section, this thesis starts with the second main

chapter by reviewing the theoretical background. The review outlines first the concept of liquid

modernity (Bauman, 2012), since it represents the foundational theory for this thesis.

Thereafter, the present work investigates the phenomenon of global nomadism and its

manifestations. As Instagram is used in the empirical research to study global nomadism, a

subchapter is dedicated to the relationship between the social media platform and global

nomads. Subsequently, due to its high importance for this lifestyle, the concept of liquid

consumption by Bardhi & Eckhardt (2017) is summarized with special regard to its components

ephemerality, deconsumption (Bylok, 2017; Wilczak, 2018) and dematerialization (Belk, 2013;

Lee & Ahn, 2016; Thackara, 2006). As individuals increasingly seek deceleration from their

fast lives, the chapter that follows describes how pace of life accelerates (Rosa, 2013) and how

consumers engage in deceleration (Husemann & Eckhardt, 2019). As the present thesis aims

for applying the lens of paradox on the lifestyle of global nomadism, the last part of the

theoretical background consists of a review of paradox theory. The third main chapter describes

the approach and execution of the empirical study. The subsequent chapters elucidate the

findings derived from the empirical study as well as the discussion and the conclusion drawn

therefrom.


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2. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

To gain a profound understanding for the theoretical background of this thesis and to understand

developments in literature, this chapter starts with providing an introduction into the concept

on liquid modernity. This concept forms the fundamental basis for the following chapters. After

the introduction to liquid modernity, this work deals with the increasing emergence of global

nomads by summarizing traditional nomadism, investigating the phenomenon of global

nomadism and its various forms and identifying the role of the social media platform Instagram

in this lifestyle. Afterwards, to get a better understanding for consumption forms global nomads

engage in, the concept of liquid consumption and its main characteristics are analysed.

Thereafter, as global nomadism seems to be a lifestyle with a fast pace, the chapter deals with

theory on how consumers engage in deceleration. Finally, to get a better understanding for

paradoxes, relevant literature on this topic is reviewed.

2.1 LIQUID MODERNITY

In 2000, Zygmunt Bauman, a polish sociologist and philosopher, published the book “Liquid

Modernity” and introduced and shaped the concept of “liquid modernity”. This concept refers

to the postmodernity and aims to characterize today’s highly developed societies. It describes

the transformation of society from solid to liquid (Bauman, 2002, 2003, 2005, 2007c, 2007b,

2012). Bauman (2012) refers to the term “liquid modernity” as changes in global economies,

relationships as well as identities caused by the emergence of the service, knowledge and digital

economies. Globalization as well as continuous deregulation and people’s endeavours for

individualization foster the transition from a solid, hardware-based modernity to a liquid,

software-based modernity. Additional, society transforms from a society of producers into a

society of consumers. (Bauman, 2012).

Liquids as well as gases are characterized by fluidity. According to the Encyclopaedia

Britannica, fluids “cannot sustain a tangential, or shearing, force when at rest” (Bauman, 2012,

p. 1) and change continuously their shape when being exposed to such a stress. Changing

continuously of the relative position of material parts to another implies a state of “flow”. It is

precisely this characteristic that distinguishes liquid from solid. The Encyclopaedia Britannica

informs that solids do not undergo any kind of flow and maintain their original shape (Bauman,

2012). Describing the two states of solid and liquid according to the dimensions time and space,


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differences become apparent. While solids demand a clear amount of space, time does not play

a significant role. In contrast, fluids undergo continuous changes and do not hold their shape

for a long time. This implies that the time is more important than the space fluids occupy for

that moment. Bauman (2012) explains that “fluids travel easily. They ‘flow’, ‘spill’, ‘run out’,

‘splash’, ‘pour over’, ‘leak’, ‘flood’, ‘spray’, ‘drip’, ‘seep’, ‘ooze’; unlike solids, they are not

easily stopped” (p. 2). These terms describing the mobility of fluids convey the feeling of

“lightness” which in turn is associated with mobility and travelling. Light travelling leads to

easier and faster movement. Therefore Bauman (2012) borrows “liquidity” as the dominant

term to describe the present stage of modernity.

Bauman (2012) states, that although forms of modernity may vary, they all have some things

in common: fragility, temporariness, vulnerability and inclination to constant change. “To be

modern” was a synonym for accomplishing the highest level of perfection a hundred years ago.

Nowadays the term is associated with endless improvements without seeking completion.

Modernizing does not mean to keep the status quo but to change and staying uncomplete,

underdefined. Old structures, that are no longer perceived as up-to-date or modern, change or

get replaced by new ones. Constant change and being always “post-something” are important

characteristic features of modernity (Bauman, 2012). For Bauman, modernity does not

represent a historical period, but rather a social practice for promoting change and negating the

imperative of equality (Elliott, 2007). Society in the twenty-first century is modern compared

to previous societies in a different way. Modernity calls for “obsessive, continuous,

unstoppable, forever incomplete modernization” (Bauman, 2012, p. 28) and demands creative

destruction. Taking a closer look at modernizations it becomes clear, that “change is the only

performance, and uncertainty the only certainty (Bauman, 2012, p. viii).

Half a century ago change was not wanted and people perceived it as an anomaly or a

malfunction of daily life. Change was caused by extraordinary circumstances and required

comprehensive explanation. Social systems were conceived for maintaining the status quo and

to eliminate all threats that could cause changes. People were enabled “to stay as they are and

fight change tooth and nail” (Bauman, 2002, p. 18). Nowadays, minds have changed and change

is perceived as the defining element of a healthy, living society (Bauman, 2012; Elliott, 2007).

Explanations are no longer required for change itself, but they are necessary if it comes to a

standstill or does not occur at all. In contrast to past days where change was perceived as “a

longish process of slow transformation, revision, modification, adaption or adjustment”, change


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is now demanded to be an “abrupt passage, the sudden abandonment of one form and the

equally sudden appearance of another” (Bauman, 2002, p. 19).

Change is always accompanied by uncertainty. Once, scholars like Thomas Hobbes believed

that uncertainty and would be eliminated by the protection of the state carrying sovereign

power. Individuals would be protected against threats from outside (nature) and inside (the

individual’s weaknesses). Uncertainty as well as its causes were seen as the “most toxic

pollution of the would-be manmade order” (Bauman, 2002, p. 21). Since the end of the 20th

century the protection against uncertainty shifts from the organ of sovereign power to the

individual itself, demanding own initiative and responsibility. Society is no longer expected to

maintain certainty. On this new premise, a new synonym for uncertainty has been created and

promoted: flexibility, the new key for a successful life (Bauman, 2002). Bauman’s (2012)

concept of liquid modernity assumes that nowadays flexibility is the universal condition, which

spreads its roots in all areas of individual life. It is seen as the ideal state, replacing solid

conditions and processes with liquid ones. Solids are only accepted as long they remain “easily

and obediently fusible on demand” (Bauman, 2012, p. ix). Continuity, stability and a slow long-

term progress are actually tantamount to a standstill and must be replaced by flexible, short-

term strategies. Translating it back, one can argue, that uncertainty is a dominant force in the

individual’s modern life (Bauman, 2002, 2007c, 2012).

2.1.1 CRUCIAL FACTORS OF LIQUID MODERNITY

Liquid modernity has great influence on different areas of society and people’s individual lives

(Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017; Bauman, 2003, 2005, 2007c, 2007b, 2012). The following section

will go into more detail on the alteration of the factors time, space, work and individuality as

these four seem to be most relevant for the further understanding of this thesis.

2.1.1.1 TIME AND SPACE

The development of modernity goes along with changes of the individual’s basis experiences

concerning time and space (Bauman, 2012; Rosa, 2013). According to Bauman (2012), liquid

modernity disposes of two categories of public spaces that are both contrary to the ideal model

of civil space. This model would provide individuals spaces, that offer a hospitable atmosphere

where users feel comfortable and encouraged to take off their masks and be themselves. In


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contrast, the first category Bauman (2012) mentions is the “public, yet emphatically not ‘civil’

urban space” (p. 96). This kind of public space disposes of an inhospitable atmosphere,

discouraging individuals from staying. Users are forced to pass by. The raison d’étre of each in

those places existing components aims precisely for this purpose. The second category is the

“public, yet non-civil space” (p. 97). This one aims for encouraging consumption and

transforming individuals into consumers. This kind of space offers individuals physical space

that invites them to linger. Although the invitation only aims for increasing actions, public, yet

non-civil spaces try to decrease social interactions. Social interactions would only keep the

individuals distracted from carrying out their intended action. Such public, yet non-civil spaces

are for example shopping malls (Bauman, 2012). Visiting those places aims for transferring

individuals into a kind of parallel world, freed from reality where time follows a different

rhythm. Benefited by the seclusion of those “temples of consumption”, the individual

experiences amusement, freedom and security, leaving reality behind (Bauman, 2012; Bloch,

Ridgway, & Dawson, 1994) .

But there also exists a third category of places within liquid modern times: “non-places”. These

places appear in increasing numbers and share some similarities to the first category. Their

hostile appearance discourages staying and prevents people from claiming the place for

themselves. But in contrast to the first category of places, which are only made for passing by,

“non-places” have to be suitable for longer stays due to inevitability. Nevertheless, they are

designed for the individual to be merely physically present, not providing the conditions for

social interactions. The individual remains alone, although in a crowd of people. (Aubert-Gamet

& Cova, 1999; Bauman, 2012; Costas, 2013). Therefore, “non-places” are defined as spaces

“devoid of the symbolic expressions of identity, relations and history: examples include

airports, motorways, anonymous hotel rooms, public transport” (Bauman, 2012, p. 102), in

every sense the opposite of a home. Due to liquefaction, the number of “non-places” is

increasing and more and more individuals are frequenting them (Aubert-Gamet & Cova, 1999;

Bauman, 2012). Such specific places are often connected to their users by a contractual

relationship and monetary transactions symbolized “by the train or air ticket, by the card

presented at the motorway toll, or even by a trolley pushed along the aisles of a superstore”

(Augé as cited in Aubert-Gamet & Cova, 1999, p. 40).

Beside using “non-places”, postmodern individuals are searching for places that provide the

possibility of social interactions and access to a community. The individual strives for


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identification with a community. Such places can be categorized as either open or closed places.

Whereas closed places like private clubs are reserved for a certain community or group, open

places like restaurants a represent a linkage between private and public places (Aubert-Gamet

& Cova, 1999; Cova, 1997). In 1989, Ray Oldenburg introduced the concept of the “third

place”. These special places, often cafes, restaurants, bars, coffee shops or community centres,

offer a welcoming and comfortable atmosphere facilitating meeting with friends as well as

strangers. Therefore, they provide social interactions and access to communities. The “third

place” is intended to be a refuge from the “first place” home and the “second place” work (Lin,

2012; Mehta & Bosson, 2010; Oldenburg, 1989).

Advances in technology changed the role of time in society. Time was always of great concerns

for people and forced them to find new ways to save it. Whereas transportations used to take a

lot of time in former days, today the same distance can be covered in a fraction of time through

new modes of transportation like trains, cars or aircrafts. Not just transportation, but also social

practices accelerated through new technologies. The effective usage of time becomes

increasingly important (Bauman, 2012; Rosa, 2013). In contrast to space, time is dynamic and

can be manipulated and changed. Acceleration as well as duration become an important factor

for modernity. In solid modernity, structures and actions are alinged for long-term or eternal

duration, whereas liquid modernity strives for short-term duration and replaces the old and

outdated solids. Velocity becomes the most important factor in terms of winning or loosing in

economy as well as in society (Bauman, 2012). “Who accelerates, wins; who stays put, loses”

(Bauman & Tester, 2001, p. 95).

New technologies enable people to live a location-independent life without having to accept

losses. Innovations in the mobility and communication sector as well as the ongoing

globalization change the perception and the meaning of time and space. With events

increasingly happening simultaneously and coordinated all over the world, time starts to lose

its “unilinear, orientation-giving character” (Rosa, 2013, p. 102) and fixed sequences and

chronologies become less important. The questions of “when” and “where” do not matter any

longer. The stretching of social events and practices across time and space forced sociologists

to examine this phenomenon and classify it as “time-space distantioation” (Anthony Giddens),

“timeles time” and “placeless space” (Manuel Castells) (Rosa, 2013).


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2.1.1.2 WORK

The change from solid modernity to liquid modernity also has great effects on the concept of

work. In liquid modernity, continuity and long-term thinking are no longer required. Instead,

time is split into episodes, that require flexibility and short-term thinking. Each episode has to

be completely finished before a new one can begin (Bauman, 2012). To put it in the context of

work, instead of pursuing one profession all their lives, people now engage in episodic,

temporary work. Employers also do not longer expect their employees to stay in the company

long-term and therefore often offer short-term contracts or no contracts. Work no longer

provides a save route to the future but takes on a taste of uncertainty (Bauman, 2012).

Especially the third and fourth economic sectors, service and knowledge, are directly influenced

by the liquefaction of work. Knowledge becomes the new source of wealth (Bauman, 2012).

The so called knowledge workers (Drucker, 1999) “are experts who create, learn, and analyze

information and knowledge and then act on it” (Vuori et al., 2019, p. 238). New technologies,

information systems as well as the digitalization rapidly change work and transform it into a

light, portable version of itself. Productivity as well as efficiency are expected to increase

(Vuori et al., 2019).

2.1.1.3 INDIVIDUALITY

Bauman (2005, 2012) states that individualization is an essential factor of liquid modernity.

Society changes into a society of individuals, where people are expected be unlike others and

to transform into something unique that stands out in a particular way (Bauman, 2005, 2012).

Society leaves people no choice and forces them to become individual. Since nobody can escape

this constraint, “members of such a society are anything but individual, different or unique”

(Bauman, 2005, p. 16). In liquid modernity, authenticity can be seen as the ideal form of

individuality calling for the “true self” and the “real me”. But individuality also stands for the

autonomy of people to freely choose their way in which they proceed and for accepting the

responsibility for the possible consequences (Bauman, 2005).

Striving for individuality requires certainty and stability. But as their sources become more

fluid and short-lived, individuals build their identity around marketplace institutions like

brands, possessions and consumption processes (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017; Bauman, 2007a).

Identities are composed, decomposed and recomposed with the goal of constructing the perfect,


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individual version of oneself. Individuals strive for uniqueness and singularization (Reckwitz,

2017).

2.1.2 REMARKS ON LIQUID MODERNITY

Bauman’s (2012) concept of liquid modernity assumes, that society and social practices change

from solid to liquid. Characterized by globalization, deregulations and individualization, liquid

modernity replaces solid modernity in a very brutal way, without leaving any aspects of human

life untouched (Lee, 2005). As Bauman (2005, 2007c, 2012) describes just the extreme

opposites solid and liquid, he gives the impression of the two states being mutually exclusive,

leaving no room for hybrid states. On the surface, structures and experiences might liquify but

taking a closer look, their roots remain very solid and resist any change (Jay, 2010). Lee (2011)

also mentions, that Bauman gives the impression, that the transition from solid to liquid is a

permanent and that a re-solidification seems impossible. In addition, Bauman (2012) offers a

very simplified view of the distribution of winners and losers in liquid modernity, which

contrasts with the actual everyday life very much (Atkinson, 2008).

Liquid modernity provides a very Western view on modernization. Despite ongoing

globalization and the pressure to fit in, parts of the world are developing at different speeds.

Therefore, liquid modernity “occurs on different dates and proceeds at a different pace”

(Bauman, 2012, p. xii). In addition, the importance of the four economic sectors (raw materials,

manufacturing, service and knowledge) is weighted differently in different countries. As liquid

modernity effects the service and knowledge sector, raw materials and manufacturing remain

above all solid (Jay, 2010; Lee, 2005). Taking a closer look at East and Southeast Asian

countries that build their economies especially on production and manufactured goods, one can

see that their structures remain solid (Lee, 2005).

2.2 NOMADISM

Encouraged by the changes coming along with liquid modernity, more and more people strive

for individuality and freedom, leaving behind familiar but limiting environments and traditional

work to engage in the lifestyle of global nomadism. This chapter starts by providing a brief

overview of traditional nomadism and further introducing the concept of today’s global

nomadism and its various forms.


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Nomadism always played a major role in human history in every part of the world and therefore

is discussed in various ancient as well as contemporary literature (Schubert, 2012). The

Encyclopaedia Britannica defines nomadism a “way of life of peoples who do not live

continually in the same place but move cyclically or periodically. (…) it is based on temporary

centres whose stability depends on the availability of food supply and the technology for

exploiting it” (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2016). Nomads and settlers always competed for

resources, which lead to a high potential for violent conflicts (Gilbert, 2014).

The term “nomad” comprises three traditional main categories: (1) pastoral nomads, (2)

nomadic hunter-gatherers and (3) trader nomads. The first category, pastoral nomads, are

dependent on domesticated livestock and travel to gain access to fertile grazing land for their

animals. Despite being a group of high mobility also to prevent the land from a complete

exploitation of resources, pastoral nomads often occupy specific territories for longer periods

of the year. They may also engage in some forms of agriculture or trade to get access to

additional goods. Pastoralism occurs mainly where environmental conditions such as poor soils,

extreme temperatures and water scarcity prevent agricultural use of the area (Encyclopaedia

Britannica, 2016; Gilbert, 2014). The second group of nomads are the nomadic hunter-

gatherers. This community sustains its lifestyle by collecting plant food and hunting game.

Hunting and gathering is considered as the predominant lifestyle prior to the development of

plant cultivation. Nowadays, it is strongly disputed by anthropologist whether a social group

still exists, that can be fully described as hunter-gatherers. Although considered as hunter-

gatherers, most communities nowadays engage in some forms of farming or animal husbandry

(Gilbert, 2014). Nomadic hunter-gatherers live in small communities often isolated from other

societies moving through a specific area that is well known to them in terms of food and water

supply, as well as hunting opportunities (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2016). Gilbert (2014) states

that mobility represents for them a very important economic, social and cultural part of their

lives” (p. 7). The third category, peripatetic service nomads, travel between sedentary

populations offering craft or goods for trade. Especially the community of peripatetic service

nomads operate in the third (service) and the fourth (knowledge) economic sectors. Due to

industrialization as well as assimilation, many peripatetic nomad communities have vanished

over the last few centuries or changed to a semi-nomadic lifestyle (Gilbert, 2014).


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2.2.1 GLOBAL NOMADISM

Nowadays people have rather paradoxical views regarding nomadism. On the one hand,

nomadism stands for a primitive and backward life. Additional, it is perceived as a non-

developing, unproductive way of life that threatens the civilized society (Gilbert, 2014;

Schubert, 2012). On the other hand, nomadism is very romanticised and a synonym for freedom

and mobility (Gilbert, 2014). Global nomadism, representing a counterculture of the modern

Western lifestyle, has experiences a new upswing due to globalization (D’Andrea, 2007) taking

advantage of advances in technology in the fields of communication, information and

infrastructure to engage in longer, faster and more frequent travelling also over longer distances

(Gilbert, 2014; Richards, 2015). Like traditional nomads, global nomads are constantly moving

to different locations (Richards, 2015). Kannisto & Kannisto (2012) mention that global

nomads do not stay in one place over a longer period of time, reject geographical demarcations

and do not necessarily have a desire to settle down and to not belong to one specific place. On

the contrary this last statement is opposed by Gilbert (2014) who states that nomadic people

nowadays often dispose of several temporary, but also fixed residences, which are spread over

different locations.

According to Bardhi et al. (2012), global nomadism is marked by “serial relocations and

frequent cross-border mobility, as well as deterritorialization” (p. 512). Continuous boarder-

crossings foster the loosening of ties between one’s cultural as well as social cultural customs

and locations leading to a separation between identity and physical places (Bardhi et al., 2012).

Therefore, deterritorialization stands especially for the detachment of one’s own identity from

any nationality or location. Despite coming from different countries and having different

nationalities, global nomads tend to think of themselves as global citizens and not belonging to

one specific country (Bardhi et al., 2012).

Being a traveller engaging in serial relocations and deterritorialization without a fixed residence

(Kannisto & Kannisto, 2012) or with several residences (Gilbert, 2014) inevitably results in

discourses about the meaning of home and homeless. On the one hand, a common statement

concerning the meaning of home is “home is where the heart is” associating it with family and

friends in their country of origin rather than a specific place (Kannisto, 2016). On the other

hand, considering themselves as global citizens and denying the affiliation to one certain place,

global nomads also argue that they do not have a home. The statement of not having a home


14

leads to the assumption of global nomads being homeless. Kannisto (2016) further argues that

global nomads often associate home with their home country representing the life they left

behind. Here, home feels like a burden or a prison of monotony from which the global nomad

has freed himself. In the context of global nomadism, homeless is not a synonym for destitution

but for “choice, agency and freedom” (Kannisto, 2016, p. 225). Global nomads dispose of the

required financial resources for maintaining their lifestyle while travelling as well as a passport

granting them access to almost every country in the world (Kannisto, 2016).

But global nomadism is not open to everyone. As D’Andrea (2007) remarks, being able to

engage in the highly mobile lifestyle of a global nomad highly depends on the subject’s personal

profile. “Certain nationalities (First World), social class (upper strata), occupations (highly

educated professionals) and ethnicities (white) greatly facilitate international travel” (pp. 8-9).

D’Andrea’s statement is also supported by Bauman (2012) who states that only a global elite

would take the advantage of globalization and escape local constraints. This elite rebels against

the restrictions imposed by national borders and thus provides a new basis for assessing

territoriality. In addition, Bauman (2012) expects the now nomadic elite to dominate the settled

majority.

According to Kannisto & Kannisto (2012), global nomads travel “for the sake of travel rather

than for wealth or a livelihood” (p. 6) seeking intangible rewards as new experiences and

lifestyles. Constant travelling broadens the nomad’s views, opens up new perspectives and

increases open-mindedness and compassion for other cultures and lifestyles. Richards &

Wilson (2004) argue that culture seems to play an important role for satisfaction while

travelling. Interactions with locals and exploring cultures though visiting historical monuments

and sites increase the appreciation of different cultures.

Global nomads especially value their lifestyle as it gives them the opportunity to enjoy the

moment without the need of already planning the next future steps. Seeking this experience of

being in the moment global nomads are exposed to an “overabundance of stimuli: colours,

smells, sounds, the hustle and bustle of cities, strange faces, the way people dress, act, and run

their everyday errands” (Kannisto, 2014, p. 104). This overstimulation in combination with the

discovery of new, unknown places contributes to an intense sense of reality and play a

significant role in consuming the travel experience. But Kannisto (2014) also argues that

excitement and pleasure of the travel experience begin to fade when the duration of the stay


15

becomes too long as the global nomad develops routines and a feeling of sedentariness. To be

able to fully concentrate on the present moment and to enjoy the experiences, some global

nomads tend to engage in slower forms of travelling. By giving up structuring every step of the

travel, global nomads are capable of reducing stress and the pace of travelling (Kannisto, 2014;

Molz, 2009). Considering the pace of travelling, one can detect differences between different

travelling groups. While global nomads who travel for a longer period of time tend to decrease

their speed and abandon fully planned itineraries (Kannisto, 2014), those who see their global

nomadism lifestyle only as a temporary phase of their life tend to structure their travel to

increase efficiency and to consume as many experiences as possible (Kannisto, 2014; Molz,

2009; Richards & Wilson, 2004).

The definition of the global nomad by Bardhi et al. (2012) as someone who engages in “serial

relocations and frequent cross-border mobility, as well as deterritorialization” (p. 512), refers

to a broad mass of travellers, without becoming more concrete. In literature the term “global

nomad” is also often used for other location-independent travellers like backpackers as well as

third-culture kids to express their travel behaviour in terms of frequency and range (Bell-Villada

& Orr, 2011; D’Andrea, 2007; Richards, 2015; Tanu, 2015).

Backpacking represents a form of tourism that provides different experiences than mass

tourism. Although the term “backpacker” has been extensively used by many scholars

researching this phenomenon, there cannot be found a uniform definition. Whereas the Tourism

Research Australia (2006, as cited in Ooi & Laing, 2010, p. 193) defines the backpacker simply

as “a person that spends one or more nights in either backpacker or hostel accommodation”,

Pearce (1990) gives a more specific definition. He defines this group of traveller as

“predominantly young travellers on extended holidays with a preference for budget

accommodation, a flexible and informal travel itinerary and an emphasis on meeting people and

participating in a range of activities” (as cited in Ooi & Laing, 2010, p. 194). Backpacking is

marked by high flexibility through low forward planning. This allows the traveller to change

plans spontaneously to be able to adapt to personal or environmental changes (O’Reilly, 2006).

The typical backpacker has become a stereotype over the years and stands for freedom, personal

growth and fulfilment. Backpacking is also associated with youth travel and therefore perceived

as a time of independently trying out and having fun, before having to follow the rules of

adulthood (Cohen, 2003; O’Reilly, 2006). Paris & Teye (2010) as well as Cohen (2003) argue

that travellers engaging in backpacking do not represent a homogeneous group as they differ


16

regarding their demographics as well as their motivation to travel. Although backpacking is

considered youth travel, older people also engage in this form of travelling. Hannam &

Diekmann (2010) refer to them as “flashpackers” and define them as “older backpackers with

larger budgets and a predilection for expensive electronic equipment” (Richards, 2015, p. 341).

“Third-culture kids” (TCKs) is an expression that is mainly used for individuals who lived with

their parents abroad. As children of expatriates they spent their childhood in multiple countries

and thus experienced a greater variety of cultures. These cultures differ from their parents’

cultures or their own country of origin (Bell-Villada & Orr, 2011; Moore & Barker, 2012;

Useem et al., 1963). Pollock et al. (2010) provide a definition that is frequently cited in recent

literature: “a person who has spent a significant part of his or her developmental years outside

the parents’ culture. The TCK frequently builds relationships to all of the cultures, while not

having full ownership in any. Although elements from each culture may be assimilated into the

TCK’s life experience, the sense of belonging is [often] in relationship to others of similar

background” (p. 13). However, Moore & Baker (2012) argue that this definition does not only

apply to adolescents or children but also to adults and therefore prefer to use the term “third-

culture individuals” (TCIs) rather than using “third-culture kids”. TCIs are unique because of

their incompleteness concerning their cultural identity development due to multiple movements

between different cultures (Pollock et al., 2010). Blending the culture of the home country with

the cultures of the host countries lead to TCIs “becoming truly multicultural and achieving what

has been labelled a third culture” (Moore & Barker, 2012, p. 554). Furthermore, TCIs share

their multicultural experiences and third culture with likeminded people (Useem et al., 1963).

In their study concerning third culture individual’s cultural identity, Moore & Baker (2012)

found that individuals are able to adopt cultural practices from multiple cultures without losing

one’s sense of identity. TCIs are able to build new cultural identities while maintaining their

native cultural identity. Instead of replacing one with the other, third-culture individuals are

capable of switching seamlessly between the different identities. Therefore, the authors

distinguish between TCIs with blended cultural identities and TCIs that shift between cultural

identities. Compared to the latter, it is not possible for the former to distinguish their different

cultural identities from each other. By blending multicultural element, they have cultivated an

identity that they consistently exercise regardless of their current location and the cultural

practices. TCIs are aware of the manifestation of their cultural identity and belong to either the

former or the latter, but not both (Moore & Barker, 2012). Moore & Baker (2012) as well as

Dewaele & van Oudenhoven (2009) found in their research studies that TCIs are able to adapt


17

more easily to other cultures, dispose of a higher awareness concerning other different cultures

and are able to learn foreign languages more easily. Due to their multicultural nature, TCIs are

more open-minded. Despite similarities in travel behaviour concerning frequency and range,

these studies concerning multiculturality and multilingualism support the labelling of TCIs as

global nomads.

Kannisto (2014), who separates the global nomads from backpackers and third culture kids,

argues, that global nomads are similar to the other groups of travellers very heterogeneous when

it comes to interests, motivations or demographics like nationality, ethnicity, age group,

profession and class. In addition, they value their individuality instead of participating in one

specific way of life. Global nomads are often forced to justify their lifestyle of travelling by

excuses like charity, volunteering or educational purposes to sort out prejudice and suspicion

concerning their motivations and approaches, but also their financial situation (Kannisto &

Kannisto, 2012).

2.2.2 DIGITAL NOMADISM

The term “digital nomad” has evolved over the last decades and is coined by the work of

Makimoto and Manners in 1997 (Dobrinskaya, 2016). With the development of the digital

nomad, the authors tried to make “use [of the] “nomad” metaphor in an attempt to make a

diagnosis of the modern era” (Dobrinskaya, 2016, p. 117). Makimoto and Manners (1997)

predicted changes in the way of living and working due to the increasing utilization of the

Internet. Digital nomads are described as location-independent individuals that work remotely.

Digital nomadism is based on the concept of global nomadism taking the travel related

components and extending it with the factor work. Sutherland & Jarrahi (2017) argue that

“digital nomads can be understood as an emerging sub-population of nomadic workers with a

distinct motivation for world travel adventure and independent remote work” (p. 6). Digital

nomads try to escape traditional work practices like office work and combine new work

practices like remote working with their desire to travel. Sutherland & Jarrahi (2017)

characterize digital nomads by working with digital knowledge and “fluid, independent work

practices” (p. 5). The authors also emphasize the need of flexibility among digital nomads to

work in different fields and positions (Sutherland & Jarrahi, 2017). Typical working fields of

the digital nomads are technical fields as web design and programming or online and social

media marketing (Thompson, 2018). Digital nomadism is based on “a combination of improved


18

global access to information and information infrastructure, more flexible work arrangements,

a preference for travel, as well as adventure and work flexibility among the younger generation

of knowledge workers” (Nash et al., 2018, p. 1).

According to Nash et al. (2018), digital nomadism is marked as a hybrid of “digital work, gig

work, nomadic work and global adventure travel” (p. 3). People can be categorized under one

or more labels, but to be considered a digital nomad, a person has to inherit features of all four

labels. As digitalization is a central factor enabling global or in this context digital nomadism,

digital work is very essential. By using digital tools to produce digital products (Durward et al.,

2016) digital nomads are able to achieve location-independent work and to engage in the

lifestyle of nomadism. Only needing portable digital devices like laptops, smartphones and/or

tablets to accomplish work, digital nomads are capable of light travelling, therefore often living

minimalistic (Nash et al., 2018). Gig work comprises of short-term contracts that allow digital

nomads to work flexible taking freelance jobs when needed. This form of work can be found

anywhere and can be done by any qualified worker. Income from gig work varies widely

depending on work task and duration. Digital nomads engaging in gig work have to actively

search for jobs, often using online platforms. A problem digital nomads are confronted with, is

to find a place to work. While normal workers are provided a stable work environment by their

employers, digital nomads have to take care themselves. Concerning nomadic work, Nash et al.

(2018) argue, that although digital nomads share commonalities with nomadic workers, it is

important to note, that “while nomadic workers typically travel for their work, the digital nomad

travels while working” (Nash et al., 2018, p. 6).

Due to digitalization and advances in technology supporting work concepts including remote

working, the boundaries between work and leisure time are blurring more and more. People and

especially digital nomads are permanently reachable through laptops, smartphones and tablets

and thus increasingly work at home and on vacation (Meyrowitz, 2008). Kannisto (2014) argues

that although digital nomads try to escape the constraints and the stress of a nine-to-five job,

living as a nomad also holds the potential to be “stressful, busy, and enslaving” as “travelling

becomes a work-like performance and achievement” (p. 109). In this context, the author names

especially freelancer or digital entrepreneurs as example.

While travelling, digital nomads often use co-working spaces or engage in co-living (Fuzi et

al., 2014; Lee et al., 2019; Weijs-Perrée et al., 2019). Co-working spaces became very popular


19

in recent years as they offer a dynamic and inspiring work environment for a low budget. In

their paper about digital nomads using co-spaces, Lee et al. (2019) argue that digital nomads

stay at co-working spaces out of different motivations. To be able to focus, digital nomads want

to work in a professional, flexible environment where they can access good infrastructure like

high-speed Internet, technical equipment as well as facilities like private meeting rooms or

simply ergonomic office furniture. In addition, digital nomads also stay at co-working spaces

to achieve a clear separation between leisure and work time (Lee et al., 2019). As digital nomads

often tend to travel alone (Kannisto, 2014; Lee et al., 2019), they make use of co-working spaces

to meet other people and to get a sense of community. These working environments give them

the opportunity to meet like-minded people - other digital nomads of the same or different

profession, and to engage in a professional exchange about ideas, opinions and problems. This

offers the possibility of networking, collaboration as well as mentoring and establishes a sense

of community (Fuzi et al., 2014; Lee et al., 2019). But co-working spaces are not popular with

all digital nomads. As an explanation Lee at al. (2019) state that some digital nomads worry

about how the environment including other people affects their productivity in a negative way

and that there are several co-working spaces solely focused on professional work without

encouraging social interactions.

Richards (2015) links the three travelling groups backpackers, flashpackers and global nomads

to the theoretical concepts of tribal nomads, digital nomads and global nomads by identifying

similarities. Backpackers, just like tribal nomads, are likely to meet friends from home while

travelling by visiting specific backpacker places, that just occurred because of this specific type

of travelling. This behaviour promotes the enlargement of the community by engaging in

sharing travel stories, tips and experiences. Flashpackers and digital nomads share similarities,

as both use digital technologies as for example social media to stay connected. In contradiction

to this connectedness, both barely engage in contact with the locals and are “less likely to try

and distinguish themselves through the pursuit of “non-tourist” activities” (Richards, 2015, p.

348). For flashpackers and digital nomads, the boundaries between work and leisure are

blurring. According to Richards (2015), global nomads are very active travellers, engaging with

the local culture and seeking contact. Connecting to local communities and using local forms

of accommodation lead to a feeling of everyday life.

The types of nomads are not mutually exclusive and share similarities. Blurring the boundaries

between work, leisure and travel in addition to the change of social structures result in the


20

merging of the nomadic travel types (Richards, 2015). A person can engage in one, several or

none. Due to the overlapping of the different definitions of the types of nomads in literature,

this work further refers to the term “global nomad” as a combination of the global and the digital

nomad: A global nomad is characterized as a person of high international mobility engaging in

frequent relocations and boarder-crossings. Furthermore, the global nomad makes usage of

digital technologies to gain independence of geographical locations, to be able to work and to

achieve individualization.

2.3 INSTAGRAM AND GLOBAL NOMADISM

Since the emergence of social media platforms, those have enjoyed great popularity among

travellers. Especially Instagram is highly used for sharing special moments and experiences and

reporting the travellers’ thoughts and believes (Smith, 2018). Individuals are increasingly using

social media platforms like Instagram but also Facebook, Twitter and YouTube to construct

and curate a public profile while striving for authenticity, individuality and self-identification

(Reckwitz, 2017).

Instagram is a photo-sharing platform that is mainly accessed by smartphone. Although one can

access the platform also by other devices, not all functions are available. Instagram disposes of

over one billion users who actively use the service, ranking it third among the three most

popular social media platforms behind Facebook and YouTube. Instagram appeals especially

younger generations like the Millennials and the Generation Z (Suciu, 2019). According to the

statistic platform Statista (2020), Instagram’s main user are between 18-34 years old.

Considering reach and user statistics of Instagram as well as professions of global nomads, it is

a logical step to make use of this service for private reasons as well as professional self-

promotion.

As a lot of travellers use Instagram to share their adventures, travelling is a big deal on

Instagram. Instagram increasingly becomes a kind of online photo album for travellers that can

be shared with others (Fatanti & Suyadnya, 2015). This behaviour of instant sharing and

showcasing has a high impact on travel destinations as well as on other travellers. Instagram

increasingly becomes a source of inspiration and information for travel planning (Smith, 2018).

Pictures taken by real travellers in combination with their reviews look more authentic and

therefore are considered more realistic than advertisements on tourism websites (Terttunen,


21

2017). This phenomenon occurs as this kind of information can be categorized as word-of-

mouth. Word-of-mouth coming from friends and family represents the information source

having the most influence (Litvin, Goldsmith, & Pan, 2008). As the majority of Instagram users

use the service on a daily basis, they are exposed to a flood if images and often unconsciously

influenced. Pictures and videos are especially appealing to people as they give a good first

impression and are easy to understand. Terttunen (2017) argues that the most appealing content

for people consists of pictures of sceneries and locations followed by sights, hotels and

restaurants. Therefore, the author concludes that “seeing beautiful travel related photos online

make people want to travel, anywhere if not to those exact locations” (Terttunen, 2017, p. 50).

This conclusion also applies especially to the global nomad community. Global nomads are

widely connected especially through social media platforms and influence each other

consciously or unconsciously regarding travel destinations.

2.4 LIQUID CONSUMPTION

The following section introduces the concept of liquid consumption and its three main

characteristics ephemerality, access-based and dematerialization. By also emphasizing liquid

relationships to possessions and describing access as a form of deconsumption, this section

aims to provide an overview of the consumption form global nomads engage in.

Bauman’s concept of liquid modernity serves as basis for a variety of contemporary theories

concerning consumer behaviour. Bardhi & Eckhardt (2017) build on liquid modernity and

introduced the concept of liquid consumption. It aims to provide a profound understanding of

consumption forms emerging through digitalization, new mobility forms and access-based

practices. Therefore, liquid consumption is a type of consumption, global nomads engage in

(Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2012, 2017). Consumption hereby follows similar rules as modernity,

changing from solid to liquid. Solid consumption can be defined as “enduring, ownership-

based, and material” whereas liquid consumption can be characterized as “ephemeral, access

based and dematerialized” (p. 585). In contrast to Bauman (2012) who rules out a coexistence

between solid and liquid, Bardhi & Eckhardt (2017) argue against a complete substitution. Solid

and liquid consumption can coexist or engage in hybrid forms. In the age of digitalization, liquid

consumption becomes a basis for understanding consumer behaviour concerning ownership as

well as the relationship of consumers to possessions (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2012, 2017; Eckhardt

& Bardhi, 2016).


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2.4.1 EPHEMERALITY AND A LIQUID RELATIONSHIP TO POSSESSIONS

One of the three major characteristics of liquid consumption is ephemerality. Ephemerality in

the context of liquid consumption means, that the value consumers receive from consumer

goods declines more quickly due to the acceleration of social structures (Bauman, 2012; Rosa,

2013). This condition in combination with technical advances and consumers perceiving the

consumption system as outdated lead to a decrease of the product life. Products are now

deliberately produced with reduced durability. As a result, consumers’ relationships to

consumer goods change and consumers form rather temporary and increasingly perfunctory

relationships (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017). As an example, Bardhi & Eckhardt (2017) refer to

Bellezza, Akerman, and Gino (2017) who point out the carelessness consumers treat their own

products to justify their eagerness for upgrades. “They desire ephemerality and use carelessness

to defend their longing for new technology upgrades” (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017, p. 585).

Bardhi & Eckhardt (2017) further summarize, that ephemerality becomes important in contexts,

where no change in ownership of goods takes place. Consumers increasingly search for and

take part in marketplace performances like festivals or raves (Goulding et al., 2009; Kozinets,

2002). Ephemerality constitutes a main characteristic of this kind of marketplace performance

and furthermore reinforces its unique value. Although, Bardhi & Eckhardt (2017) emphasize

that this distinctive feature gets lost when marketplace performances become institutionalized

and commercialized due to a change in the performance’s nature. The authors also state that

although there is little knowledge about the impacts of ephemerality on consumer behaviour,

prior research found that it can influence consumers motivations, their relations to ownership

and consumption performances.

Ephemerality has the potential to influence consumer relationships to possessions (Bardhi &

Eckhardt, 2017). Traditionally, consumers have a very enduring and attached attitude towards

possessions. Possessions that are of high value for consumers might be integrated to the

extended self and are further used for identity construction and to find one’s own place in

society (Belk, 1988). Identification with possessions starts already in childhood and may suffer

a decrease with age. Nevertheless, expressing oneself through and identifying oneself with

possessions remains at a high level throughout life. Individuals use possessions for self-

expression, finding happiness, reminding ourselves of relationships, experiences and

achievements and a kind of immortality. Possessions represent one’s personal story and “tells

us who we are, where we have come from, and perhaps where we are going” (Belk, 1988, p.


23

160). If a possession is regarded as being part of the extended self, involuntary or unintentional

loss of possessions can result in a reduced self-conception of in a perceived loss of oneself

(Belk, 1988; Rosenblatt et al., 1976).

In their study about how global nomadism changes consumer’s relationship to possessions,

Bardhi et al. (2012) identified a liquid relationship. Due to their fluent lifestyle, marked by high

mobility and frequent relocations, global nomads tend to “organize their life around

relationships and economic activities” (Bardhi et al., 2012, p. 512) and their attitude towards

possessions gets flexible and loosened. Possessions are especially valued for their temporal,

functional and immaterial nature. Bardhi et al. (2012) identified three characteristics of liquid

relationships to possessions. First, individuals consume objects for their situational value. In

global nomadism, objects are no longer used to tie one’s identity to specific locations or

situations. High mobility and frequent relocations may lead to a loss of value. Enduring

attachments to possessions hinder global nomads in living their free and flexible lifestyle.

However, liquid relationships enable them to react appropriately to unpredictable circumstances

and uncertainties (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017). Second, in opposition of possessions that are used

for identity construction and self-expression (Belk, 1988), possessions with a liquid relationship

are used for their instrumental use-value. Linking values of possessions are not desired as they

have a binding effect on global nomads and inhabit their flexibility. Possessions for supporting

flexibility and adaptability are appreciated for their use-value like durability or light weight.

Bardhi et al. (2012) argue that “in contrast to the linking value of objects, use-value is more

transferable in multiple contexts enabling flexible identity positions” (p. 524). Thirdly,

possessions are valued by consumers for their immaterial nature. Immateriality here stands for

lightness and portability of objects, supporting flexibility and mobility. In addition, they provide

access to locations, networks and virtual products. Immateriality also refers to consumption

practices supplementing liquid possessions. These consumption practices enable global nomads

to adjust to new locations and to settle. Global nomads use complementary liquid objects and

liquid consumption practices to adapt to cultural and social conditions (Bardhi et al., 2012).

2.4.2 DECONSUMPTION

Consumption plays a vital role in today’s society (Lee & Ahn, 2016) and markets focus on

heavily on increasing sales numbers. Consumers are encouraged to seek experiences and to buy

products that are not necessary for satisfying basic needs (Wilczak, 2018, p. 297). Bylok (2017)


24

agrees with Bauman (2005) that “live in the consumer society consists in the constant

acquisition, consumption, use and waste disposal, only to begin everything anew the next day”

(Bylok, 2017, p. 62). Consumerism can be defined as an excessive behaviour that focuses on

buying goods. It is neither restricted to social groups nor geographic zones (Bylok, 2017;

Wilczak, 2018). Consumerism is characterized by deception, excess and waste. In terms of

consumerism, these attributes do not indicate a malfunctioning system, but even indicate the

proper functioning of the consumer society. Victor Lebow, an American economist already

predicted this kind of today’s consumption behaviour in 1955: “We need things consumed,

burned up, worn out, replaced, and discarded at an ever increasing rate” (Bauman, 2005, p. 85).

Consumerism also has its various downsides for individuals, the society as well as the

environment. Ineffective purchasing processes as well as excessive supply on the market result

in insufficient self-fulfilment and increased stress for individuals. As a downside for the society

Wilczak (2018) mentions the exploitation of less developed countries. Environmental issues

are also a factor when it comes to the negative sides of consumerism. Excessive, unsustainable

overproduction lead to environmental deterioration caused by the exploitation of natural

resources, high emissions and an excessive production of waste (Wilczak, 2018). Therefore,

alternative consumption practices appear. One practice becoming more popular is the so-called

deconsumption. In literature, several definitions exist. Leonard & Conrad (2010) define

deconsumption as avoidance of excess to be able to engage in “conscious consumption” (p.

145). Czeslaw Bywalec and Laszek Rudnicki define deconsumption in their work from 2002

as “a conscious limitation of consumption to a rational size, arising from natural, individual,

physical and mental characteristics of the consumer” (Bylok, 2017, p. 68). Therefore,

deconsumption means abandoning behaviours that only intend to satisfy one’s own desire

voluntarily and to engage in an ethical, responsible and rational consumption practices only

satisfying basic human needs (Bylok, 2017; Wilczak, 2018).

Wilczak (2018) summarizes that deconsumption can be divided into three levels. On the first

level, deconsumption is seen in a narrow sense generating added value by reducing ongoing

consumption. On the second level where this consumption behaviour is described in a broader

sense, it means reducing the quantity of consumed goods while increasing its quality and

favouring non-material consumption over material consumption. In addition, it also stands for

supporting regional producers and engaging in a more sustainable consumption behaviour. On

the third level, deconsumption is based on the broader view but adds the utilization of networks


25

of collaborative consumption, granting the usage of access-based services (Botsman & Rogers,

2010; Wilczak, 2018). Wilczak (2018) argues that deconsumption does not stand for fully

abandoning consumption but taking over a more thoughtful and active market role, considering

ethical aspects and taking responsibility. Deconsumption can occur in various forms such as

“sustainable consumption, green consumption, ethical consumption, anti-consumption and

movement promoting reduced consumption” (Bylok, 2017, p. 68).

2.4.2.1 ANTI-CONSUMPTION

Anti-consumption is a form of deconsumption and is defined as “the voluntary and intentional

avoidance of consumption, and occurs either in a general or in selective fashion […]. Anti-

consumers choose to reject, reduce, or reclaim certain goods, services, or brands” (Lee & Ahn,

2016). But anti-consumption is still a kind of consumption (Dugar, 2017). Whereas

deconsumption means consuming in a more conscious, ethical and ecological way, anti-

consumption is a more radical approach of consumption by reducing the amount of consumed

goods. Motivations for engaging in anti-consumption are very similar to those of

deconsumption. Anti-consumption can be driven by endeavours for a simpler lifestyle, reducing

material possessions due to concerns regarding personal well-being as well as the environment

(Lee & Ahn, 2016). This motivation is supported by Black & Cherrier (2010) by arguing that

simplifier prioritize self-interests and well-being over materialism. Individuals also engage in

anti-consumption as a reduction of consumption increases intrinsic satisfaction resulting in

more meaningful life (Lee & Ahn, 2016). Anti-consumption is also an important part of living

a sustainable way. Black & Cherrier (2010) found that individuals engage in green consumption

to act more sustainable by buying eco-friendly products, but they often fail to maintain this

behaviour long-term. To still be able to live a sustainable live, consumers tend to favour anti-

consumption over buying green alternative products.

2.4.2.2 ACCESS-BASED CONSUMPTION

In a very broad sense, deconsumption includes the usage of access-based services. It also is one

of the major features of liquid consumption. Access-based consumption is defined as

“transactions that may be market mediated in which no transfer of ownership takes place”

(Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2012, p. 881). Whether for tangible or intangible consumption, access is

valued higher than actual ownership of possessions. Access-based consumption enables


26

consumers to use objects or networks they did not use due to missing space or the environment

or were not able to afford them to own. Access-based consumption is performed by sharing,

leasing, borrowing, usage of public services or engaging in the marketplace. Consumers desire

access to consumer goods without the burdens and obligations of ownership (Bardhi &

Eckhardt, 2012, 2017; Bardhi et al., 2012). Access allows to easily consume products or

services the consumer otherwise could not afford. This in addition to not having to bear the

burden of owning leads to a liberation and facilitation of the consumer lifestyle (Belk, 2007;

Bernthal, Crockett, & Rose, 2005). Access also facilitates diversity and variety seeking as it

enables the consumer to access a variety of consumption goods (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2012).

Bardhi & Eckhardt (2017) further summarize that motivations for preferring access over

ownership “can range from variety seeking to lower prices to status seeking to environmental

consciousness” (p. 585). In addition, consumers develop a diminished level of attachment

toward an object they access rather than own. Access provider have the possibility to influence

the level of attachment between consumer and object by standardizing the offered consumer

goods (Gruen, 2017).

2.4.3 DEMATERIALIZATION

Dematerialization is the third important characteristic of liquid consumption and can appear in

two forms. First, dematerialization means delivering an equal level of functionality, by utilizing

less or no materials (Thackara, 2006). This process can be observed in the immateriality of

digital goods, digital consumption (Belk, 2013), services as well as consumption of experiences

and practices (Magaudda, 2011; van Boven, 2005). Due to technological advances like mobility

technology and the emergence of digital services like social media and cloud-services, products

become smaller and lighter and therefore more potable (Thackara, 2006). Second,

dematerialization also means that consumers value and acquire less possessions (Bardhi &

Eckhardt, 2017). It represents a kind of opposition to materialism. According to Lee & Ahn

(2016) “materialism is focused on the acquisition of the material possessions in pursuit of

happiness” (p. 23). This definition implies that the possession of material objects leads to

happiness and higher satisfaction in life. In contrast, van Boven and Gilovich (2003) argue that

in different contexts as for example consumption experiences, dematerialization delivers a

higher value and happiness than material goods. This statement is supported by Chan and

Mogilner (2017) arguing that consumer experiences are favoured over material objects. But


27

also Lee & Ahn (2016) admit that lifestyles rather focused on dematerialisation than on

materialism increase consumer-wellbeing.

Prior research also revealed that just like material objects, digital possessions can be integrated

as a part of the extended self. Furthermore, the immaterial nature of digital goods enables

individuals to build multiple identities and fluidly change shift between them. In addition,

digital consumption goods are often perceived as less authentic and suffer from a diminished

recognition of value (Belk, 2013). Individuals engaging in digital consumption seem to

increasingly use access-based services (Belk, 2010). Dematerialization also holds the potential

of influencing consumers’ decision making as intangible goods are more difficult to assess due

to their nature of uncertainty and risk (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017; Laroche et al., 2004).

In their work about anti-consumption and materialism, Lee & Ahn (2016) discussed the

difference between anti-consumption and dematerialization. The authors stated, that although

both seem to share commonalities, they are different constructs. Anti-consumption rejects or

reduces the consumption of material goods but mainly focuses on the motivation against

engaging in consumption (Lee & Ahn, 2016). In contrast, dematerialization resulting in

consuming less material objects (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017), deals more with materialization

itself. Lee & Ahn (2016) further argue that anti-consumption is a more appropriate counterpart

to materialism. Individuals engaging in dematerialization are also engaging in anti-consumption

whereas individuals rejecting consuming services and products may not be considered as

dematerialists. Therefore, being a true dematerialist seems unfeasible.

2.5 CONSUMER DECELERATION

Due to acceleration fostering liquid modernity and influencing global nomadism, this section

aims to provide an understanding of the concept of social acceleration and how consumers

decelerate from their fast pace of life.

Acceleration is an important factor in liquid modernity and characterizes modern life. Constant

acceleration and the resulting speed are seen as a natural development of technological progress

in especially Western modernity. Whereas Gleick (1999) argues that acceleration is “just about

everything”, Rosa (2003) opposes this view by stating that acceleration represent the most

important factor of modernity and that it does not occur in an universal pattern speeding up


28

everything. For individuals, an accelerated society can result in physical, mental and social

distress due to increased mental and emotional energy needed (Rifkin, 1987).

Rosa (2003, 2013) described the increasing speed of modern society by defining social

acceleration in a broad sense as an “increase in quantity per unit of time” (p. 65). Social

acceleration means that in modern society, individuals are longing for time due to the increasing

speed and rhythm of everyday life (Husemann & Eckhardt, 2019). Rosa (2003, 2013) states

that people engage in different, mutually exclusive types of acceleration: (1) technological

acceleration, (2) acceleration of social change and (3) acceleration of the pace of life. The first

type refers mainly to acceleration fostered by technology especially speeding up transportation,

production and communication but also organizational processes, decisions, administration and

control. Technological acceleration disposes of high goal orientation and is intentionally

promoted (Rosa, 2013). Meyrowitz (2008) noted that it is paradoxical that although

technological advances enable people to perform instantly, time seems to run even faster.

Acceleration of social change goes hand in hand with the first type and indicates the

acceleration of social processes and culture but also diverse groups of society – therefore society

itself. Rosa (2013) defines the third type of acceleration as an “increase of action episodes per

unit of time” (p. 78) and implies that this form calls most to the need of deceleration. Every

individual perceives time differently but the perception still follows the logic of time that

dominates in society (Rosa, 2013).

Deceleration stands for experiencing time on a slower level. To cope with the fast pace of

modern life, Rosa (2013) argues that individuals search for “niches or oases of deceleration”

(p. 83) where time seems to be at a standstill and the rhythms are slowed down. Slowness

appears to be the dominant factor. Husemann & Eckhardt (2019) explored the concept of

deceleration through pilgrimages at the Camino de Santiago. They define deceleration as “a

perception of a slowed-down temporal experience achieved via a decrease in certain quantities

(travel distance, use of technology, experienced episodes) per unit of time through altering,

adopting, or eschewing forms of consumption” (p. 1147). In their study Husemann & Eckhardt

(2019) found that consumers engage in three forms of deceleration: (1) embodied, (2)

technological and (3) episodic deceleration. Embodied deceleration can be achieved by

decreasing the perceived speed though slower modes of transportation like taking a walk instead

of driving and experiencing physical pain whereas technological deceleration refers to a

reduction and more controlled usage of technology. Furthermore, consumers distance


29

themselves from the online world and increase personal communication. The third form of

deceleration can be achieved through “simplifying experiences and reducing consumer

choices” (Husemann & Eckhardt, 2019, p. 1155). The authors argue that consumers achieve

deceleration through consciously allowing themselves to perceive time on a slower pace by

engaging mentally and physically. Consumers escape accelerated society by embracing a

different, more slowed-down temporal logic (Husemann & Eckhardt, 2019).

Concerning global nomads, deceleration become relevant as their lifestyle often results in

engaging in a kind of rat race. To decelerate, travellers often engage in slower modes of

travelling, applying a different temporal logic (Vannini, 2014). “Slow travel” or “slow tourism”

stand for travelling in a responsible and sustainable way and for travelling locally, with respect

to cultural values. This increases the perceived authenticity of the travel experience (Dickinson

& Lumsdon, 2010; Molz, 2009; Vannini, 2014). Molz (2009) further summarizes that slow

travel means refusing fast technologies like fast modes of transportation or simply technologies

like the Internet. However, it seems that this statement only applies to a minority of travellers

as slow travellers are actively using the internet to create content for their blogs or websites

(Molz, 2009). By travelling slow, travellers engage in local culture by establishing local

practices. It alters the way travellers connect to places and cultures (Molz, 2009; Vannini,

2014).

2.6 PARADOX THEORY

Living a life of travelling as well as working, engaging in liquid but also solid forms of

consumption (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017; Bardhi et al., 2012; Bauman, 2005, 2012) and seeking

deceleration as compensation for their fast pace of life (Husemann & Eckhardt, 2019; Rosa,

2013), global nomads are confronted with tensions and contradictions. This thesis aims to

investigate the lifestyle of global nomadism by applying the lens of paradox. This approach

offers the opportunity to open up new perspectives on global nomadism. Therefore, this section

summarizes recent literature regarding the nature of paradoxes.

Paradoxes received much attention in recent years, especially in the context of organizational

life (Poole & van de Ven, 1989; W. Smith & Lewis, 2011). But it also drew more attention in

the context of marketing and experiences (Brown et al., 2013; Caruana et al., 2008;

Hemetsberger et al., 2013; Mick & Fournier, 1998; O’Driscoll, 2008). Lewis (2000) defines


30

paradoxes as “contradictory yet interrelated elements that seem logical in isolation but absurd

and irrational when appearing simultaneously” (p. 760). Smith & Lewis (2011) add that they

also persist over a longer period. In addition, paradoxes are constructs through different related

elements like identity, perspectives, interests, feelings, practices, demands or messages and can

be revealed by interactions or social or self-reflection (Lewis, 2000).

Mick & Fournier (1998) identified eight central paradoxes concerning consumption behaviour:

freedom/enslavement, assimilation/isolation, engaging/disengaging, fulfils/creates needs,

competence/incompetence, new/obsolete, control/chaos. Comparing these findings with the

work of Fanning (2006) revealing cultural tensions (control/chaos, freedom/restraint,

conformity/creativity, individualism/community, prosperity/affluenza) shows that

consumption paradoxes and culture paradoxes share similarities.

Paradoxes can appear through tensions between the new and the old (learning), flexibility and

control (organizing), others and the self (belonging) as well as external and internal factors

(performing) (W. Smith & Lewis, 2011). Due to their dynamic nature, paradoxes can lead to a

standstill, intensifying existing tensions, creativity, transformation or change (Lewis, 2000;

Smith & Lewis, 2011). Paradoxes cannot remain untouched and call for a response. Literature

reveals various actions for dealing with paradoxes ranging from accepting (Lewis, 2000; Poole

& van de Ven, 1989), confronting to transcending (Lewis, 2000). Lewis (2000) proposes a

framework for solving paradoxes through exploring underlying tensions and gaining the

knowledge of how to deal with them, instead of pursuing ignorance and suppression.

2.7 LITERATURE SUMMARY

The previous part of this thesis aimed for providing the theoretical background for the following

empirical study. The concept of liquid modernity (Bauman, 2012) describes how society

changes from solid to liquid due to globalization, deregulations and people’s striving for

individuality. Advancement of technology influencing ways of communication and technology

also foster the new liquidity of society. Liquid modernity also changes the concepts of time,

space, work and individuality. Spaces and places increasingly are designed either to prevent

people from staying by creating discomfort or to encourage consumption. In liquid modernity,

time is of great concerns as social acceleration increases (Bauman, 2012; Rosa, 2013) and

modernity strives for short-term duration. This applies especially for work fostering new work


31

concepts using flexible and short-term contracts (Bauman, 2012). The individual in modern

society strives for uniqueness and authenticity (Bauman, 2012; Reckwitz, 2017).

Liquid modernity supports the increasing emergence of global nomads striving for individuality

and freedom. Literature often uses the term “global nomadism” for various forms of location-

independent individuals engaging travelling. In addition to that, global nomads as defined in

this thesis dispose of high international mobility, engage in frequent relocations and boarder-

crossings (Bardhi et al., 2012) and work while travelling to sustain their lifestyle. Global

nomads also increasingly consume according to the concept of liquid consumption (Bardhi &

Eckhardt, 2017). Liquid consumption takes on the idea of liquid modernity, changing

consumption from solid to liquid and is characterized by ephemerality, access and

dematerialization. Due to the influence of social acceleration on consumers’ lives, they

increasingly strive for deceleration (Husemann & Eckhardt, 2019; Rosa, 2013).

After investigating global nomadism and reviewing the associated concepts of liquid

modernity, liquid consumption, acceleration and deceleration, the second part of the thesis is

dedicated to the empirical study presenting the research approach as well as the findings,

discussion, managerial implications and limitations of this study.


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3. EMPIRICAL STUDY

The first part of this thesis was dedicated to provide a profound overview of the theoretical

background and to create an understanding for the need of this research field. Considering the

aim of identifying consumption paradoxes in the lifestyle of global nomads, this study builds

on the theoretical concepts of liquid modernity, liquid consumption and consumer deceleration

as well as the existing knowledge about global nomadism. The following chapter aims to

explain the research approach including research design, used methods, sampling, data

collection and data analysis.

3.1 RESEARCH DESIGN

With regard to the research question, a qualitative-exploratory research design combining two

methods was applied as qualitative methods allow to study phenomena in their natural

environment by investigating “practices and interactions of the subjects in everyday life” (Flick,

2009, p. 15). The focus of qualitative research especially is on detail as well as accurate

observation and interpretation (Belk et al., 2012). To investigate into consumption paradoxes

of global nomadism, a qualitative-exploratory research approach suited best as it considers the

context of the observed phenomena. Subjective interpretations and perspectives are taken into

account as well as cultural and social backgrounds (Belk et al., 2012; Flick, 2009). However,

compared to quantitative research, the results of qualitative approaches cannot be generalized

but have to be considered in this specific context (Belk et al., 2012). Using an exploratory

research design supports gathering in-depth insights and is marked by its unstructured and

flexible nature (McNabb, 2015).

This study took a constructivist approach as data and analysis emerge from subjective

experiences, practices and relationships setting the focus on the phenomenon itself (Charmaz

& Belgrave, 2012). Further, grounded theory provided the basis as it “is a general methodology

for developing theory that is grounded in data systematically gathered and analysed” (Strauss

& Corbin, 1994, p. 273). According to Charmaz & Belgrave (2012), grounded theory builds on

the assumptions that due to research participants’ subjectivity, a great variety of worlds exist

and data is constructed by the researcher as well as the participant. In addition, the different

worlds exert an influence on the researcher. Therefore, interpretations provide a subjective

picture of the studied phenomenon. As grounded theory aims for gathering subjective


33

constructions of experiences and perceptions it suited best for exploring consumption

paradoxes.

3.2 RESEARCH METHODS AND PROCEDURE

The following section elucidates the applied research methods and the general research

procedure in detail. This study consists of two parts using different qualitative methods. The

first part of the study was carried out by observation using the visual content analysis technique

(Rose, 2016), whereas the second part consisted of in-depth interviews (Belk et al., 2012)

drawing on the findings of the visual content analysis.

3.2.1 VISUAL CONTENT ANALYSIS

The visual content analysis was aimed for providing a first impression regarding life themes of

global nomads, investigating how they are presented on Instagram and detecting possible

tensions that could result in paradoxes. Content analysis enables the researcher to analyse

visuals, texts, audios as well as audio-visual content systematically (Bock, Isermann, &

Knieper, 2011; Krippendorff, 2004). Therefore, content analysis suits best for analysing media

content (Bell, 2001). These statements concerning content analysis are supported by Rose

(2016) describing this technique as suitable for analysing large samples of texts, videos or

images and therefore as an appropriate method for analysing and interpreting the content of

mass media. In the context of this study, content derived from the social media platform

Instagram was analysed due to the platform’s popularity among travellers (Smith, 2018).

Visuals are used by individuals as a representation of their everyday lives. Especially in

Western societies, visuals constitute an essential part of constructing identity and social life

(Rose, 2016). This statement is complemented by Nicholas Mirzoeff stating that “the

postmodern is a visual culture” (Mirzoeff, 1998, as cited in Rose, 2016, p. 4). Using Instagram

as the medium to observe the culture of global nomads holds the advantage of collecting real

time data and studying social or cultural phenomena that are difficult to study offline due to the

lack of materialization (Caliandro & Gandini, 2016). Although social media is not suitable for

studying individual behaviours and personalities, it offers a suitable environment for observing

social actors. Caliandro & Gandini (2016) also note that collecting digital data via social media

is not limited in time and therefore results in “significant amounts of data within a large time

range” (p. 18). Rose (2016) defines four steps for conducting the visual content analysis: (1)


34

finding images, (2) defining categories for coding, (3) coding the images and (4) analysing the

results. The first step will be described in the section 3.3 Research Sample and Data Collection

and the remaining three steps in section 3.4 Data Analysis.

3.2.2 IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS

As a visual content analysis is not able “to support statements about the significance, effects or

interpreted meaning of a domain of representation” (Bell, 2001, p. 13) the second part of the

study was carried out using in-depth interviews. Another argument for conducting interviews

in addition to the visual content analysis is expressed by Mirzoeff (1998, as cited in Rose, 2016)

suggesting that the world we perceive through visuals is completely constructed and therefore

reflects reality only up to a certain degree. The interviews were focused on the narratives of the

participants with emphasis on established consumption practices. In-depth interviews are a

method for gaining detailed opinions, experiences and behaviours of the respondents’ personal

lives. Instead of getting a superficial impression, this interview form tries to uncover deep

underlying meanings. In-depth interview focus on the biography of the participants encouraging

them to retrospective narration of own experiences and perceptions (Belk et al., 2012; Küsters,

2009). This focus leads to the participant engaging in a monolog and the researcher engaging

in active listening and reflecting. The interviewer should avoid interrupting the narrative to not

disturb the participant in his critical reflection (Flick, 2009). The interviewer may ask additional

questions afterwards to clarify vague statements. Due to interviews being conducted by a single

interviewer, it is possible to establish an intense relationship between the involved parties

resulting in a higher willingness to share personal stories (Küsters, 2009). Although interviews

are conducted with a small sample, they result in a high amount of collected material due to

their length (Belk et al., 2012; Boyce & Neale, 2006). In order to guarantee consistency and to

increase reliability, Boyce & Neale (2006) suggest the development of an interview protocol as

well as an interview guide beforehand. To ensure consistency without narrowing the

interviewees’ responses, semi-structured interviews were conducted for this thesis.

To complement the experiences and perceptions of the participating global nomads and to gain

further insights, an additional technique was applied. Based on the ZMET technique developed

by Zaltman and Coulter (1995) the interview included the research step “Storytelling”. The aim

of this step is to let the participant reflect on feelings and experiences by simply letting them

tell their story (Khoo-Lattimore et al., 2009; Zaltman & Coulter, 1995). Therefore, the


35

participants are requested before the interview to collect pictures according to the research topic

allowing deep reflections. During the interview the participant explains the reason for their

choice and the meaning behind each picture. The interview also contained the fifth step of the

ZMET technique “Most Representative Picture” asking for the picture that represents best the

participants perceptions of the research topic (Zaltman & Coulter, 1995).

3.2.2.1 INTERVIEW STRUCTURE AND PROCEDURE

After the first contact and the confirmation of participating in the study, the participants

received information explaining the conditions for participation, the interview procedure as

well as the broad research topic. To ensure spontaneous responses and to avoid bias during the

interview, the specific aim of identifying consumption paradoxes was not revealed. In addition,

they were asked for two pictures selected from their own Instagram-account that in their

perception represent their nomadic lifestyle best (Zaltman & Coulter, 1995).

Küsters (2009) argues that an interview depends to a high degree on the narrative stimulus as

its aim is to guide without interfering too much. In accordance to this statement, the narrative

stimulus in the present study was formed by questions about the participants’ biographical life

stories. The questions for the interviews were designed to be easily understandable using open-

ended formulations avoiding “yes/no” answers and to encourage detailed elucidations. In

addition, the researcher refrained from using questions starting with “why” as those questions

may lead to the participant feeling insulted and assessed (Belk et al., 2012). Before the actual

interview, the participants were informed about the procedure and the estimated duration.

Additionally, they were reminded of the conditions for participation including their right to

refuse answers they felt uncomfortable with. Furthermore, the respondents were informed that

the interview was about their personal feelings, perceptions and experiences and therefore there

are no right or wrong answers. The interviews were recorded with prior written or oral consent

of the participants. Finally, the respondents were assured of their data being confidential and

the interviews being anonymized.

The first part of the interview was dedicated to the biography of the participants focused on

their story of becoming and being a global nomad and their motivations. The aim was to

generate a general understanding of the participants regarding their former non-nomadic and

current personal life situation as well as the changes in their work life. In the second part of the


36

interview, the interviewer made use of the two ZMET techniques “Storytelling” and “Most

Representative Picture” to encourage the interviewee to reflect on its current lifestyle to reveal

characteristic, maybe contradictory themes. Depending on the progress of the interview, this

part was also carried out at the end of the interview. To uncover tensions and potential

consumption paradoxes the next parts of the interview were dedicated to the subjects of travel

experiences, consumption behaviours including relationships to possessions and deceleration.

Finally, again to identify different themes, the participants were asked to summarize their

lifestyle using keywords. In addition, the respondents were encouraged to reflect on the

interview and to add experiences or opinions they consider important. Invitation letter,

information letter, consent form and the final interview guideline are attached in Appendix B,

C, D and E.

For this study, the researcher carried out ten interviews. Due to participants engaging in the

international lifestyle of global nomadism, the interviews were conducted using the video-call

services Facetime and Zoom. The interviews lasted from 31 minutes to 115 minutes with an

average duration of 74 minutes. In total, the researcher collected 12.56 hours of audio

recordings. The interviews were conducted in English as well as German, depending on the

participants demographics. The German quotes that are relevant for the findings were thus

translated to English.

3.3 RESEARCH SAMPLE & DATA COLLECTION

The following section provides information on the research sample as well as the data collection

for the visual content as well as the in-depth interviews. With regard to the context of the study

the target group for the interviews and the originators of the pictures analysed by the visual

contend analysis is defined as a person (1) disposing of high mobility, (2) frequent moving, (3)

relocating to foreign countries and (4) gaining location-independence by working remotely

through the usage of digital technology. Potential respondents were tested for suitability by

analysing their Instagram-account as well as linked corporate or personal websites. Due to

Instagram appealing especially younger generations (Suciu, 2019), but already engaging in

work, the participants of the study were expected to belong to the Generation Y, the so-called

Millennials. This assumption is supported by Richards & Wilson (2004) stating that “young

travellers tend to travel more frequently and for longer periods than many older tourists or those

taking package holidays” (p. 21).


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The first step of the visual content analysis is finding the images. According to Rose (2016),

this step is considered as most important, as any further analysis depends on it. The images

have to be relevant for the study and with regard to the research question. Four methods for

data collection can be used: random, stratified, systematic and cluster (Rose, 2016). For the

present study, systematic sampling was chosen as the appropriate method.

Therefore, it was necessary to collect a dataset consisting of Instagram posts. The gathering of

the first sample took place from 13th December 2019 to 7th January 2020. This timeframe was

chosen due to Christmas being a per period of high consumption including gift shopping

(Fischer & Arnold, 1990; McKechnie & Tynan, 2006) and gift giving (O’Cass & Clarke, 2002).

McKechnie & Tynan (2006) cite Belk (1989) arguing that Christmas is a “largely secularised

celebration of commercialisation, materialism and hedonism” (McKechnie & Tynan, 2006, pp.

131–132). Therefore, the researcher of the present study assumed a higher emergence of

consumption paradoxes visualized on Instagram. The posts were collected from Instagram by

using the statistics program R-studio resulting in a total number of 2,000 pictures. The only

criterium for the collection was the hashtag #digitalnomadlifestyle. This specific hashtag was

chosen to avoid global nomads not engaging in working while travelling. In addition, this

hashtag is not as frequently used as other hashtags describing posts concerning digital or global

nomadism. Therefore, it was possible to collect the first sample over a longer time period.

After collecting the first sample, the researcher proceeded by drawing a subsample consisting

of 80 pictures. As sampling method, systematic sampling taking every 20th picture was applied.

During this process, the researcher had to compare the pictures in terms of relevance to the

research objective. Pictures of accounts not matching the previously defined target group were

dropped proceeding with the directly following one. Rose (2016) argues that the sample size

depends very much on the heterogeneity of the collected images. Due to the great variety of the

pictures sampled, the final sample size of 80 pictures provides the appropriate amount of data

without overwhelming the resources available (Rose, 2016).


As this study builds on grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 2017; Strauss & Corbin, 1994), it

takes on the process of theoretical sampling. This method is marked by continuous collecting,


38

coding and analysing data. Theory is developed throughout the whole process of sampling.

Theoretical sampling continues until theoretical saturation has set in and no additional data

appears (Flick, 2009; Küsters, 2009).

On the basis of theoretical sampling, purposeful sampling was applied. According to Patton

(2002), purposeful sampling is used for gaining insights and deep understanding of the studied

phenomenon. This method actively samples cases that provide a high level of information. In

the context of the present study, the researcher intended to find respondents that match the target

group of global nomads. Subsequently, a letter of invitation was sent to them providing general

information about the purpose of the study and the procedure. The sampling for the interviews

was carried out in three ways. First, sampling was based on the originators of the pictures

analysed by the visual content analysis since this group has already been tested for suitability.

Since this strategy for sampling was only partially successful due to only a minority responding

to the request of participation, two additional strategies were pursued. By again using the

hashtag #digitalnomadlifestyle, the researcher went back directly to Instagram for sampling.

Originators of Instagram posts collected by the mentioned hashtag who qualified for the study

by matching the target group were selected for potential participation. The third strategy applied

snowball sampling. This sampling method relates to expanding the research sample by asking

participants for the recommendation of other potential participants (Biernacki & Waldorf, 1981;

Küsters, 2009).

Potential participants were contacted via Instagram Direct Messaging by sending the invitation

letter (Appendix B). Out of 46 invitations, 13 global nomads responded resulting in ten

interviews carried out. As two interviews were conducted with couples, the number of

participants reached a total of twelve. Table 1 shows a list of global nomads participating in the

study. Due to confidentiality of personal data, names were anonymized. As the participants

described themselves as digital nomads by using the hashtag #digitalnomadlifestyle, digital

nomadism was used as a synonym for global nomadism in the interviews.

No. Code Name Gender Age Nationality Marital Status Profession

Highest Educational Attainment

1 Karoline F 30 Austria Relationship CEO A-Levels

2 Simon M 39 Germany Single CEO,

Marketing Consultant

Bachelor’s Degree


39

3 Christine F 26 USA Single Entrepreneur, Author Master’s Degree

4.1 Karen F 35 USA Married

Artist Bachelor’s Degree 4.2 Jonah M 36 USA Artist Bachelor’s Degree

5 Benjamin M 35 Germany Single Entrepreneur, Consultant A-Levels

6 Paul M 49 Sweden Married

(2 Children)

Consultant, Market

Research PhD Degree

7 Lisa F 31 USA Relationship Social Media Marketer Bachelor’s Degree

8.1 Bryan M 56 USA Married

Author Bachelor’s Degree 8.2 Matthew M 55 USA Author Bachelor’s Degree

9 Silvia F 47 Germany Single Program Designer Master’s Degree

10 Charlotte F 26 Germany Single Photographer A-Levels

Table 1: Respondents' Characteristics

Based on the characteristics of the respondents like gender, age, marital status as well as

profession and education, this sample can be considered heterogeneous. Nevertheless, all

respondents fulfilled the prior defined criteria of the target group. Considering the definition of

Millennials by Dimock (2019) as being born between 1981 and 1996 (age 24 to 39 in 2020),

the previous assumption of the respondents being Millennials partially applies. In terms of

nationality and education, the respondent’s characteristics reflect Bauman’s (2012) and

D’Andrea’s (2007) statements of an elite (First World country, high education) engaging in

global nomadism. Although the range of professions varied, all respondents are able to perform

work using digital technologies.

3.4 DATA ANALYSIS

After carrying out the sampling for the visual content analysis as well as the conduction and

transcription of the interviews, the collected data has been analysed according to Rose (2016)

for the visual content analysis and using the approach of grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss,

2017; Strauss & Corbin, 1994) for the interviews.


Rose (2016) defines four important steps for carrying out a visual content analysis: (1) finding

images, (2) defining categories for coding, (3) coding the images and (4) analysing the results.


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The first step regarding sampling has already been outlined in the previous chapter regarding

the research sample and the data collection. The next step is the elaboration of the categories

that are used for coding the images. Categories have to dispose of three distinctive

characteristics. They have to be exhaustive, exclusive and enlightening. This implies that the

categories must cover every component of the image without overlapping. In addition, they

must lead to “a breakdown of imagery that will be analytically interesting and coherent” (Slater,

1993, p. 236, as cited in Rose, 2016). The sample is coded by using open coding, searching for

“patterns, similarities and differences” (Rokka & Canniford, 2016, p. 1794). The simplest way

of analysing the findings is by counting the frequency of the individual components. Counting

the frequency should be applied according to the related theory, including just the relevant

components. Analysis can also be developed by examining the relationships between the

categories by identifying overarching themes. For analysing the results, it is important to

understand, how codes and context relate (Rose, 2016). Following the procedure of Rokka &

Canniford (2016), the categories were divided in material and expressive components and the

images coded accordingly. Open coding the images can be difficult, as it requires a high degree

of objectivity. To ensure a certain degree of objectivity, the researcher engages in coding by

several rounds of re-reading.


After transcribing the interviews, they were analysed with regard to the research question by

applying grounded theory (Corbin & Strauss, 1990; Glaser & Strauss, 2017). This process for

data analysis is highly suitable for creating “rich descriptions and understandings of social life”

(Walker & Myrick, 2006, p. 549). Nevertheless, a difficulty of working with grounded theory

is the high amount of data through, in the case of the present study, interviews as the texts can

dispose of multiple meanings. Data analysis in qualitative research aims for developing theories

and reducing data by deriving general themes (Walker & Myrick, 2006). Flick (2009) explains

that interpretation can dispose of two contradictory goals: revealing statements by writing long

interpretations or reducing data by “paraphrasing, summarizing, or categorizing” (p. 306).

In grounded theory, sampling and collection of data as well as the interpretation cannot be

separated from each other, but have to be regarded together. Interpretation represents the factor

used to determine whether additional material is required (Flick, 2009). The process of

analysing starts by coding the data. Coding is applied using three types: (1) open coding, (2)


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axial coding and (3) selective coding. These types are not clearly distinguishable from each

other. Therefore, the researcher shifts between the coding types or combines them if necessary

(Corbin & Strauss, 1990; Flick, 2009). By comparing the different cases and developing the

codes, theories emerge by abstraction. In the beginning, codes are defined close to the analysed

material finally resulting in abstract formulations (Flick, 2009).

According to Corbin & Strauss (1990), the first type, open coding, is applied to break down the

data in an analytical way. The researcher tries to gain new insights by reflecting and interpreting

the data. Open coding searches for similarities and links the data by assigning labels. Labelling

can be applied by borrowing constructed codes from previous literature or using expressions of

the interviewees (in vivo coding) (Flick, 2009). Another method is to apply open label codes

referring to labelling the codes according to the conceptual meaning of a statement (Douglas,

2003). The labels are further grouped into categories and subcategories. Those are the basis

from which the theory derives. Flick (2009) notes, that open coding is not suitable for coding

the whole interview but provides a good starting point for further coding procedures.

Axial coding is related to open coding and stands for detecting relationships among the

categories and subcategories. For this purpose, data is regrouped and the coding is revised

(Corbin & Strauss, 1990; Flick, 2009). The major goal of axial coding is to identify core codes

(Douglas, 2003). These core codes relate various open codes and “fit with as many passages as

possible” (Flick, 2009, p. 312). The third type, selective coding further summarizes the codes

defined by axial coding (Flick, 2009). This process determines a central core category

describing the phenomenon (Douglas, 2003). By developing this core category further in terms

of relationship to the subcategories, selective coding enables the researcher to detect patterns

from which theory is derived (Flick, 2009). For the analysis of the present study, the principles

of grounded theory were applied and the interviews were analysed using the program

MAXQDA. The final codebook derived from the coding process is attached in Appendix F.

The findings obtained by the visual content analysis as well as the in-depth interview analysis

are presented in the following chapter.


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4. FINDINGS

In the following chapter, the findings of the visual content analysis and the analysis of the in-

depth interviews are presented. The visual content analysis brought forward insights into

important themes of global nomadism that the nomads also want to share by using the social

media platform Instagram. The analysis aimed to examine the online presentation of the global

nomadic lifestyle in more detail and to identify possible tensions that could result in paradoxes.

Applying the visual content analysis following the approach of Rokka & Canniford (2016)

resulted in seven main themes that are showcased on Instagram wanderlust, exploration, joy,

harmony, curiosity, freedom and adventure. Subsequent, to identify consumption paradoxes in

global nomadism, the participants of the in-depth interviews described their personal

experiences and perceptions of being a global nomad. The rich insights gained through detailed

narratives support previous findings and practices regarding global nomadism and allow the

detection of consumption paradoxes. Some findings were expected up to a certain degree but

applying the lens of paradox enables the revelation of new perspectives on this phenomenon.

The analysis identified paradoxes regarding freedom, sustainability, dematerialization and

acceleration.

4.1 GLOBAL NOMADIC THEMES

Expressive components represent the feelings or impressions the picture conveys. Therefore,

by identifying those components of the images, it is possible to identify important themes of

global nomadism. A list of all identified themes disclosed through expressive components is

attached in Appendix A: Table 3. The analysis revealed seven main themes: wanderlust,

exploration, joy, harmony, curiosity, freedom and adventure. The criterium for being

categorized a main theme was a frequency of more than 20 percent. The themes wanderlust,

exploration, joy, freedom and adventure share similarities in their representation as most visuals

are taken outside focusing on components related to nature like beaches, the sea or the sky.

Figure 1 illustrates an image incorporating those five themes. Visuals labelled as wanderlust,

exploration and curiosity are also likely to show cultural differences like culture specific

architectures (e.g. Figure 2: Buddhist temple). Other expressions worth mentioning regarding

showcased nomadic themes are everyday life, tradition and culture, sportiness as well as

relaxation.


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Considering these findings one can see that the themes presented on Instagram regarding global

nomadism dispose of a predominantly positive character. Although negative expressions are

scarcely displayed, some visuals showed evidence of containing those. Negative expressive

components are inauthenticity, exhaustion, discomfort and loneliness. Inauthenticity in this

context relates to pictures that show clearly artificial situations like engaging in weight training

with one hand while balancing a laptop with the other one. Exhaustion is displayed on pictures

in the context of working and travelling. Loneliness relates to pictures with persons wearing a

sad, dreamy expression.

The identified themes imply that global nomads mainly show the positive sides of their lifestyle.

Considering working and travelling as the essential parts of global nomadism, it is noticeable

that travel situations are more likely shown than scenes from everyday life including work

situations. Taking the pictures out of the context of global nomadism, it would be possible to

interpret most of them as pictures simply taken on vacation. Global nomads also mainly share

pictures that display people – primarily themselves alone, suggesting that global nomads mostly

travel alone. Although travelling alone, visuals presenting also other people convey a high sense

of community. Comparing all expressive components, possible tensions can be detected

between the two themes freedom and structure.

Figure 2: Visual displaying Wanderlust, Exploration and Curiosity

Figure 1: Visual displaying Wanderlust, Exploration, Joy, Freedom and Adventure


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4.2 PARADOXES OF FREEDOM

A very important theme that emerged in the visual content analysis, but even stronger in the

interviews is freedom. By definition, freedom entails “being able or allowed to do, say, think,

etc. whatever you want to, without being controlled or limited” (Cambridge Dictionary, n.d.).

Freedom is an integral part of global nomadism and along with mobility can be used as a

synonym for nomadism (Gilbert, 2014). Freedom manifests in the participants lives in terms of

geographical, temporal, material and financial freedom as well as in the freedom to express

oneself and to broaden one’s view. Therefore, global nomads are free to go wherever they want

and when they want. By working remotely and mostly self-employed, global nomads gain the

financial resources needed to ensure this freedom. Asking about his perceptions what global

nomadism stands for, Simon states:

“The keyword is simply freedom, I think. And there, but in more ways than just spatial freedom. Well,

where I can be. But also, material freedom. Financially, that I’ve built something that gives me enough

money to live on. I could also be permanently employed and still travel around the world. Then I

wouldn’t have this material and financial freedom. But I built it up so that I have that now. So, material

and yes, spatial freedom” (Simon, 39).

In this quote, Simon describes freedom from the geographical, temporal, material and financial

perspective. Being self-employed instead of employed by a company removes the ties that bind

him to a specific location as well as determined working hours. It also frees him from the

dependency of receiving his earning from one company. Although Simon outlines the benefits

of employment in terms maintaining social safety through a fixed salary or receiving

unemployment benefits easier, during the interview he states that he now feels a higher degree

of freedom. Simon does not mind the dependence on various paying clients and emphasizes the

importance of planning to receive earnings regularly. This gives him the freedom to travel

wherever and whenever he wants. Christine adds to the meaning of freedom by describing the

Instagram picture that represents her lifestyle best. The following quote adds the component of

inner freedom. The freedom to allow oneself to explore as well as personally grow and expand

through experiences made during the nomadic journey.

Christine: “Because it represents walking away from darkness and into the lightness and it shows that

at the end of every tunnel there is a bright light waiting for you to just explore and expand.


45

And there is a lot of art at the inside, the graffiti

art and I think, feel that art is such an

important part of expressing yourself. So, I

also love it because of that.” Interviewer: “If you recall the moment, what

did you feel?”

Christine: “Free, like I was made for this.”

[…]

Christine: “I can say that I’m truly free and

what I mean by free is that I’m ever-evolving

and exploring in the expression of who I

am”

Benjamin thinks of freedom in term of cherry-picking. Being a global nomad liberates him to

live wherever he likes it best in terms of climate or culture. He also emphasizes the freedom to

explore new cultures and because of that, gain new perspectives. It means to broaden one’s

view on different things or situations instead of living in one’s own cultural bubble and insisting

on one’s absolute opinion. Benjamin sees global nomadism as a possibility to develop an

understanding for other cultures and becoming an ambassador, communicating this

understanding to others.

“It means that I can at any time, broaden my view at any time, because we very, very often, especially

in German culture, I personally have the impression that things are perceived as given. And perceiving

things as absolute. […] But simply that you realize a) nothing is self-evident, b) no opinion is absolute

and c) that I can permanently broaden my view, in order to act as a spokesperson, as an influencer

with a reach, as open and liberal as possible, to try to pass on what I lean to other people. That is one

thing. And, of course, the fact that I have the freedom to pick out the cherries. Well, because I can say

at any time, here it is getting too cold or too hot for me […] because I can always take everything I

need to live with me. That’s just, for me it’s the ultimate freedom” (Benjamin, 35).

Reflecting on their lifestyle as global nomads, the participants mention boundaries that

constrain their personal perceived freedom. The first paradox of freedom is determined by the

absolute freedom the global nomads perceive while being tied by boundaries and dependencies.

Although digitalization and advances in technology enable global nomads to engage in this

specific lifestyle, it is a relationship of dependencies. Global nomads are dependent on

functioning Internet connections as well as technologies as smartphones and laptops to be able

Figure 3: Meaning of Freedom


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to work and to sustain their life. But they feel very different about it. Some participants state

that they do not mind depending on technology and appreciate it for working as well as staying

in contact with friends and family. Silvia mentions that she loves technology and believes in

the functionality of technic. To avoid the risk of malfunctioning Internet she follows the strategy

of travelling to countries that are well known for their good Internet connection.

Interviewer: “How do you feel about relying on technology that much?”

Silvia: “I like it? No, I believe in technology. I’ve always loved technology. I got my first computer

when I was 12. I started programming the basics. That was [19]85, a while ago and I've been into

technology ever since and I believe in it and I hope it doesn't fail. I also choose my countries for the

internet.”

Although being appreciated by her, Silvia cannot deny a dependency on technology. Paul on

the other hand has an ambivalent relationship to technology. Although he appreciates it as it

gives him the opportunity of being a global nomad, he does not feel good about being dependent

on a functioning laptop and Internet connection to perform work and to communicate with

clients. Paul also names malfunctioning technology as a possible source of stress and

frustration. This last statement is also confirmed by Lisa, explaining how stressful it was in the

beginning of her nomadic adventure to ensure the functionality of technology and therefore be

reachable for clients.

“It's, it's, oh it's a good question, it's, it's, It's not just positive. Definitely not because that hinders you.

So, it's, it's, it's not really a good feeling because both, I bet, in Austria. I don't know about Austria. I

think you have like unlimited very good Internet connection. Like, no, I'm sitting on an island in the

sea outside Sweden. I have fiber link and unlimited Internet. That's not common. You can even in

countries like Australia and New Zealand. It's not there. You think, like, okay, some third world

countries, you might have poor Internet connection. But that's, that's not the case. Internet connection

is unlimited and poor in most parts of the world, to be honest. And so, it's not a good feeling that

hinders you as a digital nomad. Definitely” (Paul, 49)

“It, it can be a little stressful at times, honestly, because I remember when I first went out on my like

first time working remotely and I was super nervous about making sure that I was connected and

available all the time, like, you know, I didn't want to take a client call and then, you know, the

reception is really bad or they can't get in touch with me for whatever reason. That was like really

stressful for me” (Lisa, 31).


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In addition to being dependent on technology, global nomads’ freedom is also often bound by

the time differences between their and their clients’ locations. Different time zones determine

how global nomads like Simon, Benjamin, Paul or Lisa structure their day. They emphasize

that they try to synchronize their working hours in order to communicate with their clients in

time without any delays. Reflection on her working behaviour, Silvia states that she likes to set

her location in Asia, as it gives her the opportunity and time to accomplish her work and simply

wait for the clients’ response. In contrast, working in America while having her clients in

Germany makes her feel stressed and feeling not able to accomplish work on time.

“I mean, my set and my schedule kind of changes like when I work and when I like play. So, you know,

just kind of depending on the time zone and making sure to line up like the, the working hours with

like L.A.'s normal business hours” (Lisa, 31).

“[…] I was in the Caribbean two years ago and was six hours behind my time. I had six o’clock in the

morning when it was already twelve in Germany. In other words, I was behind my time and my

customers were getting on my nerves: ‘Oh, call me’ […] An that’s the beauty of Southeast Asia,

because you are ahead of your time. […] and that’s why I like Asia more than the other side, especially

America, South America, the Caribbean. Because that’s what really stresses you out, when you’re

behind the times” (Silvia, 47).

The second paradox of freedom results from the perception of absolute freedom and the need,

but also longing for structure and consistency. The analysis revealed, that global nomads often

engage in a fast travel behaviour in the beginning of their nomadic adventure but later reach a

point where they are longing for consistency in their lifestyle, to slow down and relish the

moment. Reflecting on his early phase of being a global nomad, Simon states that together with

his girlfriend, he travelled fast to visit as many countries as possible. In the meantime, he felt

the urge to slow down and reduce the stress occurring through travelling so fast.

“I’m not the typical one [digital nomad], the one, that most people who call themselves digital nomad,

so to speak, the ones who, they’re just constantly travelling, while I like to stay somewhere longer.

I’ve already done all the travelling. Now I don’t have to run from place to place all the time and I

need and want a bit more stability. […] When I feel like travelling, I travelled, when I didn’t feel like

it, I just stayed in the place.” (Simon, 39).

Along with the urge to travel slowly comes a longing for settling, building one or more home

bases. Benjamin describes that after three years being a global nomad, he felt the longing for


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settling and consistency. His aim was to build a home base, but without tying him too closely

to one place and losing the location-independent character of his lifestyle. Having one or two

home bases where he stores some of his possessions enables him to travel light without having

to forego other things and conveys a sense of home to him. Benjamin further describes that

global nomads tend to return to familiar places where they established routines and are part of

a community.

“I just told myself that I rent at my favourite places because many digital nomads have this point. They

come to a point after three years. You live more of a multilocation lifestyle, because you have your

few favourite places in the world, where you return regularly, where friends come back regularly.

Where you have such a small community, where you know where the coffee tastes best, where do I go

to the gym, where is my favourite park or whatever” (Benjamin, 35).

Routines and community are also very important for Bryan and Matthew to ensure consistency

in their lives regardless on their location. Having this kind of consistency increases their well-

being and their sense of home. Matthew states that he and his husband have different routines

that, like a puzzle, compose their global nomadic life.

“But I think the things that do make a place feel like home for us are trying to pick a nice either co-

living or apartment that work and feel comfortable in them. And this might sound weird. Once we pick

a gym, if we're in a place for there's a gym and a co-working place, then I have the places I'm going

to be spending my time. I have those pieces put together and I feel at home because I have the essential

things that I like in a place” (Matthew, 56).

Further Paul contributes by stating that in order to live a location-independent life, global

nomads need more structure in their life. He admits that during travelling alone as well as with

his children, his life is more structured than back in his home country. Having more structure

also enables him to be more flexible as he does not lose the overview of his tasks and can easily

adapt to unforeseen circumstances.

“Ah, our life has been even more structured then then at home, I would say, because when you live

location, location independent, you, you need to have a structure enabled to, let's say, because when

things round, you change very frequently, you move to other places” (Paul, 49).


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To conclude, the findings revealed two paradoxes of freedom. The first paradox results from

absolute perceived freedom in conjunction with boundaries through dependencies on

technology and time zones. Although some participants appreciate technological advances,

others feel uncomfortable with relying on technology to be able to maintain their lifestyle.

Being in different time zones than their clients also often restricts the global nomads in their

freedom. The second paradox consists of the absolute perceived freedom and the nomads’

longing for consistency and need for structure. The longing for consistency is associated with

slowing down, settling or routines to feel a sense of home. In addition, freedom demands for

structure in order to be flexible and able to react appropriately to different circumstances.

4.3 PARADOX OF SUSTAINABILITY

Travelling is an essential part of being global nomads as they are characterized by their location-

independency and their high degree of mobility (Bardhi et al., 2012). The travel behaviour

among the participants varies greatly concerning the amount of countries visited as well as the

duration of stay. Karoline, Simon and Benjamin explained that in the beginning of their

nomadic adventure, they travelled very fast, visiting a high amount of countries and to see as

much as possible. The three participants stated, that after a while, they reached a point where

they felt very stressed combining travelling at this pace with their private and professional lives.

Benjamin, who faced that point after three years felt the longing to settle and started to build up

home bases in different countries. Karoline and Simon simply increased the duration of stay at

one location up to at least one month. Bryan and Matthew pursued slow travelling from the

beginning. After selling their properties, Bryan and Matthew fully engaged in the lifestyle of

global nomadism. Compared to other participants the two of them travel slow, living in one

place usually between two or three months. Both feel, that they gain a better understanding of

the country and the local culture. Therefore, they call themselves slowmads – a combination of

the two words slow and nomads.

“We also distinguish ourselves from, a lot of digital nomads tend to move two to three weeks. And so,

they're taking a lot of flights and you know, they want to be able to move easily. We call ourselves

slowmads. We like to be in a place at least a month or more between 2 and 3 months because we feel

like we get a better sense of it. So, because we are not moving as frequently, we have the luxury of

taking an actual suitcase with us as opposed to just a backpack” (Matthew, 56).


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Other participants like Christine or Lisa love to travel fast and do not feel the need to change

their pace of travelling. Further, the interviews revealed that the participants differ between

countries they lived in and the ones they just visited. Visited in this context stands either for

countries they have travelled through, or countries where they have only been for a short amount

of days. Reflecting on the question asking for the number of countries the participants lived in

or visited, they had issues of remembering the correct number. This leads to the assumption,

that moving fast results in a blending of different travelling experiences, especially for countries

disposing of similar cultures. During the interview, Bryan and Matthew struggled to recall each

country. However, they subsequently agreed on six countries they lived in and 20 countries

they visited.

“We visited probably about 22 and we have lived in four. Is it just four? United States, Mexico, Tbilisi,

Switzerland, Thailand and Vietnam? Isn't it six? Last twelve months, I would be, six countries that

we've lived in and then another 20 that we have passed through visiting” (Bryan, 56).

Nevertheless, in times of global warming, it is precisely this travel behaviour of frequent

location changes and border crossings, that leads to a discourse on sustainability and

environmental protection. Considering the different countries visited, it is inevitable for the

participants to engage in modes of transportation that are not considered environmentally

friendly. The interviews revealed, that the participants are all well aware of that issue. This

leads to the creation of the paradox of sustainability. Reflecting on how she thinks about

sustainability, Charlotte herself identified the paradox between the global nomadic lifestyle and

sustainability.

“[Sustainability plays] A relatively large role. So, I’m definitely trying to pay attention to

sustainability. More than in the past, which is of course a bit paradoxical, as a digital nomad, when

you’re travelling by plane and then you travel. The whole issue is a bit of a difficult one and something

where I think I would be more sustainable. And there are many things where I really pay attention to.

But then again and again travelling comes in, which destroys the whole thing a bit, I would say”

(Charlotte, 26).

Therefore, Charlotte as well as the other participants pursue different strategies to compensate

for the unsustainable parts of their lifestyle. These include activities like changes in diets,

engaging in more eco-friendly modes of transportation at the different locations but also

changes in their consumption behaviour. Benjamin extensively dealt with this issue and


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emphasizes, that the highest amount of emissions is caused by livestock breeding for meat

production instead of transportation. Therefore, he tries to follow a vegan or vegetarian diet.

Although he admits that he sometimes consumes animal products, he attempts to reduce them

as much as possible. Instead of being vegetarians, Silvia and Charlotte pay attention to buy food

if possible unwrapped and at organic food stores. Another important point the participants

mention is the reduction of plastic packaging and the usage of reusables like bottles or coffee

mugs. Simon mentions, that his wastage of plastic depends very much on his actual location.

Reflecting his experiences of different countries, Simon states that his wastage of plastic during

his three to four months travelling through South America was higher than during one year

living in Germany. Furthermore, wastage of plastic depends on the cleanliness and drinkability

of the local water. Considering his location during the interview he states:

“Well, for example, that’s one thing while travelling, that really makes me, that I find really sad. I

have to live on plastic all the time. Well, because I can’t just drink out of the tap here, like I can in

Europe, but I always have to take these things here [referring to water bottles of approximately 10

litres]. […] But I can, must always transfer it [water] into a big bottle, so that I can drink from the

big bottle. This is of course now in use over weeks then” (Simon, 39).

Another activity for increasing sustainability is to engage in deconsumption. The participants

are more conscious about the type and amount of consumption goods. Through travelling light,

the participants are very conscious about what to take with them. Clothing was mentioned by

several participants as one part for paying attention to sustainability. This occurs in form of

buying clothing that is produced from sustainable materials and under fair conditions. Silvia

admits that she tried organic clothing several years ago but returned to normal clothing. This

finding confirms the statement of Black & Cherrier (2010), that consumers often fail to maintain

eco-friendly consumption behaviour long term. Nevertheless, Silvia buys products consciously

and focuses on long-term durability.

“I’m already trying to do what I can. I did for a while, a couple of years ago, I tried to buy organic

label clothing. The problem is, that some of them look so awful that you think, nothing fits concerning

the cut and you have to order them online because I didn’t know any shop that sells them. […] So, I

went back to buying in any standard shops. […] But I try to buy less and not throw away much. And

also, to buy things that last longer” (Silvia, 47).


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In addition to consuming more conscious, Simon describes his reduction of consumer goods as

well as his renunciation of private means of transportation. He argues that although he takes

every two months an airplane, the amount of emissions was greater if he was not a global nomad

and was driving a car every day to get to work. Instead, he walks or rides a bike to places or

work. If Simon needs other means of transportations, he uses driving services like Uber. He

also sometimes uses car-sharing when in Europe or rents a scooter when in Asia.

“And of course, I try to pay as much attention as possible. Just because I have little consumption. I

drive now, I don’t have a car myself. Of course, I let someone drive me somewhere. But otherwise, I

don’t have a car myself. The flights are of course also a thing, that plays into it, for the environment.

But in addition, I travel every two months, I fly somewhere. I think that I compensated for most of

that” (Simon, 39).

Karen and Jonah as well as Charlotte further added, that in order to protect the environment,

they organize clean-up programs or participate in some. To be more sustainable, Paul explains

that he and his family engage in activities like consuming ecological food or walking to work.

But he also states that in his opinion the aeronautical industry is an important part of the global

economy and a driver for innovation. He believes that new advances in technology will lead an

increase of sustainable transportation and production. Travelling constitutes a significant part of global nomadism. Although varying in travel

behaviour concerning duration of stay or amount of countries visited, the global nomadic

lifestyle highly depends on different means of transportation like airplanes or trains. Therefore,

travelling combined with the increasing awareness concerning sustainability and environmental

protection, leads to the paradox sustainability. The global nomads participating in this study try

to compensate their partly unsustainable lifestyle by changing their consumption to be more

conscious concerning transportation, food, packaging and clothing as well as by participating

in clean-up programs.

4.4 PARADOX OF DEMATERIALIZATION

To be able to engage in this specific lifestyle, global nomads travel as light as possible.

Supported by technological advances and by using portable devices connected to the Internet

global nomads are capable of maintaining their lifestyle without being too tied by material

things (Nash et al., 2018). Reflecting on his life as global nomad and the transition into it, Bryan


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emphasizes the importance to be more conscious and selective about material things due to the

requirement of travelling with all their belongings. This applies in particular to Bryan and

Matthew since they are global nomads without having some sort of home base or storage

possibilities like other participants. Although Bryan further states that was not very materialistic

before becoming a global nomad, he admits, that he underestimated the real meaning of carrying

all your belongings with you.

Bryan (55): “[…] you are very selective about the things you own and everything becomes intentional.

I didn’t expect that’s, that’s something that’s necessary when you’re a nomad. You know, you have to

carry all your things with you. So, you become very selective about the things you, you have. And we

didn’t, I didn’t feel like I was a particularly materialistic person.”

Matthew (56): “We weren’t typical Americans in that sense.”

Matthew adds, that because they have not been that materialistic during their non-nomadic

lives, they were not typical representatives of their country. Further, Bryan and Matthew feel

being less materialistic as freeing and liberating as they are not tied to a specific location by

any possessions. When starting their nomadic adventure, they sold their house and the

possessions that would not be needed. Matthew also adds, that they very quickly realized, how

many possessions are not essential for a living.

Bryan (55): “But it is, it's been remarkably freeing and liberating. You associate yourself with objects

and things. And if you need something, you buy it.”

Matthew (56): “And it's remarkable how quickly things you thought you needed, you don't, you don't

need, you don't even think about it. I can't even remember all the things that we used to have in our

house. And as Bryan said, we weren't particular materialistic. And yet when we got rid of our stuff,

we were amazed at how much stuff we had. And now, I couldn't even tell you what that stuff was,

[…].”

Global nomads also engage in dematerialization by increasingly turning to digital consumption

(Belk, 2013) as well as consuming experiences (Magaudda, 2011; van Boven, 2005). Among

all participants of the study, Paul disposes of the highest degree of digitalization. He aims for

having as much as possible in digital format.

“Like we have everything all or, you know, all our paperwork is in the cloud. So, it was like you need

a passport. You need a credit card and I need my computer. That's, that's really what I need. And all


54

the other things are really like extras based on what we do. All or you know, or all the like my birth

certificates, every, every paper is gone. We don't own the paper” (Paul, 49).

Especially entertainment including books, music and films, but also memories in form of

photographs are increasingly consumed digitally by the participants. Supported by video- or

music-on-demand platforms like Netflix or Spotify or platforms selling Ebooks, the participants

are able to engage in various types of entertainment. In addition, memories are also consumed

increasingly digitally. The participants have their photographs on their portable devices, but

also use social media networks as online photo albums. This easily enables them to share their

memories with friends and family.

Additionally to dematerialization in form of being less material and consuming digitally, the

participants favour intangible products and services like experiences over material goods.

Especially if they have to decide between consuming material goods and experiences, the

participants prefer experiences. This behaviour corresponds to global nomads travelling light.

Lisa learned valuing intangible products over material goods especially on her global nomadic

journey. She describes that comparing the costs of desired material good with the costs of

making an experience, it becomes relatively easy for her to decide for the experience.

“Again, this is another thing that I'm trying to, be less about like buying and consuming things and

just be more about like spending my money on experiences and stuff. […. Like I used to do a ton of

shopping and that's like, doesn't really happen anymore. And, you know, I think that when you, when

you're thinking about like buying a dress and then you think about like, oh, like for the cost of this

dress, I can go on like two tours in Sri Lanka, like it just becomes an easy decision. Like, I don't really

want that, that much. Like, I'd rather like have the experiences. So, it's I mean, travel and being a

digital nomad has definitely taught me that” (Lisa, 31).

Being less materialistic corresponds with the findings of Bardhi et al. (2012) that global nomads

dispose of lower attachment to material possessions than other consumers. Although the

interviews confirm this statement in term of most non-essential possessions, the participants

show high attachment to objects that they need to sustain their lifestyle like their technical

equipment (e.g. laptop, smartphones, etc.). When being asked about if her perception of

material objects change since she started travelling, Christine stated:


55

“Definitely. I even become more unattached to things. I think you realise like, I know you realise like

everything’s gonna work out. So, there’s no point in worrying about this” (Christine, 26).

In addition, some participants are highly attached to objects that convey a feeling of home or

are filled with memories. These are not necessarily objects from their home country and differ

in terms of necessity and function. Karen and Jonah are highly attached to their little souvenirs

like a wooden demon from Dia de los Muertos festival in Mexico and their photographs as they

hold precious memories. Although most of the photographs are stored on a hard drive or on

their portable devices, it is very important for Karen to have them printed. She describes that

she wants to create a memory book including all photos to capture the stories of every single

day. During their travelling, Karen keeps a diary to record all her impressions and experiences.

“This [souvenir] has a memory, but it's not like a whole bunch of meaningless. It's like very special

little things. And we love photos. Like we love photographs. We have lost some photos on hard drives

that have just stopped working or have dropped. And that's like then like the hardest things to lose. So

I think, like moving forward, I want to print a whole bunch of photos and we want to make a book of

a bunch of like they're really pretty photos that we've taken over the trip with stories because I've been

writing every single day, every single thing we've purchased, which helps us remember that day I've

literally wrote down” (Karen, 35).

Meanwhile, Simon is highly attached to objects that give him a sense of home. In his case these

objects are his PlayStation and Bluetooth speaker. He states that although other people mock

him for travelling with a game console, he treats himself with this little luxury. He justifies his

behaviour by stating that he travels slower than other global nomads, changing location

approximately every two months. Therefore, for travelling he uses a suitcase instead of a

backpack, allowing him to take along larger and heavier possessions.

“Because I don’t have to carry a backpack all the time, but I go somewhere, I stay there for two

months. Therefore, I want to take things with me that I can tolerate for two months. That’s why the

PlayStation, because now even more, people laughed at the beginning. […] I get there, unpack my

stuff, unpack my boombox, so my Bluetooth speaker, unpack my PlayStation and I’m basically at home

in a new place” (Simon, 39).

To conclude this section, the paradox of dematerialisation constitutes of global nomads

dematerializing parts of their lives. In addition to dematerialize objects, global nomads engage


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in digital consumption and favour intangible products like experiences over material goods.

Although dematerialization is fostered by low attachment to objects, some global nomads show

high attachment to specific material possessions due to their sentimental value and the

conveyance of a sense of home.

4.5 PARADOX OF ACCELERATION

As global nomadism is fostered by liquid modernity and therefore highly influenced by social

acceleration (Bauman, 2012; Rosa, 2013). Acceleration of modes of transportation as well as

communication enable faster travelling and communicating. As already outlined in the section

paradox of sustainability, travelling is an essential part of their lifestyle and global nomads

engage in different paces of travelling, depending on their duration of stay. As global nomadism

means to work while travelling, fast pace and instant communication increase mental and

emotional energy needed (Rifkin, 1987). Therefore, global nomads are exposed to a higher risk

of suffering from stress. When directly asked about feeling stress, almost all participants stated

immediately, that they do not feel any type of stress because they have chosen their lifestyle

voluntarily and love what they do.

“I mean, I love it. I love fast paced. I think I'm one of those who would loves to go, go, go, and like

this lifestyle lets me do that. And I think it's cool” (Lisa, 31).

Bryan (55): “The irony is, I think I feel much more grounded and much less stressed out.”

[…]

Matthew (56): “That isn't stressful. I mean, it's exciting. You know, we stay. If we like a place we stay.

And if we don't like a place which doesn't happen very often. If we don't like a place, then we move

on.”

Silvia also states, that as a global nomad she does not feel any stress. She follows the strategy

of always completing tasks immediately and therefore does not face situations in which she

might feel stress. Reflecting on her biography Silvia explains that before becoming a global

nomad, she was this kind of person that procrastinates her tasks to the last moment and reaching

a high stress level. Now, she deals with the unpleasant things immediately and therefore

prevents the occurrence of stress. In addition, she feels deeply relaxed due to her encounters

with other cultures. Silvia perceives especially Asian cultures as very relaxed and adopts the

attitude of the locals.


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“I don’t really get into stress, because for years, I have always worked through these little things that

could become stressful when they accumulate. This is my principle. So, I never get stressed and if you

have been travelling in Asia for a longer period of time, you have a completely different stress level

anyway, that is, no stress at all. You are so deeply relaxed” (Silvia, 47).

But reflecting on their lifestyle even further, some participants had to admit, that their statement

about not feeling any type of stress is not entirely true. Karen and Jonah differ from the other

participating global nomads, as they do not travel to different countries and stay at a hotel or

rent an apartment, but they travel with a van that they converted into a motor home. Overall,

they also do not feel stressed during their trips but also mention situation where stress occurs.

The first point is, that being a global nomad “on the road” stand for constant decision making.

Considering where to stay the night, where to go next or where to get essentials like food raise

the stress level and can lead to decision fatigue. Karen also mentions that it stressed her in the

beginning to translate everything into Spanish, as they travel the Pan-American Highway in

South America. Due to the brain being constantly busy translating and making choices, stress

as well as mental fatigue increase. Jonah adds being sometimes stressed about safety and

making arrangements like for border crossing or shipping:

“Sometimes it's like stress about safety. I mean, I feel like most the stuff is like concerns. We don't

normally get too stressed out unless it's like some random thing of like, oh, no, we're not going to be

able to get into this border because we don't have the right paperwork and then we probably just be

like frustrated and like a little bit stressed, bored frustration. I don't think we, we don't get too stressed

about much, just as like probably near the end of the trip, I could see more stress is coming in with

like shipping. Shipping is always really stressful, like shipping a vehicle and like dates changing last

minute, like all we have to be there two days early now and we'd planned this out to be there like just

on time anyway. You know, it's like those things can add to stress” (Jonah, 36).

As a last source of stress Karen names stress occurring though feeling the stress of other people

when travelling together. She catches herself by worrying about unusual things, that never came

to her mind before. Matthew also added a source of stress that is related to other people. During

the interview he states, that he sometimes feels stressed because of maintaining his and Bryan’s

big network of nomadic friends via social media platforms. Although he deemphasizes this

statement as the interview proceeds because of the novelty of this feeling, for him, it still

constitutes a source of stress.


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“I think I. I don't read too much into that feeling stressed by social media, because that's only

something that I have felt recently. And it's so low down compared to the lack of stress. I feel like it

doesn't. I don't really have to deal with any stress around that. You know, I just sort of don't respond

to people as quickly as, as I used to” (Matthew, 56).

Paul as well as Benjamin confirm social media as a driver for stress. Benjamin further adds that

being a public person sometimes makes him feel being stressed due to the need of meeting the

expectations of others. As outlined in the section paradoxes of freedom, dependencies on

technology also have a high potential to cause stress.

To decelerate from their fast lifestyle and to relax from stress, the participants engage in

different activities regarding sport, being in nature or they meditate. Karen and Jonah state that

they find deceleration through engaging in physical activities like hiking, climbing or doing

bodyweight workouts. Matthew also finds deceleration in physical activities like hiking. When

being asked about a moment he felt completely relaxed and peaceful, he recalls a moment from

his time in Armenia. Matthew engaged in a hike with nomadic friends to visit an Armenian

monastery. He explains that during the hike they have undergone a transformation from being

talkative in the beginning to being reflective and deep in thought. Matthew felt grounded and

in the moment. His experience relates very much to the concept of consumer deceleration

(Husemann & Eckhardt, 2019) as he engages in a physical activity and a slow mode of

transportation, as well as a simplified experience.

“And we were just talking about a time when Armenia. We went on a hike to these monasteries with

two of our best nomad friends. And for the first half of the hike, you know, we're all sort of busily

chatting and talking about things. And the further we got into the hike, sort of the older the forest felt.

And coming up upon this thousand-year-old ruins of a monastery, we just sort of all got very quiet and

reflective and just sort of introspective and thinking about all kinds of things, how lucky we were to

be doing what we're doing, how ancient this part of the world was. And I remember feeling just very

in the moment. I mean, not thinking about not feeling stressed, but just feeling present in what I was

doing” (Matthew, 56).

The paradox of acceleration constitutes of the perception of global nomads not perceiving their

lifestyle as stressful, while actually being exposed to various drivers of stress. Potential drivers

are the need of making decisions or being exposed to circumstances the global nomads have to

adapt to. The participants also named social media or worries and expectations of other people


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as sources of stress. Furthermore, dependencies on technology also increase the stress level. To

decelerate, the participating global nomads engage in physical activities, spend time in nature

or meditate.

The visual content analysis as well as the analysis of the interviews revealed various findings

on global nomadism. By analysing pictures of global nomads derived from Instagram, the main

themes wanderlust, exploration, joy, harmony, curiosity, freedom and adventure emerged. The

analysis further revealed that global nomads mainly post pictures disposing of a positive

character. The results from the visual content analysis imply that global nomads primarily

publish positive pictures that show the travel aspects of the global nomadic lifestyle.

The analysis of the interviews revealed four categories of paradoxes: freedom, sustainability,

dematerialization and acceleration. The first category, paradoxes of freedom, constitutes of

absolute perceived freedom while being dependent on technologies and time zones. It also

stands for absolute perceived freedom while longing for structure and consistency. The paradox

of sustainability results from the different aspects of global nomads’ travelling and their

increased awareness concerning sustainability and environmental protection. The third

category, the paradox of dematerialization, deals with the behaviour of global nomads

concerning dematerializing their lives through being less material, consuming digitally and

consuming experiences, and their high attachment to specific material possessions. The last

category, paradox of acceleration constitutes of the global nomads’ perception of not feeling

stress while being exposed to sources of stress.


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5. DISCUSSION

The analysis of the empirical study revealed various findings concerning global nomadism and

contributes to the ongoing discourse by adding new perspectives and confirming as well as

refuting findings of previous studies. Freedom constitutes one of the most important themes

that occur in the global nomadic lifestyle (Gilbert, 2014). Both the visual content analysis as

well as the analysis of the interviews confirmed the meaning of freedom. The freedom global

nomads perceive relates to a personal, geographical, temporal, material and financial

dimension.

On a personal level freedom means disposing of the possibility for personal development as

well as broadening one’s view through cultural exchanges. Geographical freedom results from

increased personal deterritorialization, separating identity from physical places (Bardhi et al.,

2012), as well as technological advances increasing mobility and globalization (Bauman, 2012).

Temporal freedom refers to the freedom of deciding on temporal processes oneself. Advances

in technology and communication untie global nomads from fixed working hours giving them

the freedom to decide on their own schedule. Through increased liquid relationships to objects

(Bardhi et al., 2012), global nomads engage in dematerialization (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017;

Belk, 2013; Thackara, 2006) resulting in material freedom, not being tied to specific locations

by material objects. Digitalization and technological advances enable global nomads to engage

in work while travelling (Dobrinskaya, 2016). Being mostly self-employed, global nomads

raise the financial resources for maintaining their lifestyle while travelling the world (Kannisto,

2016).

Although global nomads perceive their freedom as absolute, dependencies on technology and

time differences restricts their actual freedom. Global nomads are very dependent on the

technology, that enables them their specific lifestyle in terms of temporal, geographical and

financial freedom. Malfunctioning technology prevents the global nomad of working, resulting

in a decrease in financial resources and increasing the personal stress level. Furthermore, global

nomads are bound in their temporal freedom by clients, synchronising working hours to

increase efficiency.

The present thesis supports Gilbert (2014) by identifying the need of global nomads to settle

after a specific period of time and establishing one or several temporary or fixed residences.


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This statement refutes the opinion of global nomads rejecting staying longer durations in one

location and not disposing of the desire to settle down (Kannisto & Kannisto, 2012). After an

individual period of time, global nomads feel the need for more consistency and structure in

their life. This desire leads to a paradox as freedom also means to be able to enjoy the moment

by giving up detailed structuring and reducing stress (Kannisto, 2014). Whereas Kannisto

(2014) states, that global nomads travelling for a longer period of time tend to decrease their

speed and abandon fully planned schedules, the findings of the empirical study only confirm

engaging in slow travelling. In the beginning of their journey, global nomads tend to travel with

a fast pace, changing location approximately two to three weeks. But the longer they pursue

this lifestyle, exhaustion resulting from combining work and travel increases. Therefore, global

nomads expand the interval between relocations to at least one month. Finding consistency

through routines and an everyday life gives them the feeling of home. Increased structuring

enables the global nomad to be more flexible and to adapt easily to unforeseen circumstances.

Global nomads engaging in this lifestyle for a limited duration travel with a fast pace of

travelling, increasing the consumption of experiences (Kannisto, 2014; Molz, 2009; Richards

& Wilson, 2004). Moving fast can lead to the blending of experiences particularly when they

occur in similar circumstances.

Global nomads dispose of a high awareness of sustainability and also of the unsustainable

character of their lifestyle due to travelling. To compensate, they engage in deconsumption.

Through consuming more conscious, reducing or rejecting consumption of goods (Wilczak,

2018) or engaging in access-based consumption (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017; Botsman & Rogers,

2010; Wilczak, 2018), global nomads try to decrease their ecological footprint. Making use of

access-based services constitutes a major characteristic of liquid consumption (Bardhi &

Eckhardt, 2017). Access allows individuals to consume goods the normally cannot afford. As

access-based consumption does not involve a transfer of ownership, it seems a suitable

consumption form for global nomads. They do not need to bear the burden of ownership and

are not bound by material constraints to specific locations (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2012, 2017;

Bardhi et al., 2012). Considering the findings of the empirical study, this thesis supports that

global nomads engage in access-based consumption, but adds a high dependency on the product

category as well as the nomads’ current location. They use access-based services in particular

for entertainment (e.g. video- or music-on-demand), but also make use of it for transportation.

The dependency of the location results here from country specific practices (e.g. scooter rental

in Asia, car-sharing in Europe, public transport infrastructure).


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Although global nomads are also pursuing sustainable consumption in order to protect the

environment, they fail to maintain the consumption of eco-friendly products like organic

clothing long-term (Black & Cherrier, 2010). Global nomads justify their unsustainable

travelling behaviour by comparing the amount of emissions produced by owning a car and

driving to work every day to the amount produced by flying once a month. To be more

sustainable, they change to a more conscious consumption and participate in clean-up

programs.

Due to their lifestyle being marked by high mobility and serial relocations (Bardhi et al., 2012)

global nomads travel as light as possible, often becoming minimalistic (Nash et al., 2018).

Therefore, global nomads have to be very conscious and selective about material possessions.

However, considerations about materials do not affect them to such a great extent, if they

dispose of the possibility to store belongings for example at their parents’ house or due to having

a residence (Gilbert, 2014). Not being bound by material possessions constitutes a liberating

and freeing experience for global nomads.

Dematerialization means to achieve the same functions by utilizing less or no materials

(Thackara, 2006). Global nomads engage in dematerialization by increasingly engaging in

digital consumption (Belk, 2013) as well as favouring the consumption of experiences over the

consumption of material goods (Magaudda, 2011; van Boven, 2005). Digital consumption is

either pursued by buying digital products (e.g. Ebooks) or accessing them (e.g. video-on-

demand) (Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017; Belk, 2010; Wilczak, 2018). Memories are also

increasingly consumed digitally through storing pictures on portable devices or using social

media platforms like Instagram as online photo albums (Fatanti & Suyadnya, 2015). The

findings of the empirical study further confirm that deconsumption in form of consuming

experiences delivers a higher value to the global nomads than the consumption of material

goods and adds to their well-being (van Boven & Gilovich, 2003).

Bardhi et al. (2012) found that global nomads dispose of a liquid relationship to possessions

marked by a low attachment. The present thesis supports their findings with regard to non-

essential possessions, but opposes a liquid relationship when concerning objects that either are

necessary for global nomads to maintain their lifestyle (e.g. technical devices for engaging in

work), hold memories or convey a sense of home.


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Acceleration is a main driver for the transition of society from solid to liquid (Bauman, 2012;

Rosa, 2013) and therefore also highly influences global nomadism. Technological acceleration

manifests in the life of global nomads especially when it comes to transportation,

communication and organizational processes (Rosa, 2013). Global nomads are able to easily

change location by accessing various fast means of transportations like airplanes. In addition,

accessing Internet though portable devices (laptop, smartphone or tablet) enables instant

communication without restrictions and also performing their work. Acceleration of the pace

of life is also of high importance for global nomads due to the combination of work and travel.

This type of social acceleration comes especially into account with global nomads that travel

for a limited time, longing for as much experiences as possible (Kannisto, 2014; Molz, 2009;

Richards & Wilson, 2004). But fast pace as well as constant accessibility (Meyrowitz, 2008)

and instant performance (Rosa, 2013) can lead to high stress levels among the global nomads.

Without the right balance, working while travelling can result in a stressful and enslaving

experience for global nomads (Kannisto, 2014). Although some global nomads do not perceive

stress because of their voluntary decision to engage in this lifestyle, they cannot deny various

drivers for stress. These are constant decision making, unforeseen circumstances, networking

with other global nomads, worries and expectations of others as well as dependency on

functioning technology.

If global nomads feel the need to decelerate, they engage in sporting activities, enjoy nature or

meditate. Deceleration occurs through slowed down practices experiencing less episodes per

time unit (Husemann & Eckhardt, 2019) and being in the moment. This feeling of being in the

moment increases the perception of reality and authenticity, and is of high importance for

consuming travel experiences (Kannisto, 2014; Vannini, 2014). The present thesis confirms the

findings of Husemann & Eckhardt (2019) that consumers find deceleration through engaging

in slower modes of transportation like walking and physical activities like hiking, climbing or

doing intensive workouts. Though exhausting physical activities global nomads feel more

grounded and relieved from stress. In addition, global nomads also decelerate by reducing usage

of technical devices and simplifying experiences (Husemann & Eckhardt, 2019).


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6. CONCLUSION

The present thesis investigated into contradictory consumption practices resulting in paradoxes

in the context of global nomadism. Therefore, the focus of the study was particularly on

practices concerning deconsumption, dematerialization and deceleration. Furthermore, the

study used the concepts on liquefaction concerning modernity (Bauman, 2012), consumption

(Bardhi & Eckhardt, 2017) and relationships to possessions (Bardhi et al., 2012), as well as

consumer deceleration (Husemann & Eckhardt, 2019) as a basis for the empirical study. Global

nomads are characterized by high mobility and multiple relocations. Due to advances in

technology and digitalization fostering dematerialization and enabling to travel light, global

nomads are able to perform work while travelling. This lifestyle of combining work and travel

hold a high potential for contradictory tensions resulting in paradoxes. This study proofs the

existences of consumption paradoxes by identifying paradoxes of freedom, sustainability,

dematerialization and acceleration and contributes to theory by outlining how they manifest in

the global nomads’ lives.

6.1 MANAGERIAL IMPLICATIONS

The study revealed different themes that are considered as important for global nomads:

wanderlust, exploration, joy, harmony, curiosity, freedom and adventure. Marketers who aim

for addressing global nomads are advised to integrate these positive themes that highly relate

to global nomadism into their campaigns. Global nomads dispose of a high internet presence

and are highly interconnected through social media platforms like Instagram or Facebook but

also offline events for global nomads. Global nomads record their nomadic adventure on social

media, sharing their experiences and thoughts with their network. In addition, posts published

by real consumers combining picture and review are considered more authentic and realistic.

This kind of word-of-mouth disposes of a high degree of influencing others. Therefore,

marketers are advised to collaborate with highly interconnected global nomads (influencer) to

get access to this specific community and to make use of their authenticity and trustworthiness

to spread word-of-mouth.

Global nomads increasingly engage in deconsumption. As already outlined before,

deconsumption stands for reducing or rejecting consumption because of ethical, responsible or

rational motives. Here, the liquid character of global nomadism becomes particularly important.


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As global nomads travel as light as possible, they have to be more conscious about what to

actually take with them. Therefore, quality and duration play an important role in the purchase

process. Due to global nomads being dependent on technology to be able to work, technical

devices need to fulfil the criteria of high quality and a long product life. In addition, the

increasing awareness of sustainability and environmental protection is also taken into account.

Furthermore, global nomads increasingly engage in dematerialization through digital

consumption. By favouring digital over material goods, global nomads are able to travel light

without having to forgo functionality. Providing platforms for accessing digital products

(video-on-demand) or for buying digital products, becomes highly important for companies

addressing global nomads.

The managerial implication provided by the present thesis do not only apply for addressing

global nomads, but also other consumers. Overall, global nomads as target group are not easy

to address, as they dispose of different cultural backgrounds, considering different values to be

important. In addition, pace also plays an important role concerning consumption as global

nomads engaging in slow travelling often treat themselves to the luxury of disposing of more

non-essential material possessions than global nomads engaging in backpacking. Having a

home base or a place to store a surplus of possessions also highly influences the consumption

practices of global nomads.

6.2 LIMITATIONS AND FURTHER RESEARCH

The empirical study of the present thesis revealed rich insights into the lifestyle of global

nomads. Nevertheless, this study is accompanied by a couple of limitations. The first limitation

would be, that the thesis investigated into a broad field concerning consumption practices

focusing on deconsumption, dematerialization and consumer deceleration in the context of

global nomadism. Although these subthemes share partly similarities, due to the limited scope

of this thesis, it was only possible to treat the individual areas superficially. Therefore, it might

be interesting for further research to build on the knowledge derived from this thesis and focus

on one of the thematic areas in the context of global nomadism in more detail.

The interviews revealed, that sustainability is a very important topic for global nomads. Due to

the current global developments toward a higher awareness of sustainability and environmental


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protection, further research on the contradictory relationship between the global nomadic

lifestyle comprising the combination of work and travel and the increasing awareness of

sustainability is suggested.

Another limitation concerns the visual content analysis. The approach of using the hashtag

#digitalnomadlifestyle to draw a sample from Instagram, that corresponds to the target group

and can be collected over a longer period of time was a good approach but did not result in the

desired success of revealing tensions resulting in consumption paradoxes. This is caused by

global nomads posting primarily positive themes and pictures mainly showcasing the travel

aspect of their nomadic lifestyle. This approach would have yielded better results if the sample

drawn from Instagram had contained multiple images per originator.

In addition, concerns about the generalizability of the findings for global nomads may occur

due to the limited number of ten interviews. Although the sampling process deliberately not

focused on demographics such as nationality in order to achieve a higher degree of objectivity,

the process resulted in participants mainly from German speaking countries (Germany and

Austria) and the USA. Therefore, the results present a very Western view on global nomadism.

Hence, the findings of the study may not be applicable for global nomads disposing of a

different cultural background. This especially applies for differences concerning consumption

practices and the degree of awareness for sustainability and environmental protection. Further

research in the context of global nomadism is suggested to pay attention to a more

heterogeneous distribution concerning the nationality and cultural backgrounds of the

participants.


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APPENDIX

APPENDIX A: RESULTS VISUAL CONTENT ANALYSIS

Table 2: Material Components

Presentation

Frame 96%

Collage 4%

Day 85%

Night 5%

Dawn 6%

Outdoor 75%

Indoor 24%

Focus

Without Focus 56%

Focus on People 38%

Beings

Originator present 55%

Other People present 28%

Animals 4%

Material Components of Nature

Landscape 5%

Waters (lake/river) 13%

Sea 20%

Lawn 9%

Plants 46%

Trees 43%

Sky 58%

Sun 5%

Clouds 31%

Desert 1%


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Mountains 11%

Island 3%

Beach 19%

Rocks/Cliffs 19%

Material Artificial Components

Buildings 35%

Bridges 4%

Roads 9%

Walls 10%

Columns 16%

Windows 9%

Doors 5%

Verandas 10%

Railings/Fences 16%

Stairs 8%

Signs 11%

Vehicles 9%

Airplanes 1%

Watercrafts 3%

Crane 1%

City decoration 3%

Pools 3%

Items

Furniture 25%

Interior Decoration/Accessories 13%

Lamps 20%

Carpets 5%

Curtains 3%

Kitchen gear 4%

Crockery (plates, bowls, mugs, glasses) 14%

Bottles 3%

Food/Drinks 11%


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Sporting gear 8%

Travel gear 5%

Bags (incl. backpack, suitcase) 13%

Parasols 3%

Accessories (glasses, jewellery, cap) 24%

Helmets 3%

Books 3%

Pictures 4%

Ventilators 1%

Flags 1%

Air mattress 1%

Hammock 1%

Ladder 1%

Guns 1%

Flipchart 1%

Technical Gear

Laptop 11%

Smartphone 8%

Technical equipment (cable, hard disc) 1%

Screens 3%

Notebook 1%

Pen 1%

Selfiestick 1%

Camera 1%


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Table 3: Expressive Components

Wanderlust 48%

Exploration 35%

Joy 30%

Harmony 28%

Curiosity 25%

Freedom 21%

Adventure 20%

Everyday life 19%

Tradition/Culture 19%

Sportiness 18%

Relaxation 16%

Taking a break 16%

Fun 14%

Productivity/Work 14%

Honesty 14%

Community 10%

Trust 10%

Thoughtfulness 10%

Masculinity 10%

Extraordinary experiences 9%

Internationality 9%

Mobility 9%

Perfectionism 9%

Structure 8%

Excitement 6%

Thrill 5%

Spontaneity 5%

Femininity 5%

Spirituality 4%

Creativity 4%

Inauthenticity 4%

Blessing (happy) 3%


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Exhaustion 3%

Discomfort 3%

Pride 3%

Love 3%

Solicitousness 3%

Luxury 3%

Party 3%

Loneliness 3%


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APPENDIX B: STUDY INVITATION LETTER

Hello!

My name is Stephanie and I am a student at the University of Innsbruck in Austria. I am

currently writing my master thesis about global and digital nomadism and I am searching for

interview partners for my research study.

The study consists of interviews (via Skype or Facetime, duration 30 min – 1 hour) and will be

conducted within the next few weeks. I am therefore looking for volunteers who consider

themselves as being a “global nomad” or a “digital nomad” and who are willing to share their

personal experiences as a nomad.

On my search for interview partners I came across your Instagram profile and you seem to

match the target group. I would like to ask you to share your special experiences with me. Your

data will of course be treated anonymously and confidentially.

If you are interested in helping me, please send me a short message. Then we could together

arrange a time which is acceptable for you and me. Additionally, I also would send you more

detailed information about the interview procedure before the interview.

Since it is not easy to find interview partners, I would be very grateful for your support.

Regardless of how you decide, thank you for accepting my message!

Kind regards from Austria!

Stephanie


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APPENDIX C: CONSENT FORM FOR PARTICIPATION

Consent for Participation in Research Interview

I agree to participant in a research project conducted by Stephanie Kaufmann, student at the Department

of Strategic Management, Marketing, and Tourism at the University of Innsbruck, Austria.

1. I have received sufficient information about this research project and understand my role in it.

The purpose of my participation as interviewee in this project and the future processing of my

personal data has been explained to me and is clear.

2. My participation as an interviewee in this project is completely voluntary. I understand that I

will not be paid for my participation. I may withdraw and discontinue participation at any time

without penalty.

3. I have the right to not answer questions. If I feel uncomfortable in any way during the interview

session, I have the right to decline to answer any question or to withdraw from the interview.

4. I understand that the study consists of an interview that will last approximately 30 – 60 minutes.

Notes will be written during the interview and an audio tape of the interview will be made.

5. I have been given the explicit guarantee that the researcher will not identify me by name,

Instagram-name or function in any reports using information obtained from this interview, that

my confidentiality as a participant in the study remains secure.

6. I agree that the researcher will use the Instagram pictures that were used anonymously during

the interview (including description) in the thesis if required.

I have read and understand the explanation provided to me. I have had all my questions answered to my

satisfaction, and I voluntarily agree to participate in this study.

My Signature

Signature Researcher

My Name

Name of the Researcher

Date Date


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APPENDIX D: STUDY INFORMATION LETTER

Hello!

First of all, I would like to thank you for agreeing to participate in this research study. The study

is conducted by the Branding Team at the Department of Strategic Management, Marketing,

and Tourism at the University of Innsbruck for my master thesis concerning Digital Nomadism.

The study relies on interviews with the aim of gaining insights into digital nomads’ personal

experiences and subjective interpretations of the nomadic lifestyle. The study focuses in

particular on the travel behaviour, consumer behaviour and work-life balance of digital nomads.

The interview is an open dialogue with the aim of illuminating those particular aspects of the

nomadic lifestyle and to provide a deeper understanding of this special group.

Therefore, I would like to invite you to start reflecting upon your personal and special

experiences of being a digital nomad. I would like to ask you to select two of your own

Instagram posts that you think reflect your lifestyle best. Please take a screenshot and send them

to me beforehand. We will then refer to them during the interview.

If you feel uncomfortable during the interview answering some of the questions, you have the

right to decline to answer. There are no right and or wrong answers. Your personal data will be

treated anonymously and confidentially. It will not be possible to draw conclusions about your

person in any report.

Enclosed, I send you a consent form for the interview. If you agree, please sign and send it back

to me.

Please do not hesitate to contact me if you have any further questions. I am looking forward to

talking to you.

Kind regards,

Stephanie


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APPENDIX E: INTERVIEW GUIDELINE

Remark by the researcher: The actual order of the individual interview parts differed depending

on the course of the interview.

Introduction:

Small Talk.

First of all, I would like to thank you for your time and your participation in my study. The

interview will approximately last 30 minutes to one hour, depending on your experiences you

want to share. It is important for you to understand that there won’t be any wrong or right

answers. With this interview, I want to understand your experiences and your perspective.

Therefore, I ask you to answer as detailed as possible. Of course, your data will be treated

completely anonymised and confidential. Is it ok for you, if I record this interview for

documentation?

Do you have any further questions before we start with the interview? I will gladly answer them

right now.

1. Personal Life (becoming/being a nomad, work experiences)

I already gained small insights into your lifestyle on Instagram. But picture provide only a small

glimpse into this lifestyle and do not provide a big picture. Therefore, my first question would

be:

Grand Tour: Please tell me about your personal story of becoming and being a digital

nomad?

Probing: - How did your life look like before becoming a digital nomad?

- What was your motivation for becoming a digital nomad?

- How does your life look like now (as a digital nomad)? – What changed?

- How does your typical day as a digital nomad look like?

- Is there something that you miss regarding your former non-nomadic

lifestyle? Why do you miss (X)? How do you compensate for (X)?

- How do you stay in contact with friends and family? If technologies: How

does it make you feel to rely on these technologies?


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On Instagram (on your website) you describe yourself as (Jobdescription).

- How did your work life look before / How does it look like now?

- How did the transition into a nomad changed your work life?

- What does your workplace look like? (Do you use co-working spaces?)

- What does it mean for you to be able to work from (X)?

2. Picture stimulus (representing best the lifestyle)

Grand Tour: I asked you to choose two pictures of your Instagram gallery that represents

your lifestyle best. Please briefly describe the picture? What is the story

behind this picture?

Probing: - Under what circumstances was the picture taken?

- Where, When? Who took it? Who is on the picture?

- What was your motivation for taking the picture?

- Please recall this moment and complete the following sentence:

In this moment, I felt…

- What qualifies the pictures as being the representative of your lifestyle?

- What was your intention to post the picture online? What did you want

to tell your Instagram Followers with this picture?

- Reflecting, what do you now think when you look at the picture?

- What part does social media play in your lifestyle?

3. Travel experience

You told me you come from (X). / are currently in (X).

Grand Tour: How many countries have you visited in the last 12 months?

Please tell me about your experiences of travelling and living in multiple

countries.

Probing: - How often do you travel to a different country?


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- When are you changing your location? Do you have a specific travel

pattern? (e.g. every 3 months…)

- What are the criteria for choosing the next destination?

- Where do you live during your stay? (hotel, air BnB)

- How does your life change when travelling to a new destination? How

did it change in the past?

- When you travel to countries with different cultures, how do you deal

with theses culture? How do you experience them? (asking for examples

for “culture shock”)

- What experiences do you have concerning engaging with the locals?

- What does “home” mean to you? – Where is home for you?

- How often do you return to your home country?

- What meaning does your home country have for you? / What connection

do you have to your home country?

- Do you sometimes feel homesick? How do you cope with it? What do

you think does it mean that you feel homesick?

4. Possessions (Dematerialization, Deconsumption)

Grand Tour: When you relocate and travel to a different destination, please tell me what

you put in your suitcase? What things are you bringing with you and what

things not?

Probing: - What do these things you bring along mean to you?

- What is your motivation for taking those things with you? Which criteria

must a possession/thing meet that you take it with you?

- What is your motivation for not taking things with you?

- Which products/things do you need but do not bring with you? – What

are you doing if you need them? (Buy and sell, borrow, share,…)

- Are there any things you carry or brought with you to make your current

location a home? What do those possessions mean to you?

- Please complete the following sentences:

If I were stranded on an island, I would bring these three things: …

because.


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The three most important possessions I take with me on my nomadic

adventure are… because.

- Which possessions do you need to sustain your lifestyle? What does this

dependency mean to you?

- How changed being a nomad your perception of possessions? Do you

perceive certain possessions as being less important due to your transition

into a nomad?

- Would you consider yourself a minimalist/maximalist? – You consider

yourself a minimalist/maximalist [info from Instagram], what does that

mean for you?

- What role plays consumption in your life?

- Do you prefer to consume tangible or intangible products? (e.g. handbag

vs. experience: ski trip) What are the reasons for this preference?

- How changed the transition into a nomad your consumption practices?

In today’s digital age, people often change their consumption patterns

(offline vs. online).

- Which consumption do you prefer?

- What are the reasons for choosing (online or offline)?

- How did your transition change your consumption regarding offline or

online?

5. Deceleration

Grand Tour: How do you deal with stress?

Probing: - How important is a Work-Life Balance for you? /

- How do you sustain a Work-Life-Balance?

- How do you relax from work?

- Please tell me how do you spend your free time?

- Please tell me about a moment, where you felt completely relaxed and

peaceful, decelerated? What were the reasons?


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You told me earlier that you usually visit (X) countries over a period of (X).

- How does this fast-and-always changing lifestyle make you feel?

6. Sustainability

Grand Tour: What role does sustainability play in your lifestyle?

Probing: - Do you think the nomadic lifestyle is environmentally friendly? What are

the reasons?

- Did your perception regarding sustainability change since you are a

nomad?

- What role does sustainability play concerning your possessions and

consumption?

- How do you think travel and sustainability fit together?

7. Final Question

Ok. Before ending the interview, I have a short concluding question:

From your point of view, what makes your lifestyle, the nomadic lifestyle unique and special? Please tell me in keywords.

Debriefing:

These were my last questions. Do you have any questions? Or do you want to add/share

something I haven’t you asked yet?

8. Demographics

Age Number of Children

Gender Job

Nationality Highest Educational Degree

Marital Status


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Thank you for participating and sharing your experiences as a nomad with me. We have talked

about very personal experiences you made in the past. This is not something that people talk

about every day. Do you want to briefly reflect on the interview? How did you experience the

interview and what did you feel during the interview? Do you want to tell me something

concerning the interview?


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APPENDIX F: STUDY CODEBOOK IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS

Main Category Description Subcategories Data Example

Personal

Development

Statements about the former

non-nomadic life and the

transition into a nomad

Non-Nomadic Life “It was very, very. I want to say, it was very repetitive. We did the same thing day after day. We were both writers who both worked at home. We'd get up. We'd work. We'd go to the gym. We'd come home. We'd work some more. We do that Monday through Friday. We had a few friends in Seattle that we would see. It was always hard to get together with people because traffic in Seattle was really bad and people have really busy lives. So, we'd see friends a couple times a month. We would go do something cultural, you know, see a movie or go to a museum. We'd go for a bike ride or a hike when we could. But ah, we had, our life is very routine. Well, not very unpredictable” (Bryan, 55).

Transition into a Nomad “We've been writers for a long time too. So, we've, we've worked remotely. Then we've always talked about traveling. But I don't know how serious we were, but about. Four years ago, we decided, let's do this. Let's take the leap. We sold everything and we have been location independent ever since.” (Bryan, 55)

Nomadic Life Statements about living as a

global nomad including private

and professional life;

valuations and meaning of

global nomadism

Living Nomadic “Oh, gosh, it's different in almost every sense that you could imagine. We know usually we know a month or two ahead where we're going to be living beyond that timeframe, we have no idea where we are. We have some idea. But we could be living in Vietnam. We could be living in Thailand. We could be in Sri Lanka. We don't know exactly what our living situation will be, will be. We'll be renting an AirBnB or we'll be we'll be doing co-living. Will we being we've made a circle of nomad friends that we tend to see in different places. But, you know, we don't know who we'll be seeing when or what new friends we'll be making (Matthew, 56).

Nomadic Work Life “So, when i lived in Italy I did use a co-working space. From besides that I haven’t worked in a co-working space. But actually, after this virus is over in L.A. I was gonna look for one. Usually I work from home or I go to a good cafe when I’m traveling and find it, or shoot videos. But I think there’s pros and cons to co-working. But I do see there’s pros as a digital nomad. Especially if you’re working from your laptop” (Christine, 26).

Life Themes “Opportunities, freedom, adventure, life, more freedom of choice, yes freedom in general” (Karoline, 30).

Staying Connected “The thing that is consistent is we frequently meet the same people over and over again. We stay in touch online” (Bryan, 55)

Appreciation of Technology “I like it? No, I believe in technology. I’ve always loved technology. I got my first computer when I was 12. I started programming the basics. That was [19]85, a while ago and I've been into technology ever since and I believe in it and I hope it doesn't fail. I also choose my countries for the internet” (Silvia, 47).

Nomadic Moments “I think that might be the moment where we started to realize we were forming this this network of digital nomad friends. So, one day the woman with the sort of strawberry blonde hair we got to know in Matera, Italy, which is a place you were living right before there. And then we went to Bansko, Bulgaria, and we got to know these other people. And I picked that picture because when I took that picture, I looked at it later, I looked at those us and those those three other people and I thought, I feel such a connection to these guys. And I I have found something I didn't have before and something I completely didn't expect to find” (Matthew, 56).


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Travel

Experiences

Statements about personal

travel behaviour and

perceptions of countries visited

Travel Behaviour “We visited probably about 22 and we have lived in four. Is it just four? United States, Mexico, Tbilisi, Switzerland, Thailand and Vietnam? Isn't it six? Last twelve months, I would be, six countries that we've lived in and then another 20 that we have passed through visiting” (Bryan, 56)

Destination Selection Criteria

“Yeah, I was going to say some of the actual metrics we take into account are is it really expensive? I mean, we probably wouldn't go live in London for three months because London is so expensive. Another thing we do consider that we didn't really think about when we left, but it's now a factor is weather. I mean, we don't really want to be somewhere that's cold. We lived in Seattle” (Matthew, 55).

Cultural Differences “If we were lucky enough to be in a place during a festival, that was probably the best way to experience the cultures like Dia de los Muertos from Mexico, like Carnival for Ecuador” (Karen, 35).

Concept of

Home

Statements about home related

perceptions and experiences

Meaning of Home “Home is in heart, home is people. Like it just depends on who I’m with but I find home in other people” (Christine, 26).

Experiencing Homesickness “To Germany, not to Germany, but to my family. So it is not that I am homesick for Würzburg or, but it is my family mainly and friends” (Charlotte, 26).

Home Country Ties “I'm patriotically definitive. I think it's cool that I'm from Austria. I guess, I think people always take it very, very positively, but even if people have a very romanticized image of Austria” (Karoline, 30).

Sense of Home “I think, because we're location independent, the entire world in a way has become our home. And so, we feel a connection to the greater world. I feel a connection to the greater world more than I have ever that I ever imagined I could feeling. Much more than just an American citizen. I feel like a citizen of the world. I really do” (Bryan, 55).

Materialism Statements about practices and

personal relationships

concerning material and

intangible consumption goods

Material Possessions “Computer charger, phone charger, converters, money like debit card, credit card. It's kind of in maybe, maybe an external hard drive to access some older files like I've been working with this client a long time and they never can find the stuff for past projects that we've done. So, like, yeah, I guess like the external drive would be a smart thing to bring too” (Lisa, 31).

Dematerialization “Like we have everything all or, you know, all our paperwork is in the cloud. So, it was like you need a passport. You need a credit card and I need my computer. That's, that's really what I need. And all the other things are really like extras based on what we do. All or you know, or all the like my birth certificates, every, every paper is gone. We don't own the paper (Paul, 49).

Favouring Intangibility “I mean, we consume experiences more than I, yeah, I guess that would be an experience. So, it would be very low. And you quickly realize how some consumption isn't what makes it hasn't made me happy in my, you know, America, I think has a real epidemic of anxiety, depression, loneliness, and I think the reason why is because the country places such a big priority on wealth and material things. And I don't think they contribute happiness, I think this is the problem, but it's so it's so part of our national ethos” (Bryan, 55).

Relationship to Possessions “Well my, my camera which is like the most important I think and my phone and my I mean that represent creating, that represent the creative energy that I can have and share with me while I'm learning and when I'm traveling the world” (Christine, 26).


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Consumption

Practices

Statements about consumption

practices

Consuming Accommodation “So, if we are where longer, so that in Bali was now about an estate agent, because there we were quite long and otherwise normal AirBnB for one month. And if we're only there for a few days, then it's a hotel” (Karoline, 30).

Consuming Access-Based “That's, that's good. Yeah, we, we try to live as minimalistic as possible and we, we try to get into the sharing economy. And so renting things is like, no, we don't, we had a car before it. We don't own a car anymore” (Paul, 49).

Buying Material Objects “And if you need something, you buy it.” (Bryan, 55).

Deconsumption “I think my consumption has simply changed and has become more conscious. Consumption concerning news or the information I put in my head I changed a lot. Consumption of course also regarding shopping or material things has changed a lot for me and has simply become more conscious.” (Charlotte, 26).

Nomadic

Longings

Statements about longings that

the global nomads experience

Experiences “We like to experience new things” (Paul, 49).

Sustaining Social Safety “And of course, I miss a little bit too, miss, miss is the wrong word. This relative security of a fixed salary is not bad. But that's also why I say relative security, even now in the crisis, when I notice that many people are already thinking about how to reduce, much more short-time work is a big issue in Germany” (Benjamin, 35).

Luxury “So, I can also work in Bali. And the nice thing is in Bali, I can get a villa with a pool, while in Germany I can get a small apartment for the same price” (Simon, 39).

Consistency and Structure “Consistency. For example, having your own real apartment that you furnish yourself. To really have a mattress where only you sleep on it, to have your own bed. Not that I don't have my own bed now, but I didn't buy it, other people have slept on it before me, like in a hotel” (Karoline, 30).

Wanderlust “That means a lot to me. Well, I really just have the urge for me to really travel and to see places” (Karoline, 30).

Social Interactions “I think it's about just having people around not being quite so solitary since I'm typically traveling alone when I'm doing like digital nomad adventures. It's nice to just have people around” (Lisa, 31).

Nomadic

Constraints

Statements that constrain

global nomads in their freedom

Time Zone Restrictions “Only in terms of time zones. I find it much more pleasant to work in Asia than in Latin America, because my audience and the people I work with are all somehow working on German time” (Benjamin, 35).

Technological Dependencies “So that's the only problem, could be, if the internet would break down, I would not have a job anymore. But if the internet was down, then everything else would be down, too. Yeah, then almost nothing would work” (Simon, 39).

Emergence of

Stress

Statements about the

emergence of stress and

“It, it can be a little stressful at times, honestly, because I remember when I first went out on my like first time working remotely and I was super nervous about making sure that I was connected and available all the time, like, you know, I didn't want to take a client call. And then, you know, the reception is really bad or they can't get in touch with me for whatever reason. That was like really stressful for me” (Lisa, 31)

Nomadic

Deceleration

Statements about practices to

decelerate

“And we were just talking about a time when Armenia. We went on a hike to these monasteries with two of our best nomad friends. And for the first half of the hike, you know, we're all sort of busily chatting and talking about things. And the further we got into the hike, sort of the


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older the forest felt. And coming up upon this thousand-year-old ruins of a monastery, we just sort of all got very quiet and reflective and just sort of introspective and thinking about all kinds of things, how lucky we were to be doing what we're doing, how ancient this part of the world was. And I remember feeling just very in the moment. I mean, not thinking about not feeling stressed, but just feeling present in what I was doing” (Matthew, 56)

Valuation of

Sustainability

Statements about the

importance of sustainability

and practices to increase

personal sustainability

“[Sustainability plays] A relatively large role. So, I’m definitely trying to pay attention to sustainability. More than in the past, which is of course a bit paradoxical, as a digital nomad, when you’re travelling by plane and then you travel. The whole issue is a bit of a difficult one and something where I think I would be more sustainable. And there are many things where I really pay attention to. But then again and again travelling comes in, which destroys the whole thing a bit, I would say” (Charlotte, 26).


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AFFIDAVIT

I hereby declare that this Master’s thesis has been written only by the undersigned and without

any assistance from third parties. I confirm that no sources have been used in the preparation

of this thesis other than those indicated in the thesis itself.

This master thesis has heretofore not been submitted or published elsewhere, neither in its

present form, nor in a similar version.

Date Signature

consumption paradoxes in global nomadism

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