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Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages
Qian Luo
Department of Linguistics and Languages
Michigan State University
INTRODUCTION
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 3
100
110
120
130
140
150
160
20 40 60 80 100ms
F0 (H
z)
Time (ms)
p
b
Consistent Voicing Effect: • F0 after voiceless obstruents is usually higher than F0 after voiced ones.
Consistent Consonantal Effects on F0
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 4
Consistent Consonantal Effects on F0
Effect
Consonant type
Low F0 High F0 Neutral
voiced Spanish, French, Italian, Portuguese, Hindi, German, Swedish, English, etc.
voiceless Spanish, French, Italian, Portuguese, Hindi, German, Swedish, English, etc.
Consistent Voicing Effect: • F0 after voiceless obstruents is usually higher than F0 after voiced ones.
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 5
Inconsistent Aspiration / Sonorancy Effects: • Inconsistent patterns: either “raise” or “lower” F0;
• Inconsistent reports from the same language.
Inconsistent Consonantal Effects on Pitch
Effect
Consonant type
Low F0 High F0 Neutral
aspiration
Mandarin (Xu & Xu 2003), Cantonese (Francis 2006), Danish (Jeel 1975)
Mandarin (Chen 2011), Cantonese (Zee 1980), Taiwanese (Lai et al. 2009)
Danish (Fischer-Jørgensen 1968)
sonorant Burmese (Maddieson 1984); Danish (Jeel 1975), Gã and Yoruba (Painter 1978), Hindi (Ohala 1980)
Thai (Gandour 1974), Tibetan (Kjellin 1977), Danish (Thorsen 1974), Bade (Tang 2008)
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 6
Functional vs. Physical Accounts
Enhancing contrasts of
laryngeal features
Functional Account The enhancement of contrastive features causes the F0 differences by controlled articulations (Kingston and Diehl 1994).
a hybrid account (Kingston 2007; Chen 2011) Physical
properties of laryngeal
articulation
Physical Account F0 difference is an unintended
side-effect of differences in physiological and aerodynamic
properties (Whalen and Levitt 1995; Connell 2002)
Difference in onset F0
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Cantonese Participants
Previous studies show perturbation effects can be conditioned by:
! Pitch-accent (Jun 1996; Kingston 2007); Focus (Chen 2011); Intonation (Kirby and Ladd 2016)
! Lexical tones (Xu and Xu 2003)
When the prosodic context plays a role…
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 8
Enhancing contrasts of
laryngeal features
Physical properties of
laryngeal articulation
Difference in onset F0
Adding Tone into the Picture
Enhancing contrasts of lexical tones
Physical properties of
tone articulation shared
physical properties
Functional Account
Physical Account
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• Theory of Adaptive Dispersion (Liljencrants and Lindblom, 1972):
– the size of a tonal inventory affects acoustic tone-space size
• Alexander (2010) found that tone-space size was
– fixed across level-tone and contour-tone at midpoint and offglide
– However, languages with smaller tone inventories had larger tone spaces at onset.
Tone Dispersion across Languages
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• Alexander (2010): Languages with smaller tone inventories had larger tone spaces at onset.
Tone Dispersion across Languages
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• If languages with bigger tone inventories have smaller tone spaces at onset,
• it is more “risky” to stretch the pitch with perturbation in a smaller space,
• the stretching can cause trespassing into other tonal categories, and thus threatens tone contrasts.
• This predicts that perturbation effects would be weaker in languages with bigger tone inventories than those with smaller ones.
Functional Account: Enhance the Tone Contrast
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 12
① Are consonantal effects on F0 conditioned by tones in tonal languages?
② If yes, is it due to
enhancement of contrastive tones (functional) or
Intrinsic properties of tone articulations (physical )?
Research Questions
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 13
Prediction I: when tone inventories
differ…
Prediction II: same inputs but
different surface…
Prediction III: different inputs
but neutralized
surface
Functional
Physical
Predictions by Functional vs. Physical Accounts
Weaker effects in languages with bigger inventory.
The inventory size does not matter.
Same underlying inputs lead to similar effects, despite difference in phonetic realizations.
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 14
4 Wrap-up
3 Experiment II
2 Experiment I
1 INTRODUCTION
Outline
When tones crash into
the party… the Mandarin
and Cantonese experiment to
test the dispersion
prediction (I) the Chaozhou experiment to test the input-
output predictions (II, III) Conclusion &
Discussion
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EXPERIMENT I Mandarin and Cantonese
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Cantonese spoken in Guangdong, Guangxi, Hong Kong and Macau
Target languages: Cantonese and Mandarin
Mandarin mandatory in schools, government and official media
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Tone Inventory of Cantonese
T1(55) T2(35) T3(33) T4(21) T5(23) T6(22)
Onset F0 high mid mid low low low
Shape level rising level falling rising level
• Six contrastive long tones;
• The on-going merger between T2(35) and T5(23)
• Two-way laryngeal contrasts: aspirated vs. unaspirated obstruents
Figure from Fung and Wong (2010)
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 18
Tone Inventory of Mandarin
T1(55) T2(35) T3(214) T4(51)
Onset F0 high mid low high
Shape level rising fall-rise falling
! Four contrastive long tones
! Two-way laryngeal contrasts: aspirated vs. unaspirated obstruents
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L1:Cantonese
T1 (55)
T2 (35)
T3 (33)
T4 (21)
T5 (23)
T6 (22)
L2:Mandarin
T1 (55)
T2 (35)
T3 (213)
T4 (51)
粤
普
Bilingual Patterns Speech Learning Model (Fledge 1987, 1995, 1997, 1999, 2002 ) :
Difference between L1 and L2 may create new non-native sound categories, instead of assimilating to native phonological categories.
The need to maintain contrast within L1 or L2.
✗
No need to maintain contrast across L1 & L2 ?
native
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 20
Repeating Prediction I related to dispersion
Prediction I: when tone inventories differ…
Functional The perturbation effect in Cantonese T2(35) is
weaker than that in T2(35) in native and non-native Mandarin .
Physical It’s unlikely for tones with similar onset pitch and
tone shapes to have significant different perturbation effects.
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 21
Mandarin
2F 4M
• All speak standard Mandarin and no other Chinese dialects;
• aged 21 – 32
Exp. 1: participants
Cantonese Participants Cantonese
4F 2M
• All speak standard Cantonese natively, and Mandarin near-natively.
• aged 21 – 30.
• All took the Mandarin experiment, for the interest of bilingual patterns.
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 22
Mandarin (n=86) • Covered all four Mandarin tones • Carrier phrase: [wɔ213 ʂwɔ55 _______ tsɯ51 san55 tshi51] ‘I say ____ for three times.’
Exp. 1: stimuli
Cantonese Participants
Cantonese (n=87)
• Covered all six Cantonese tones
• Carrier phrase:
[ŋɔ23 kɔŋ35 _______ tsi22 sam55 tshi33] ‘I say ____ for three times.’
• Onsets: Aspirated (ph, th, kh), Unaspirated (p, t, k), Sonorant (m, n, l)
• Vowels: /a, e, o/
• Monosyllabic words in CV form
• presented Chinese characters
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 23
Exp. 1: procedure
Cantonese Participants • Stimuli are randomly presented through PsychoPy (Pierce 2007) .
• 3 repetitions of each sentence at a normal pace
• Cantonese speakers participated in the Cantonese experiment first, and then the Mandarin experiment after a break.
• Native Mandarin speakers participated in the Mandarin experiment
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 24
Exp. 1: measurement and analysis
Cantonese Participants Measurement
• F0 extracted at every 5ms within the first 50ms of the vowel
• The average values of the first 20ms were analyzed.
Analysis
• Normalization: Hz were converted to cents
• ANOVA and paired t-tests were performed for data analysis.
• Sonorants are used as baseline to interpret the results (Hanson 2009; Kirby and Ladd 2016).
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 25
Segmentation example: pha1(55)
Cantonese Participants
pha1(55) in Mandarin. ‘c’ = closure; ‘r’ = release; ‘a’=the vowel /a/
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 26
Segmentation example: pa1(55)
Cantonese Participants
pa1(55) in Mandarin. ‘c’ = closure; ‘r’ = release; ‘a’=the vowel /a/
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 27
Exp. 1 results: Cantonese
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T1(55): Aspirated > Sonorant ≈ Unaspirated
**
Exp. 1 results: Cantonese
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Exp. 1 results: native Mandarin
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* **
o T1(55): Aspirated ≈ Unaspirated > Sonorant o T2(35): Unaspirated ≈ Sonorant > Aspirated o T4(51): Aspirated ≈ Unaspirated > Sonorant
*
*
*
Exp. 1 results: native Mandarin
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 31
Exp. 1 results: Cantonese Mandarin
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 32
Exp. 1 results: Cantonese Mandarin
o No significant difference in any tonal context
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 33
Exp. 1: summary of the results
Lexical tones Onset F0 values (20ms)
Cantonese T1(55) Aspirated > Sonorant ≈ Unaspirated
Mandarin T1(55) Aspirated ≈ Unaspirated > Sonorant
Mandarin T4(51)
Mandarin T2(35) Unaspirated ≈ Sonorant > Aspirated
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 34
o Cantonese: Aspirated > Sonorant ≈ Unaspirated
o Both Mandarin: Aspirated ≈ Unaspirated > Sonorant
Exp. 1 results: T1(55) in different languages
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 35
o Weaker effects in Cantonese than in Mandarin -- predicted by the functional account
Exp. 1 results: T2(35) in different languages
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 36
o Participant 2, Female, age: 26 Intra-speaker Inconsistency
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 37
Exp. 1: Discussion
Cantonese Participants
• Further analysis is needed to check whether physical properties of T1(55) / T2(35) are similar between Cantonese and Mandarin.
• The physical account can also explain the results:
• Manuel (1999): parallel to vowel coarticulation, which shows that low vowels allow the greatest variability due to wider range of variances of F1 and F2.
• If Mandarin has larger tonal space, does it indicate larger variances and thus greater variability for the perturbation to occur?
• The inconsistency issues still remain:
• Why F0 after aspirated obstruents is lower than F0 after unaspirated only in Mandarin T2(35)?
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 38
EXPERIMENT II In Chaozhou Tone Sandhi
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 39
Arguments for Enhancing the Laryngeal Contrast
• F0 does not depend on phonetic differences in voicing in Tamil stops.
• Variable effects on F0 following English [s] + stop clusters, for [voice] is neutralized
Output
Input 2
Input 1
Neutralized allophones may induce variable effects.
Kingston & Diehl 1994
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 40
Output tone
Input tone 2
Input tone 1
Neutralized tones may induce variable effects.
neutralized context
If it were underlying tones that matter for the effects…
Output tone1
Input tone 1
Output tone 2 Different surface tones may have similar effects.
allotonic context
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 41
Chaozhou Tone Sandhi • Relevant tones: T1(33), T2(53), T5(55), T7(11)
• Except T1(33) and T7(11), all tones undergo sandhi in non-phrase final position
Allotonic context
Input form Sandhi form T2(53)+T1(33)" 24derived+T1(33)
T2(53)+T5(55)" 35derived+T5(55)
Neutralized context
Input form Sandhi form
T5(55)+T1(33)/T5(55)! 11derived1+T1(33)/T5(55)
T7(11)+T1(33)/T5(55)! 11derived2+T1(33)/T5(55)
Neutralized tones may have variable effects.
Different surface allotones may have similar effects.
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 42
Exp. 2 result: the neutralized context Citation form Sandhi form
T5(55)+T1(33)/T5(55)! 11derived1+T1(33)/T5(55) T7(11)+T1(33)/T5(55)! 11derived2+T1(33)/T5(55)
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 43
Exp. 2 result: the allotonic context Citation form Sandhi form
T2(53)+T1(33)" 24derived+T1(33) T2(53)+T5(55)" 35derived+T5(55)
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WRAP-UP
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 45
Enhancing contrasts of
laryngeal features
Physical properties of
laryngeal articulation
Difference in onset F0
Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages
Enhancing contrasts of lexical tones
Physical properties of
tone articulation shared
physical properties
Functional Account
Physical Account
Qian Luo Consonantal Effects on Pitch in Tonal Languages 46
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Michigan Karthik Durvasula, Yen-Hwei Lin Audience at Phono Group
Edinburgh James Kirby, Bert Remijsen, Misnadin, Patrick Honeybone, Bob Ladd, Audience at P-Workshop
Tonal Aspects of Languages Carlos Gussenhoven, Yiya Chen, Christian DiCarnio