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Sociological Perspectives on Life Transitions

Author(s): Linda K. GeorgeSource: Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 19 (1993), pp. 353-373Published by: Annual ReviewsStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2083392 .

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Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1993. 19:353-73Copyright? 1993 by AnnualReviews Inc. All rightsreserved

SOCIOLOGICALPERSPECTIVESON LIFETRANSITIONSLinda K. GeorgeDepartmentsof Sociology and Psychiatry,and Centerfor the Study of Aging,Duke University,Durham, North Carolina27710KEYWORDS:ocialroles,socialstress, ifecourse, ocialization,eterogeneity

AbstractResearch on life transitions highlights the normative and nonnormativechanges that individualsexperienceover time. During the past two decades,life course perspectiveshave provideda strategic context for studying thegenesis of life transitionsand their personaland social consequences. Bothpopulation-basedand individual models of transitions have become morecomplex, focusing on the ways that social and historical contexts shape lifetransitions.At the individual evel, progresshas also been made in identifyingthe mechanisms by which transitionsaffect outcomes. Research on lifetransitionscontinues to grapplewith two major ssues-the challengesraisedby heterogeneity,andthe need to better ink macro andmicroperspectives-althoughadvanceshave been madein both cases. One of the most promisingcharacteristics f recent studies is cross-fertilization f conceptsandmethodsfrompreviouslydistinct research raditions: ole theory, social stress theory,and life course sociology.INTRODUCTIONDuringthe pasttwo decades, sociologistshave devotedincreasedattention ohistory, to heterogeneity,andto the dynamicsof change. One researchareain which these issues have been the dominantthemes and challenges is thestudy of life transitions. Thus, the sociology of life transitions sharesintellectual concerns with the discipline more broadly. The study of life

3530360-0572/93/0815-0353$02.00


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354 GEORGEtransitions has unique history and themes as well. Although recent effortshave been especially vigorous, the roots of researchon life transitionscan betracedto classic perspectiveson social roles, the relationshipsbetween sociallocation and personal well-being, and the mechanisms by which socialcontextsshapeindividual ives.This chapterexamines progress in the study of life transitions.Initially,theoreticalorientations hat made importantbut limited contributions o thestudy of life transitionsarebrieflyreviewed. The subsequentsection depictsthe contributionsof life course perspectives to research on life transitions.The final sectionexaminesemerging ssues andchallengesin the studyof lifetransitions.In line with the themesnotedabove, issues of history, heteroge-neity, andchange receive particularattention hroughout he chapter.PRECURSORSOF THE STUDY OF LIFETRANSITIONSBoth role theory and social stress theory predate recent interest in lifetransitions. Both theoriesprovidedinsights that were encompassedby, andtypicallyexpandedupon, in life transition tudies.In this section, role theoryand social stress theory are briefly reviewed, with discussion restricted toconcepts andfindingsthat contributed o the studyof life transitions.Role TheoryLinton (1936) introduced he initialelements of role theory, defining statusas a position in social structureand role as the expected behaviorsof statusoccupants.Over time, use of the term"role"broadened n two ways. First,role is now used to describe both a statusand the behaviors associatedwithit. Second, rolecan refer to eitherthebehaviorsexpectedof a statusoccupantor the behaviors exhibitedby a statusoccupant. Role theory became morecomplex-and moredirectlyrelevant o the studyof life transitions-with theemergenceof interest n thedynamicsof role allocationand socialization(e.g.Biddle 1979, Brim 1966). Role allocation refers to the processes by whichroles areassignedto individualsand to therelateddynamics of role entry andexit. Socializationrefers to the processesby which social structure ransmitsto individuals heskills and attitudes ompatiblewith the roles thatthey enact.Role theorists view social norms as the culturalreferents that permit roleallocationand socialization to occur in a routinizedandpredictablemanner.Normsare the basis of sharedexpectationsaboutrole behavior,the allocationof roles to individuals or subgroups, the timing of role entry and exit,socializationexperiencesthatfacilitateroleperformance,and social sanctionsthatare applied when individualsfail to performtheir roles effectively (e.g.Brim 1966, Clausen 1968).The link between role theory and life transitions s straightforward: ole


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LIFE TRANSITIONS 355entry and exit are, by definition, transitions(Allen & van de Vliert 1984,George 1980). Becauseof thislink, role theorymakestwo majorcontributionsto the studyof transitions.First,role theoryoffers a potentialexplanation orthe genesis and timing of life transitions. Most transitions are normativelygoverned and, hence, predictable in both occurrence and timing. Second,when available, socialization provides individuals with the skills neededtomastertransitionsand performnew roles effectively. These principles ead totheprediction hatrole-based ransitions ypically operatesmoothly, withlittledisruption o individual ives or to social structure.With a few exceptions, role theory has been relatively dormantduring thepast three decades. The conceptsof role and socializationare sometimesusedto interpret empirical findings, but direct tests of role theory are rare.Ultimately, the breadthand generalityof role theory may be both its majorattractionand its greatest flaw. Role theory is attractive as a heuristic orgeneral metaphor for thinking about links between social structure andindividualbehavior. Becauserole theory is so general, however, it is difficultto specify resultsthat would refuteit.Otherproblemswith role theory are relevant to the study of transitions.Although role allocation and socialization are, by definition, processes, roletheoristshave paidlittle attention o timeper se. The majoracknowledgmentof time in role theory is the distinction between role entries and exits thatoccur "on-time" or "off-time," that is, unexpectedly (e.g. Hagestad &Neugarten 1985), with the latter more likely to disrupt personallives andsocial structure.Role theoryalso pays insufficient attention o heterogeneity,primarilybecause social context is largely ignored. A view of individualsembedded n heterogeneous ocial contexts thatdirectlyaffectrole allocation,socialization, and role performancehas not been partof traditionalperspec-tives on social roles (Granovetter1985).One recentwork, relevantto the study of transitions,illustratesboth thestrengthsand weaknesses of role theory. Ebaugh (1988) studied role exits,correctly notingthatthey have received less attention han role entry. Basedon interviews with personswho had exited one of nine roles, rangingfromex-nunsto transsexuals,Ebaughconcluded that the processof "becominganex" involves four stages: experiencingfirst doubts; searchingfor alternativeroles; occurrence of a turning point (i.e. a specific event that triggersroleexit); and creationof a new identityas former role occupant. Ebaughalsoidentified characteristics hat shape the role exit. For example, role exits areeasier to negotiateif they are potentiallyreversibleandare voluntary.Ebaugh'swork advancesrole theory in a numberof ways. First, Ebaughviews role exit as a process. Second, this is the first study that attemptstoidentifya modelof role exits thatgeneralizesacrossroles. Third,identificationof factors thatshapethenatureand outcomeof role exits demonstratesgreater


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356 GEORGEsensitivityto heterogeneityand social context than most previouswork. Butthis study also illustrates some of the limitations of role theory. Mostimportantly, both timing and heterogeneity are inadequately examined.Because her sampleconsisted only of persons who had completedrole exits,informationwas unavailableaboutunsuccessfulattempts o relinquishroles.There also was no attemptto link the role exit process to social location; inparticular, he genesis of role exits was unexamined.Ultimately, role theory providesonly a very abstractview of life transi-tions-a view that fails to adequately considertiming, heterogeneity, andsocial context. Role theory helped to shape studiesof life transitions. Moreimportantly,part of the distinctivenatureof researchon life transitions s aresult of attempts o overcome the limitationsof role theory.Social StressResearchThe major mpetus to developmentof stressresearchwas the desireto betterunderstand he relationshipsbetween social location and illness. Demogra-phers and epidemiologistshad long documentedthat social location-espe-cially sex, race, and social class-are robustlyrelatedto the risk of physicaland mental illness. Duringthe 1960s, scholarsbegan to investigatestress asa potentialmechanismfor explainingthose relationships(e.g. Dohrenwend& Dohrenwend1969, Langner& Michael 1963).Initialconceptualizations f the linkbetweenstress and illness were simpleand based on a homeostatic view of human lives. Stressful events werehypothesized o mediate heeffects of social locationon illness. Thus, women,older adults, membersof ethnicand racialminorities,andpersonswho wereeconomically disadvantagedwere expected to experience higher levels ofstresswhichwould, in turn, increasetheirrisk forphysicalandmentalillness(e.g. Kessler 1979, Srole et al. 1962). Stress was typically operationalizedas the numberof life events experiencedduringa specified time period (e.g.Holmes & Rahe 1967). Most life events included in standardized cales aretransitions,which is the direct link between stressresearchand the study oflife transitions George 1980). Early tests of this simple model yielded mixedresults. In general, life events were significantpredictorsof illness onset, butthe magnitudesof these relationshipswere modest (see Rabkin& Struening1976 for a review of thatearly research).

Over time, a more complex view of stress and its consequencesevolved.The most important lementof this evolution was a changein the formulationof researchquestionsconcerning he links betweenstressandillness. In earlystudies, the primary research question was whether stress mediates therelationshipsbetween social location and illness. Later studiesexaminedtheconditions underwhich stressleads to adverseoutcomes. Thus, social stress


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LIFETRANSITIONS 357theory was transformed rom a mechanistic view to a richer, more complexperspective thatemphasizescontingencies andheterogeneity.Two otherelementsof stressresearcharerelevant o thestudyof transitions.First, as stress theory evolved, investigatorsbecame concerned about thevalidity of summingthe numberof life events experiencedin a defined timeperiod and assumingthat this indexed amount of stress. Some scholars alsosuggested thatsummary cales impede dentificationof theuniqueantecedentsand consequencesof specific life events. Although life event scales are stillused, two otherapproacheshavebecomeincreasinglycommon.Oneapproachis to study single events (e.g. divorce, retirement)(e.g. Dohrenwendet al1987). Otherinvestigatorssuggest an intermediateapproach n which theo-retically relevant subsets of events are aggregated(e.g. family events, exitevents) (e.g. Thoits 1987). The appealof this approach s that events neednot be examinedindividually, but the level of aggregationalso will not maskdistinctiverelationshipsbetweenevents andtheirconsequences.Second, stress research now focuses on identificationof the factors thatmediate and moderate the impact of life events on well-being (e.g. Lin1992). Life events have differenteffects, dependingon the conditions underwhich they occur and the resources available to individuals experiencingthem. A large literature suggests that multiple factors affect the stressprocess. Examples of such factorsinclude personality,economic resources,coping efforts, and social relationships,especially receipt of emotional andinstrumentalsupport from significant others. Space limitations precludereview of these factors (but see Pearlin et al 1981 and Pearlin 1989 fortheoreticalmodels underpinning ecent stress researchand George 1989 fora review of studies).Stress research has made two primary contributionsto research on lifetransitions.Themostimportant f theseis recognitionof heterogeneityamongevents, consequencesof events, andthe contingencies thatshape the impactof life events. In addition,stressresearchdemonstrates hatlife events (and,therefore,life transitions)are important or health and well-being. Physicalandmentalhealth are not the only important onsequencesof transitions,butstress researchdoes the most effective job to date of demonstrating hat theeffects of transitionsare of practical mportance.Thenarrownessof muchstressresearchposes obstaclesto anunderstandingof life transitions,however.Threeproblemsareespecially relevant.First, andmost important,stressresearchpays insufficient attention o social structure,macrolevel social processes, and social contexts that are related to theoccurrenceand consequencesof life events (Jacobson1989, Pearlin 1989).Unlike role theory, for example, stress research argely ignores the fact thattransitions end to be normativelygoverned andare, therefore,often predict-


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358 GEORGEable and socially desirable.Emphasis on individuals, extractedfrom socialstructure,continues to dominatethis field.Second, reflecting the applieu and epidemiologic foundationsof stressresearch, many studies of life events focus on prediction rather thanexplanation, although this is less true of recent studies. Stress research toooften emphasizes the predictionof illness rather than explanationof theprocesses by which life events affect well-being. Finally, although stressresearch focuses on process, timing per se has been largely ignored. Littleattention s paidto the timing, as compared o the occurrence,of life eventsand to the expected lag between the occurrence of an event and itsconsequences.

TRANSITIONSIN LIFE COURSE PERSPECTIVEA distinctive sociology of thelife course has emerged n the pasttwo decades.Although there is no unifiedtheory of the life course, life course perspectivessharecommonprinciples,three of which are especiallyrelevantto the studyof life transitions.First, the life course is a social phenomenon,distinctfromthe life span (e.g. Hagestad& Neugarten 1985). Life spanrefers to durationof life; life-spancharacteristics reclosely related o age andlargelyinvariantacross time andplace. In contrast,the life coursereflects the intersectionofsocial and historicalfactors with personal biography (Elder 1985a). Hence,life course patternsare expectedto vary across time, space, and populations.Second, life course perspectives focus on "age-differentiated,sociallyrecognized sequencesof transitions"Rossi 1980). Transitionsandtrajectoriesare key concepts in life course research (Elder 1985a, Hagestad 1990).Transitions eferto changesin statusthatarediscreteand bounded n duration,althoughtheir consequences may be long-term. Trajectoriesare long-termpatternsof stabilityandchange, often including multipletransitions,that canbe reliablydifferentiated rom alternatepatterns.Transitionsandtrajectoriesare interrelated. As Elder notes, "transitions are always embedded intrajectories hatgive them distinctiveform andmeaning"(1985a).Third, and as implied by previous principles,life course studiesrequireadynamic, longitudinalperspective.Unfortunately, ongitudinaldataspanninglong periods of time are scarce. Consequently, most life course researchexamines transitions ratherthan trajectories, although there are importantexceptions as noted below.Life course studies of transitionscan be conveniently divided into twosubsets, based on unit of analysis: population-based tudies and studies ofindividuals. Each traditionwill be reviewed in terms of the researchissuesexamined, major findings, and implicationsfor understandingransitions.


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LIFE TRANSITIONS 359Population-BasedStudies of TransitionsPopulation-basedstudies have examined three major issues: the timing oftransitions,sequencesof transitions,and transitionsas life course markers.TIMING OF TRANSITIONS In populationstudies, the timing of life coursetransitions s usually operationalizedas eitherthe average or median age atwhich a transitionoccurs or the age by which a majorityof cohortmembershave experienced a transition.Variabilityof transitiontiming is typicallyexaminedboth acrossandwithincohorts.Duringthis century,the averageage at which severaltransitionsoccurhaschanged. Compared o earliercohorts, recent cohorts of men are older, onaverage, at school completion and age of first full-time job. For bothtransitions,the medianage increasedby two years for men born in 1948, ascompared o those born in 1907 (Hogan 1981). The timing of marriagealsohaschanged.From 1900 til 1930, medianage of first marriagedeclinednearlythreeyears for men (from26.0 to 23.3). After that, median age at marriagedeclinedmoreslowly, reachinga steady-stateof about 21 yearsfor men bornbetween 1933 and 1951 (Hogan 1981). More recently, median age at firstmarriagehas increased(Watkinset al. 1987). Intracohort ariability n thesetransitions s significant. Persons of lower social class, African-AmericansandHispanics,andruralresidentscompletethese transitionsearlierthantheirpeers (Hogan 1981). In general, women experiencethese transitionsearlierthanmen, but cross-cohortpatternsparallelthose of men (Hogan 1985).The timing of transitions n middle and laterlife also changedduringthetwentieth century.The average age at which individualsexperiencedeathofthe last parent has increased dramatically(Gee 1987, Uhlenberg 1980,Winsborough 1980). Over the same period, average retirement age hasdropped teadily,despiteincreases n life expectancy hatsuggestthe potentialforextendingemployment o laterages (Tuma& Sandefur1988). Widowhoodhas become more stronglylinked to both sex and age since the late 1800s,occurring aterandwithwomen atmuchgreaterrisk(MartinMatthews1987).Intracohort ariability n thetimingof thesetransitionss substantial.Personsof lower socioeconomic statusandmembersof disadvantaged acialandethnicminoritiesexperienceparentaldeath, retirement,andwidowhoodat youngerages, on average, thando theirpeers.SEQUENCES OF LIFE TRANSITIONS Investigators also have examined se-quences of life transitions, their compressionor dispersionover time, andtheir consequences. Initial hypothesesposited that transitionsequences aregovernedby normsspecifyingthe appropriaterderingof transitionsandthatdeviance fromthose norms would result in negativeoutcomes.


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360 GEORGEMost researchon transition sequences focuses on entry into adulthood.Modell et al (1976) performed the pioneering work; Hogan (1978, 1981)examined the issue most comprehensively.The normativesequencefor threekey transitionsof early adulthoodconsistsof leaving school, followed by firstfull-time ob, followed by firstmarriage.Using datafromAmericanmen bornbetween 1907 and 1952, Hogan foundthatdisorderlinesss substantiallymoreprevalent among recent than earliercohorts. Recent cohorts also completedthe three transitionsn a shorterperiodof time thanearliercohorts, suggestingthat the transition o early adulthoodhas been compressed.Similar findingsare reported by other investigators, including those using data from otherwestern societies (e.g. Featherman& Sorensen 1983, Kerckhoff 1990). The

youngestmen in Hogan's studywerebornin 1952. Thus, recenttrends owardlater marriagewere not representedn his data.Hogan foundlimited evidence thatdisorderly ransition equences resultinpoorer outcomes. Men who experienceddisorderly sequences earned lessmoney, had less prestigious obs, and were more likely to divorce thanmenwith orderly sequences.The magnitudesof these deprivationswere modest,however. In addition, for some men, the costs of disorderliness werecompensatedfor by higher socioeconomic achievements.The natureof thevariability within younger cohorts operated against Hogan's hypothesis:orderlysequenceswere mostprevalentamongmen from lower socioeconomicand ruralbackgrounds.Both groups also exhibited relatively low levels ofeducationalandoccupationalattainment.Data permittingcross-cohortcomparisonsof the sequencingof young adulttransitionsamongwomen are less common. Comparisonsof recentcohorts,however, suggestthatdisorderly equences are more prevalentamongwomenthan men (e.g. Hogan 1985, Kerckhoff1990).LIFE COURSE MARKERS Transitions hat are both highlyprevalentand highlypredictableare viewed as life course markers(Winsborough1980). Duringthe 20th centurysome transitionsbecame more predictable;others becameless so. Transitionsthat are now less predictableare concentrated n earlyadulthood.The timingof marriageandparenthood xhibitgreatervariabilityamong younger than older cohorts (Cherlin 1988a, Modell 1980). Thesetransitionsalso are less predictablenow becauselargerproportionsof recentcohortsdo not marryand/ordo nothavechildren Watkinset al 1987). Anotherless common and less predictable ransitionduringearly adulthood s deathof a minorchild. Uhlenberg 1980)estimates hat, earlyin thiscentury,parentshad a 62% chance of losing at least one minorchild;in 1980, the probabilityhad droppedto 4%, no longer representinga life course marker.In contrast, transitionsduring middle and old age have become moreprevalentand predictable.Death of a parent duringmiddle age is now so


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LIFETRANSITIONS 361predictable hat Winsborough 1980) suggests that it is a publicly recognizedlife course marker. As noted previously, voluntaryretirementhas become apredictable,nearlyuniversal ransition.MartinMatthews 1987) demonstratedthat the timing of widowhood has become more homogeneous duringthe pastcentury. She suggests that this increased predictabilityhelps recent cohortsof older women to betterprepare or widowhood and provides natural upportgroups of widowed age peers.Population tudies provide mportant nformationaboutthe evolution of thelife course across cohorts and about variabilitywithin cohorts. One limitationof these studies is the relative lack of attention to mechanisms of change(Hogan & Astone 1986). Social change is often interpretedas the drivingforce for cohortdifferences n transitions.For example, some scholars suggestthat, in the United States, historically unprecedentedaffluence experiencedduring he middle of this centuryaccounts or declines in age at first marriage.Otherobservers argue that life course markersduring middle and late lifewere unlikely to emerge until life expectancy increased o the point thatmostcohort members lived til advanced ages. These are credible post hocinferences; but they are not empirical tests of hypothesized explanatorymechanisms. To date, population-based tudies of life transitionshave beenmoresuccessfulin describingchangesin transitionpatterns han in explainingthem.Individual-BasedStudiesof TransitionsIndividual-based tudies examine the effects of transitionsat one pointin timeon subsequent life course outcomes. The emphasis of these studies isexplication of the processes by which early transitions exert enduringinfluences on later life patterns. Studies in this tradition ypically are basedon longitudinaldata;a few investigatorshave used prospectivedata coveringlarge segments of the life span.LINKING HISTORICALEVENTS, LIFE TRANSITIONS, AND OUTCOMES Elder'spioneering studies (e.g. 1974, 1979) of the effects of the Great Depressionon subsequent ife patternsandachievementsbecame a catalyst for much ofthe researchin this tradition. Elder examined two cohorts of children:(i)childrenborn in the early 1920s, who were adolescentsduringthe Depressionand (ii) children born in 1928-29, who were young children during theDepression. Within-cohort ariabilitywas examined n termsof (i) social classpriorto the Depression and (ii) the amountof economic deprivation riggeredby the Depression. In brief, substantial differences were observed acrosscohorts, within cohorts, and between girls and boys. The younger cohort wasmoreadverselyaffected by the Depression hanthe older one. Within cohorts,the strongest effects were found among those whose families suffered the


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362 GEORGEgreatest economic losses, children in working- rather than middle-classfamilies, and boys ratherthan girls. Effects of the Depression persisted inadulthood.Althoughsocioeconomic achievementsdid notdiffersignificantly,several life domains-including sex roles within the family, patternsof workand leisure, and political values-exhibited differences across and withincohorts, dependingon amountof deprivation.The impact of World War II on subsequent life patternsalso has beenstudied. Elder et al (1991) examined the impact of World War II militaryservice on midlife career achievementsamong two cohortsof US men. Theolder cohort, who entered adulthoodduring the Depressionand did militaryservice later, had lower midlife career achievementsthan did the youngercohort. Militaryservice was unrelated o occupational achievementsin theyoungercohort but was advantageousn the older cohort.The effects of WorldWar IIparticipation n subsequent ife course patternshave been examined in other countriesas well. Mayer (1988) comparedGerman cohorts born between 1900 and 1936 on adult socioeconomicachievements.Men bornbetween 1914and1925were mostintensely nvolvedin the war effort;more than 75% of the men in those cohorts served in themilitary. Surprisingly,the most severe short- (1945-1948) and long-term(1965-1971) negative effects were experienced by men born between 1926and 1930, most of whom did not serve in the militaryor who served onlybriefly. Thesefindings are the oppositeof those reportedby Elderet al (1991),who found oldercohorts to fare less well than younger cohorts,and probablyreflect Germany's disastrous economic and social conditions in the yearsimmediatelyfollowing the war. Cook (1983) studiedpost-warcareer ines ofmen who served in Japan's militaryelite during WorldWar II. Before andduringthe war, they were among Japan'smost honored citizens; after thewar, their occupationswere terminatedand the post-warlabor marketwasclosed to them. Older members of the military elite faredworst in both theshort- and long-term;although intelligentand well-educated, many had tosettle for farmingor menial labor. Younger membersfared better;they werepermittedto enter educationalinstitutions, and most pursuedprofessionalcareers.In termsof more recent history,McAdam (1989) examinedthe short- andlong-term consequencesof activismduringthe Civil Rights Movement. In adesign superior to previous studies, he compared subsequent life courseexperiencesof applicants o the 1964 Mississippi FreedomSummer Project,someof whomparticipated nd some of whomwere accepted orparticipation,but withdrew. Twenty years later, participantsdiffered significantly fromnonparticipants.The former were more likely to endorse leftist politicalattitudes,more active in politics, disproportionately mployed in "helping"


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LIFETRANSITIONS 363professions, more likely to label themselves as "liberal"or "radical,"muchless likely to be married,and had lower incomesthan did the no-shows.McAdam views political activism in early adulthood as a "watershed"experience that has enduring mpact on life coursepatterns.He also suggeststhat social bonds developed duringpolitical activismform a structural ie thatsustainsactivist attitudesand behaviorsover time. Weil's research 1987) alsosuggests that political activism during early adulthoodhas persisting effects.InGermany,cohortswho were adolescentsandyoung adultsduring he ThirdReich, especially those who participatedn Nazi youth groups, endorse lessdemocraticvalues throughoutadulthood handid earlier and later cohorts.LIFECOURSEEFFECTSOFEARLYEVENTS Other ndividual-based tudiesfocuson the conditions underwhich eventsor transitions xperiencedearlierin lifeaffect subsequent ife course patterns.The emphasishere is not on historicalevents, but on personal transitionsand choices. A broad body of researchfalls underthis rubric;studies reviewed here are, of necessity, selective.Childhoodtraumas e.g. loss of a parent,physicalabuse)have been linkedto subsequent ife course patterns.In a classic study, Brown & Harris(1978)tracedthe impactof parental oss duringchildhoodon adult outcomes. Usingdata from a sample of working class women in London, they found thatparental oss duringchildhood was associatedwith increasedrisk of clinicaldepression, lower socioeconomic achievements,and poorerquality marriagesduring adulthood. Additional analyses suggestedthat the effects of parentalloss were mediated by the quality of care the child received after parentalloss: fewer negative outcomes were observed among women who receivedhigh-quality care as children from parentalsubstitutes.Although Brown &Harrisfound bothparentaldeath and divorce to increase the riskof negativeadultoutcomes, laterUS studies report hat parentaldivorce has strongerandmorenegative effects than parentaldeath (e.g. Landerman t al 1991, Tweedet al 1989). These findings suggest that family dysfunction, rather thanparental oss per se, may explain the persistingeffects of parentalloss onadult outcomes. Landerman et al (1991) also found that the effects ofcontemporaneousife events on mental health during adulthoodare strongerfor personswho experiencedchildhoodtraumas.More normative childhood transitions also affect subsequentlife coursepatterns.Alexander & Entwisle (1988) found that the transition to school(enteringthe first grade) significantlyaffects subsequentachievementtrajec-tories. This transition is more difficult for blacks than for whites, despitesimilarlevels of cognitive achievement at school entry. These data stronglysuggest that the transition to school has both immediate and long-termconsequences and that racial differencesin achievementemerge quickly.


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364 GEORGEAnother illustration of the persisting effects of childhood events is therelationship between age of onset of mental illness and subsequent lifecourse patterns.In the most rigorous study to date, Turnbull et al (1990)compared adults who experienced early onset of mental illness (i.e. beforeage 20), late onset, and no mental illness on socioeconomic and familyoutcomes. Analyses were performed for four types of mental illnesses.Overall, early onset had signficantly more adverse effects than did lateonset. For all illnesses but depression, early onset was associated with lowereducationalachievement, lower occupational prestige, lower income, andincreased unemployment. Similar patterns were observed for adult familyroles: for all illnesses except depression, early onset was associated with

lower rates of ever marryingand, among the ever married, higherrates ofdivorce. Early onset was associated with lower fertility, however, onlyamong those with depression.A final illustrationof research n this traditionconcerns the effects of earlyevents and choices on retirement ncome. As is true forthe employed, retiredmen have substantiallyhigher incomes, on average, thando retiredwomen.This income differentialreflects several differencesin the work histories ofmen and women. Compared to women, men typically have longer workhistories, higher annual and lifetime earnings, and they are more likely towork in markets that provide private pensions (DeViney & O'Rand 1988).Examinationof the joint trajectories f women's work and family roles helpsto explicatethe processes that generate hese sex differences (e.g. O'Rand&Henretta 1982, O'Rand & Landerman 1984). Because of family roles,especially parenting,womenare less likely to work full-time and continuouslythroughout adulthood, decreasing their annual and lifetime earnings. Forwomen covered by private pensions, truncated and discontinuous workhistoriesresult in lower pension income. Women also are substantially esslikely than men to be employed in markets that provide private pensions.Although family transitionsand trajectoriespartiallyexplain sex differencesin retirement ncome, they do not accountfor the social allocation processesthat result in women disproportionatelyworking without pension coverage(O'Rand 1988).The individual-based tudies reviewed here arehighly selective, but theydocument that transitions at one point in time often have long-termconsequences.As these studiesillustrate, ndividual-based tudies havemadeprogress in three areas that are generally neglected in population-basedstudies:explicationof the mechanismsby which transitionsaffect outcomes,examination of transitions in the context of long-term trajectories, andconsiderationof the joint effects of transitions in multiple domains (e.g.family and work).


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LIFETRANSITIONS 365EMERGINGTHEMESStudyingtransitions in the life course context has been substantiallymoreprofitable hanearlierresearchbased on role theory andsocial stress theory.The link between transitionsand life course patternshas been profitable forlife course theory as well. Two decades ago, Clausen(1972) predictedthatstudying life transitionsofferedthe best chanceof generatinga theoryof thelife course. Subsequentresearch supportsthat prediction. Knowledge oftransitions is richer as a result of studying the life course; conversely,knowledge of the life course has been advancedby studying transitions.Researchon transitions n life courseperspectivealso has weaknesses. Onelimitation,previouslyaddressed,concernsmechanismsof change. Two otherproblemsconcernthe challenges of heterogeneityand the struggleto integratefindings frommicroandmacrolevelstudies.This finalsectionaddresses hosetwo problems and the increasingcross-fertilizationof concepts and methodsamongformerlydistinctresearch raditions.Challengesof HeterogeneityHeterogeneity s relevant to the origins of transitions,the varying outcomesof transitions,andthe factorsthat mediateandbufferthe effects of transitions.Most researchon transitions ocuses on modal transitionpatterns,underplay-ing the fact thatlargeproportions f individualsdo not fit those patterns e.g.Dannefer1988). A study by Rindfusset al (1987) illustrates his point. Usingdata fromthe NationalLongitudinalSurveyof theHighSchool Classof 1972,these authors coded participants'role sequences for 8 years following highschool graduation,examining five roles: work, education, homemaking,military,and other.Theyreport hat1100sequenceswererequired o describethe experiencesof the 6700 men in the sample;1800 sequences were neededto capturethe patternsof the 7000 women in the sample. Even the simple,two-event sequence of educationfollowed by work applied to only slightlymore than half the men and to less than half the women. This level ofheterogeneity challenges the assumptionthat transitions are patternedinpredictable ways, and it complicates research on the consequences oftransitions.Heterogeneity may, in fact, challenge the assumptionthat there is an"institutionalized ife course" (Meyer 1986). Kohli et al (1991) describepatternsof early retirementusing data from seven industrializednations,focusingon themix of publicandprivate nstitutionalarrangementshatshapethe retirementprocess. Althoughthere are multiplepathwaysto retirementacrossandwithinsocieties, a commonelementof thesepathways s the demiseof chronologicalage as a basis of exit from the labor force. Guillemard&


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366 GEORGEvan Gunsteren 1991) suggest that this representsa "deinstitutionalization"fthe life course in that the major milestone thatdefines entry to old age is nolonger standardized r predictable.Heterogeneity also is being addressedby increased attention to the waysthat pre-transition haracteristics ffect boththe occurrenceof transitionsandtheir outcomes. Caspiet al (1987, 1988) demonstrate hat childhood person-ality traits affect the timing and outcomesof later transitions.In their studies,shy children experiencedthe transition o adulthood ater than did their moreoutgoing peers, and they also had more adverse outcomes. Children withexplosive interactionstyles also experiencedadverse outcomes during thetransition to adulthood.Hagan (1991) studied the socioeconomic achieve-ments of two subgroups of adolescents weakly linked to parental andeducationalcontrol:a subcultureof deviance and a party subculture.Prefer-ence for a delinquent subculture negatively affected early adult statusattainment.Identificationwith a partysubculturehad weaker effects. Bothsubcultureshadstrongereffects for workingclass men. Researchthat focuseson the ways thatpre-transition tatuses affect transitionoutcomes is similarto the recent advances in stress research, noted previously. In both cases,attention o heterogeneityhasled to a richerunderstandingf social dynamics.LinkingMacro and Micro FindingsCurrentresearch also does not adequatelylink micro and macro evidenceabout the genesis and consequences of transitions,a common problem insociology more broadly. Indeed, Ritzer (1989) suggests that "the issue ofmicro-macro inkagehas emergedas the central problematicof sociologicaltheoryin the 1980s"(italics in the original).This continues to be truein the1990s. Accumulated evidence, however, suggests that primary groups,especially family and occupational environments,are the major contextswithin which broad social patterns nfluencetransitionsand their outcomes(Hagestad 1990).FAMILY Changesin family structureappearboth to result from macrosocialchanges and to alterthe timing and consequencesof transitions(George &Gold 1991). Kertzer& Hogan (1988) studiedthe impactof economic changeon life coursepatterns n a nineteenthcenturyItalian community. Their datasuggestthatchangesin family structurewere the initialresponsesto changingeconomic conditions, followed by observableeffects on the life transitionsoffamily members. During the past 30 years, in the United States, timing ofthetransition oparenthood asbecome less predictable,generatingdistinctivepatternsof family structurebased on age differences between generations.Bengtsonet al (1990) suggest that hese familystructuresie along a continuumanchoredat one end by "age-condensed"amilies, in which age differences


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LIFETRANSITIONS 367between generations are small, and "age-gapped" amilies, in which agedifferences between generationsare large. Age-condensedfamilies are gen-erated by early fertility;age-gapped families result from delayed fertility.Furstenberg t al (1987) tracedthe life course outcomesassociated with earlyfertility. Burtonand colleagues(Burton& Bengtson1985, Hagastad& Burton1986) trace the consequences of teenage parenthoodon the two oldergenerations n the family. The impact of divorce on intergenerational amilyroles also has been examined(Hofferth 1985, McLanahan& Bumpass 1988).Increased life expectancyhas altered the length of time spent in variousfamily roles. For example, using simulatedcohortdata from census records,Gee (1986) compared ime spentin specific familyroles by Canadianwomenin the 1830s and 1950s. She estimated that duringthe 1830s, women spentfully 90% of their marriedyears rearingminor children.By the 1950s, thishaddropped o 40%. Patterns or men may be even more dramatic. Becauseof declines in fertilityand high divorce ratesin recentcohorts,Americanmenhave experienceda precipitousdecrease in the amountof time that they livewith children. Eggebeen & Uhlenberg (1985) reportthat, between 1960 and1980, white men in theUnited States experienceda 43% decreasein the timespent living with young children, from 12.3 to 7.0 years. During the sameinterval, Americanblack men experienceda 23% reduction, from 15.1 to11.6 years. These authors uggestthatchangesin the durationof family roleshave important ocial consequences. Gee speculatesthat the decline in timespent in active parentinghas decreased the salience of parenthood andincreased the importance of marriage during adulthood. Eggebeen &Uhlenbergare concerned hat the brief time thatmanymen spend living withchildrenmayerodetheircommitmentso theirown childrenandto investmentsin futuregenerationsmore broadly (also see Uhlenberg & Eggebeen 1986).These are credible interpretationsbout the impactof changes in duration nfamily roles, but neverthelessthey remain speculative. And some authorsoffer alternateexplanations(see, for example, Furstenberg& Condran1988for a reconsideration f the Eggebeen & Uhlenbergposition).OCCUPATIONS Occupationsare a strategiccontext for studyinglife transi-tions. Job shifts (verticaland lateralmoves, as well as movementin and outof the laborforce) aretransitions,and careersare thetrajectorieswithinwhichjob shifts occur. In the past decade, sociological interest in job shifts hasincreased (for a recent review of this researchbase, see Rosenfeld 1992).Much of the recent researchhas takenadvantageof event historymethodstoexamine the degree to which job shifts are durationdependent (a conceptmorebroadlyuseful in life course researchas well, see Featherman& Lerner1985). The general expectation s thatdurationdependenceis negative, i.e.,thatvoluntary ob shifts decline over time. Most researchresultssupport his


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368 GEORGEexpectation,although hereare inconsistent indings.One factorcreatingbothestimationand interpretation roblems in understanding he dynamicsof jobshifts is the typical confoundingof duration,age, and seniority. Job shiftsand careerswould seem to have obvious links with life course perspectives.As yet, however, job mobilityresearchhas paid little attention o life courseconcepts. Rosenfeld suggests that infusion of life course concepts into jobmobility researchwouldhelp (i) to disentangleage and durationeffects injobshifts, (ii) to focus increased attentionon the transitionsthat anchor thebeginningsand ends of careers job entryandretirement),and (iii) to overcomethe relativeneglect of theways in whichother ife domainsand the life coursesof familymembersshapejob shiftsand careers. Indeed,intersectionsof workandfamily roles have receivedconsiderableattention n previous life courseresearch.The joint effects of work andfamily roles on retirement ncome ofwomen were reviewed previously.The interacting ffects of workand familyroles also have been examinedearlier in adulthood(e.g. Bielby & Bielby1989, Wheaton 1990a).Researchon job shifts and careersalso offers evidence aboutthe ways inwhich broadersocial patternsaffect individualtransitions.Substantialatten-tionhasbeenpaidto theways in whichjob shifts area functionof opportunitystructures n specific firms or internalmarkets 'see Althauser 1989 for areview). These intermediatestructures,in turn, are responsive to broaderchanges at the organizational,national,and political levels (e.g. DiPrete &Krecker1991, Sorenson & Tuma 1981).The studyof job transitions ervedas the basis for one attempt o developa genericmodel of transitionbehavior. Nicholson (1984, 1990) used dataonpromotionsand job shifts to develop the "transition ycle" model, which heclaims can be applied to all transitions. The transitioncycle includes foursteps:preparation, ncounter occurrence),adjustmentshort-term esponses),and stabilization (long-termaccommodation).The model is highly abstract,with few clues as to how it could be appliedempirically.Nicholson's modelis similarto Ebaugh'smodelof roleexits, reviewedearlier.Both authorswishto delineate a single model thatwill apply to an entire class of transitions.Unfortunately,I fear that they are doomed to fail in this quest. The vastmajorityof research suggests thattransitionsare too heterogeneousand toodependentupon social context to be capturedby a single, generic model.Nonetheless, the occupationalarenaprovidesa strategiccontext for the studyof life transitions-and the integrationof macroand microfindingshas beenmore successful here than in othersocial contexts.Cross-FertilizationPerhaps the most importantemerging theme in research on transitionsiscross-fertilization among the previously distinct traditionsof role theory,


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LIFETRANSITIONS 369social stress, and life course sociology. The boundariesamong these researchtraditionsare increasinglyand appropriatelyndistinct.Pearlin 1983) was oneof the first to articulate he utility of cross-fertilizationacross these researchdomains. He prescribedexamination of life events and transitions in thecontext of social roles, noting that this would help to remedy neglect of the"structuredand durable social and economic antecedents of stress." Heexpandedthis theme in a more recent essay (Pearlin1989). Similarly, Cowan(1991) notes that an adequate model of transitionsmust (i) apply to bothnormative and nonnormative ransitions, (ii) examine both roles as contextswithin which transitionsemerge and role reorganizationas an importantoutcome of transitions,and (iii) apply across the life course, thus calling forintegrationof themes from all three research raditions.Empirical studies thatcross the boundariesof life course, stress, and roletheories illustrate the payoff of cross-fertilization.Many of the studiesdescribed earlier, especially those that document the persisting effects ofchildhood deprivationson adult achievements and outcomes, incorporatedelements of multipleperspectives.Otherexamples aremore explicit, in thatthe authorsannounce heir ntentions o crossparadigms.Combiningelementsof role and stress theory, Wheaton(199Gb)demonstrated hat role historiesmoderatethe effects of transitionson mentalhealth. Anotherof Wheaton'sstudies links life course and stressperspectives(Wheaton & Roszell 1992).Results of that study indicated that the effects of current stress on mentalhealth were conditionedby the level of cumulative ifetime stress. Both veryhigh and very low levels of cumulativestresswere associated with increasedrisk of mental healthproblems n the face of current tress, moreso thanweremoderate evels of cumulative tress.Tworecenteditedvolumes offermultipleillustrationsof research that bridges at least two of the research traditions.Eckenrode& Gore's edited volume (1990) examinesthe linksbetween stressand family and work roles, although life course issues are not explicitlyconsidered. Cowan & Hetherington'sbook (1991) focuses on family transi-tions, and all eightempiricalpapersrely in parton role theoryand life courseperspectives. Several also focus explicitly on stress. Fortunately,researchbased on cross-fertilization f these research raditions eems to be gatheringmomentum.

CONCLUSIONResearch on life transitionshas become a growthindustry n sociology. Theemergenceof life coursesociology duringthe past two decadesprovidedthemost fertile field in which to examine the dynamics,heterogeneity, genesis,andoutcomesof life transitions.Role theoryand social stress theoriesmadeimportantbut limitedcontributions o the studyof life transitions.The most


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370 GEORGEpromising current work, however, indicates that integrating life courseperspectives, social stress theory, and role theory yields the richest under-standing of life transitions. The study of life transitions also parallelsdevelopments n sociology more broadly.Issues that challenge both the studyof life transitionsand the sociological enterpriseas a whole includedepictingand explaining the dynamics of change, revealing and accounting forheterogeneity, dentificationof themechanismsby which social contextsshapehuman ives, and integration f macroandmicro patterns.It seems reasonableto conclude that, within the field of life transitions,progress is being madeon all these fronts.ACKNOWLEDGMENTSPreparation f this chapterwas supportedn partby a grantfrom the NationalInstituteon Aging (AGO00371). I am gratefulto Glen Elderfor very usefulcomments on earlierdrafts of this chapter.Literature CitedAlexander, K. L., Entwisle, D.R. 1988.Achievementin the first 2 years of school:Patterns and process. Monogr. Soc. Res.Child Dev. 53:1-140Allen, V. L., van de Vliert, E. 1984. RoleTransitions:ExplorationsandExplanations.New York: Plenum. 371 pp.Althauser,R. P. 1989. Internal abor markets.Annu.Rev. Sociol. 15:143-61Bengtson, V., Rosenthal,C., Burton,L. 1990.Familiesand aging:Diversity andheteroge-neity. See Binstock & George 1990, pp.263-87Biddle, B. 1979. Role Theory:Expectations,Identities, and Behaviors. New York: Aca-demic. 416 pp.Bielby, W. T., Bielby, D. D. 1989. Familyties: Balancing commitmentsto work andfamily in dual earner households. Am.Sociol. Rev. 54:776-89Binstock, R. H., George L. K., eds. 1990.Handbookof Agingand theSocial Sciences.San Diego: Academic. 3rded.Brim, 0. G., Jr. 1966. Socializationthroughthe life cycle. In Socialization After

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concept of transitions

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