community arts project for excluded teens

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March 2010 | Volume 13 | Number 6 MENTAL HEALTH PRACTICE 18 Feature COMMUNITY ART PROJECT FOR EXCLUDED TEENAGERS Rachel Hadland and Theodore Stickley describe the findings from a study of the experiences of four young people who took part in a local initiative after they were excluded from school ART HAS long been considered a vehicle for mental health promotion and there are many claims for the psychosocial benefits of engaging in art activities (Matarasso 1997, Jermyn 2004). Taking part in art projects, for example, is considered to promote social outcomes, by helping to tackle social exclusion and by building social capital (Social Exclusion Unit (SEU) 2004). The expression of creativity can also have a positive effect on wellbeing because it can be a shared experience (White 2006). Community art projects can address some of the broader determinants of poorer mental health, such as deprivation and social isolation, and they can help to promote factors that have a positive effect on emotional health, such as good social networks and support (White 2006, Stickley and Duncan 2007). This article reports the findings of a qualitative study of the experiences of four young people who were permanently excluded from school and subsequently took part in a community art project. Background The art and health agenda has expanded considerably in recent years in the UK. At the same time, social inequality has increased and the incidence of mental health problems has risen (Stickley and Duncan 2007). Since being elected in 1997, the Labour government has focused attention on neighbourhood renewal and community cohesion (SEU 1998, 2004), promoting community projects that aim to reduce social exclusion and increase social capital (Harper 2001). Evidence suggests that social approaches to organising and delivering public health may bring health benefits, particularly for the most disadvantaged (Health Development Agency 2000). This is significant because socioeconomic factors such as poor education and unemployment can increase the risk of mental health problems (Fryers et al 2001, Rogers and Pilgrim 2003). Mental health promotion campaigns warn that one in four of the population will experience mental health problems (Department of Health (DH) 1999) but, as a rule, they do not refer specifically to socioeconomic factors or the unequal distribution of such problems across social classes. Nevertheless, the highest rates of mental health problems occur among the most deprived social groups (Wilkinson 2005). The concepts of social exclusion and social capital were key in the formation of the SEU (Harper 2001, Harper and Kelly 2003). Sayce (2001) described social exclusion as a set of interlocking and compounding problems of impairment, discrimination and diminished social role, and a lack of economic and social participation. Social capital is defined The artwork and costumes (main picture) created by the young people’s art group were used in a carnival troupe at the annual Nottingham-wide Caribbean carnival Summary This article describes a study of the experiences of young people who took part in a community art project in an inner-city area after being excluded permanently from school. The study used descriptive phenomenology to investigate their experiences. Unstructured interviews were conducted and two main themes were identified: the teenagers’ experiences of taking part in the project and their involvement in it. Personal and social benefits of the arts identified include enjoyment, achievement, interacting with peers and engaging with the wider community. Keywords Art, community art projects, qualitative research, social exclusion, young people

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Page 1: Community Arts Project for Excluded Teens

March 2010 | Volume 13 | Number 6 MENTAL HEALTH PRACTICE18

Feature

Community art projeCt for exCluded teenagers

Rachel Hadland and Theodore Stickley describe the findings from a study of the experiences of four young people who took part in a local initiative after they were excluded from school

art has long been considered a vehicle for mental health promotion and there are many claims for the psychosocial benefits of engaging in art activities (matarasso 1997, jermyn 2004). taking part in art projects, for example, is considered to promote social outcomes, by helping to tackle social exclusion and by building social capital (social exclusion unit (seu) 2004). the expression of creativity can also have a positive effect on wellbeing because it can be a shared experience (White 2006).

Community art projects can address some of the broader determinants of poorer mental health, such as deprivation and social isolation, and they can help to promote factors that have a positive effect on emotional health, such as good social networks and support (White 2006, stickley and duncan 2007).

this article reports the findings of a qualitative study of the experiences of four young people who were permanently excluded from school and subsequently took part in a community art project.

Backgroundthe art and health agenda has expanded considerably in recent years in the uK. at the same time, social inequality has increased and the incidence of mental health problems has risen (stickley and duncan 2007). since being elected in 1997, the labour government has focused attention on neighbourhood renewal and community cohesion (seu 1998, 2004), promoting community projects that aim to reduce social exclusion and increase social capital (harper 2001).

evidence suggests that social approaches to organising and delivering public health may bring health benefits, particularly for the most disadvantaged (health development agency 2000). this is significant because socioeconomic factors such as poor education and unemployment can increase the risk of mental health problems (fryers et al 2001, rogers and pilgrim 2003).

mental health promotion campaigns warn that one in four of the population will experience mental health problems (department of health (dh) 1999) but, as a rule, they do not refer specifically to socioeconomic factors or the unequal distribution of such problems across social classes. nevertheless, the highest rates of mental health problems occur among the most deprived social groups (Wilkinson 2005).

the concepts of social exclusion and social capital were key in the formation of the seu (harper 2001, harper and Kelly 2003). sayce (2001) described social exclusion as a set of interlocking and compounding problems of impairment, discrimination and diminished social role, and a lack of economic and social participation. social capital is defined

The artwork and costumes (main picture) created by the young people’s art group were used in a carnival troupe at the annual Nottingham-wide Caribbean carnival

summaryThis article describes a study of the experiences of young people who took part in a community art project in an inner-city area after being excluded permanently from school. The study used descriptive phenomenology to investigate their experiences. Unstructured interviews were conducted and two main themes were identified: the teenagers’ experiences of taking part in the project and their involvement in it. Personal and social benefits of the arts identified include enjoyment, achievement, interacting with peers and engaging with the wider community.

KeywordsArt, community art projects, qualitative research, social exclusion, young people

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While the young people engaged with their local community, they referred more frequently to their experiences of engaging with one another

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by morrow (1999) as the contacts and group memberships that, through the accumulation of exchanges, obligations and shared identities, provide people with actual or potential support and access to valued resources.

the literature on social capital refers to ‘social bonding’ – the social interactions of people in social groups, such as when young people engage with other young people – and ‘social bridging’, such as when young people engage with members of the wider community (mcKenzie and harpham 2006).

the purpose of the project described in this article was to involve participants in a series of creative activities to give them a sense of belonging and offer opportunities for self-expression. While there has been much research into art activities and mental health, much of it has focused on the experiences of service users participating in arts projects (parr 2006, stickley et al 2007). far less research has investigated projects seeking to involve those whose socioeconomic circumstances suggest they have an increased risk of mental health problems.

The studyAim the aim was to explore excluded young people’s experiences of taking part in a community art project.

Methodology the study’s methodology was informed by the theoretical framework associated with descriptive phenomenology, which requires individuals to interpret their experiences and how they express themselves (loBiondo-Wood and haber 2002).

Ethical considerations approval to conduct the study was sought from the relevant research ethics committee. all participants were fully informed and consented to take part. for those aged under 16 years, parental consent was gained. pseudonyms are used in presenting the findings.

Participants the inclusion criteria for the study were young people taking part in the community art project. there were 12 youngsters in the group, four of whom agreed to be interviewed for the study. these were two males, aged 15 and 16 years, and two females, aged 14 and 15 years.

Data collection unstructured interviews were conducted with participants in the local community, using a broad opening question: ‘tell me about your experience of taking part in the art project.’ this was followed by further questions to elicit additional information. the interviews lasted between 30 minutes and one hour, and were recorded digitally.

data analysis each interview was transcribed verbatim and each transcript read twice. these were then analysed and each sentence containing significant statements was recorded on index cards. statements that were repeated or overlapped were written on the same index cards. similar cards were grouped together under similar themes, which were then collated into broader themes. this process was repeated until two main themes were identified.

Findingstwo core themes emerged: personal experiences and involvement. these are presented using direct quotations from the participants.

Theme 1: personal experiences all the young people talked about their experience of taking part in the art project and how it had made them feel. many positive statements were made in relation to their enjoyment and sense of achievement:■■ ‘[Producing art] just makes you feel really happy’ – sarah.

■■ ‘I enjoyed making my elephant’ – laura.■■ ‘I thought [my picture] was wicked’ – tom.■■ ‘[Producing art] makes you feel good’ – james.

sarah spoke about ‘escaping’ when she engaged in art activities, saying: ‘you can forget about things when you’re painting.’ she also alluded to freedom: ‘no one can tell you if it’s right or wrong; it’s just art.’ tom talked about a sense of freedom too. ‘just draw what you feel like drawing,’ he said.

however, while the participants generally made positive statements about their feelings, tom and james were sceptical of the project:■■ ‘It’s like a waste of my time. I want to be passing my tests’ – tom.

■■ ‘Some sequins fell off and I’m not doing it again because that’s just wasting my time’ – james.

furthermore, tom stated: ‘i’d rather be doing sport or something. i’m never going to be an artist.’

however, the participants shared the view that the experience of taking part had given them the opportunity to get involved in diverse activities following exclusion from school.■■ ‘[The arts project was] a new experience’ – sarah.■■ ‘There are loads of experiences [in the art project’ – laura.

‘The participants shared the view that the experience had given them the opportunity to get involved in diverse activities’

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■■ ‘I’ve had the chance to do loads of things’ – tom.sarah and laura said that finishing the project would feel strange: ■■ ‘It’ll be weird not doing it. It gives us something to do on a Wednesday’ – sarah.

Both expressed a wish to take part in another project:■■ ‘I will most probably do [another project]’ – laura.■■ ‘I would like to do it again’ – sarah.

however, sarah reflected: ‘i don’t really know of that many [other projects].’ moreover, all the young people were able to describe the sense of achievement they had derived.■■ ‘When you’ve painted something you realise that you’ve done something constructive’ – sarah.

■■ ‘[I am] proud of myself [for taking part]’ – laura.■■ ‘[Completing artwork] makes me feel proud’ – james.

■■ ‘I got the best design out of the whole class because everyone thought it was really good’ – tom.

sarah and james spoke of sharing their achievement with others:■■ ‘You can take [the artwork] home to show it to everyone’ – sarah.

■■ ‘I get to keep [the artwork] and show people what I’ve done’ – james.

Theme 2: involvement all four participants spoke about their involvement, and their perceptions of other people’s involvement, in the project. sarah and laura felt particularly involved and considered that the others were having the same experience.■■ ‘I think most people are enjoying it’ – sarah.■■ ‘I think most people that come here are taking part’ – laura.

however, james and tom did not feel that they were particularly involved in the project.■■ ‘I’m involved, but not really’ – james.■■ ‘I didn’t get involved in it at all’ – tom.

the boys felt that the girls were more involved in the project than they were. james said that ‘girls like to dance, boys don’t like to dance’, and ‘most of the girls are talking about it, but the boys aren’t’.

participants also talked about the inclusive nature of the project and how it had connected them to people in their local community.■■ ‘Lots of people in the community are coming along to join in. It’s something that’s brought lots of people together. It’s like a different variety of people: boys, girls and young children’ – sarah, who also communicated her hopes:

■■ ‘Hoping it all goes well and it doesn’t rain or anything. Hoping everyone has a good time, a good day [at the nottingham carnival].’

laura spoke of how ‘excited’ she felt about the carnival and said that ‘everyone will be there’.

james spoke of becoming more familiar with people in the local community and feeling more secure, ‘you’re safe to be with each other’.

despite their apprehension about their involvement in the project, tom and james felt that by attending the carnival they were supporting their local community. however, experiences of engaging with members of the wider community were discussed significantly less frequently than that of their experience of engaging with their peers.

DiscussionMeaningful activity the link between art and wellbeing is the subject of much literature (matarasso 1997, jermyn 2004, staricoff 2004). the benefits communicated by the young people who took part in the project have been recognised in other research: they include enjoyment (Coulson and stickley 2006), a sense of achievement (jermyn 2004) and building relationships with others (parr 2006).

however, the young people did not discuss confidence and self-esteem explicitly, which was interesting in light of the relevant literature that refers to these outcomes frequently (matarasso 1997, jermyn 2004). this may suggest that the potential benefits, such as raised self-esteem and confidence, are more complex than those conveyed in these studies.

stickley et al (2007) ask how sustainable such feelings are. the young people associated benefits such as a sense of achievement with feeling good and increased self-confidence, and one must consider how great an impact this association could have on their lives. moreover, stickley et al draw attention to the ethics of such short-term projects. research promotes creative activities and provides participants with something meaningful to do (stickley and duncan 2007), which can nurture in them a sense of achievement. however, these opportunities can be lost when the creative activities come to an end, raising the question of whether it is ethical to provide such activities in the first place. this question is particularly relevant given that reports on young people and social exclusion make it clear that adverse outcomes are associated with school exclusion (seu 2000). it is possible, therefore, that the removal of these meaningful activities can reaffirm in young people the sense of hopelessness and abandonment that they may already feel as a result of being excluded from school.

Researching art and wellbeing it is recognised that scientific evidence is often beyond the reach of researchers into art and health projects (stickley 2007). While there is evidence that involvement in art

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can improve personal and social outcomes, much of it is based on the voluntary testimony of participants and consequently lacks validity (jermyn 2001, macnaughton et al 2005).

in 2006, the policy exchange published a collection of papers in which the arts Council england (aCe) was condemned for apparently propagating the notion that art can reduce social exclusion, improve health and, in short, transform society (mirza 2006). despite this criticism, the following year aCe (2007) and the dh (2007) published two statutory documents that make enthusiastic claims about the art and health agenda. the dh document asserts that it has an important leadership role to play in creating an environment in which art and health can prosper by promoting, developing and supporting art and health, while the aCe (2007) paper makes clear its aim to integrate art into mainstream health strategy and policy.

these publications offer evidence of how art can improve clinical and therapeutic outcomes, although stickley (2007) asserts that the publications lack substance and that the art and health agenda has been subject to too much recycling of information. this suggests that tension can arise when art is regarded simply as a tool to fulfil policy objectives and deliver outcomes (macnaughton et al 2005).

Individuality of projects the findings suggest that the project appealed more to the girls than the boys and highlights the need for people engaged in implementing such projects to consider carefully those whom they attempt to engage.

in a report on neighbourhood renewal (seu 1998), for example, the potential use of sports activities in tackling social exclusion and building social capital in deprived areas is recognised. yet, the focus of much literature and policy is on art and wellbeing, rather than sport and wellbeing (jermyn 2004, dh 2007), and there has been little research into the personal and wider social benefits of sport.

furthermore, the findings of the study highlight variations in how individuals experience such activities. everitt and hamilton (2003) observed five community art projects and found that simple engagement in art activities does not always lead to personal gain. rather, it is how projects are delivered, the environment in which they take place and the conversations that occur that provide the intermediate indicators of perceived benefits.

Social bonding and bridging there is a wealth of evidence to suggest that art projects can build community cohesion and social capital through shared artistic expression (parr 2006, White

2006). these findings are significant because the relationship between healthy development and wellbeing is intrinsically linked to the senses of belonging and meaning within larger social and community groups (Baumeister and leary 1995).

for example, flanagan (2003) has found, in an extensive study of youth civic engagement, that communities are arenas for developing ‘transcendent selves’ and for valuing communal and civic life. moreover, although social capital themes are less developmental in character, they share the assumption that wellbeing is dependent on community connectedness and participation (Whitlock 2007).

While the young people in this study engaged with their local community, they referred more frequently to their experiences of engaging with one another, highlighting the difference between concepts of social bonding and social bridging. this finding is similar to that of parr’s (2006) study, in which participants in an art and wellbeing project were found to have reflected mainly on their sense of belonging in the art group, rather than on their sense of connectedness with wider society.

While some authors have viewed social bonding as isolating because it restricts the formation of wider social bridging (Campbell et al 1999, mcKenzie and harpham 2006), it is important to consider the opportunities that young people have to bond with their peers. studies have found that schools form important communities for young people, and the time they spend with friends at school is linked to their sense of belonging (morrow 2001, 2004).

as a result, if the social networks that young people develop in school are considered to constitute social bonding, those who are excluded from school may lack a sense of belonging. their involvement in community art projects can be considered vital in providing them with opportunities to engage with one another, and may replace that lost sense of belonging.

Study limitations it is important to recognise that the aim of this study was to explore a community art project by focusing on its unique circumstances, dynamics and complexities. to this end, the sample size was deliberately small so participants’ experiences could be explored in depth (Bowling 2002).

it should be recognised, however, that the small sample size limits the study and raises questions about whether the findings are applicable to similar projects. it is also necessary to consider the influence the researcher may have had on participants, and the possibility that they wanted to please the researcher.

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Conclusionif community art and health projects are to promote inclusion, social capital and reintegration, opportunities for such projects must be developed away from statutory services to engender a sense of social integration. this is significant because, while diagnosis of a mental health problem and being seen as a ‘service user’ may secure access to such projects for many people, they also carry the potential for some individual of being labelled, stigmatised and discriminated against (sayce 2000).

furthermore, while there is evidence that the government is committed to mental health promotion (dh 1999, 2004), the money available for implementing its strategies is, understandably, allocated to statutory services. as a result, community art and health projects are often funded from arts budgets and those who run community-based, non-statutory art projects are often keen to work with statutory services.

in the same way, mental health nurses must recognise the importance of joined-up working with non-statutory services to promote the social inclusion of the individuals with whom they work.

this study has identified the personal and social benefits of art, including enjoyment, achievement, interacting with peers and engaging with the wider community. these benefits reflect the hopeful nature of artistic expression and the potential that community art projects have in promoting feelings of self-worth and a sense of belonging.

the findings of the project reveal an interesting relationship between the employees’ enthusiasm for community arts projects and the young people’s experience of an art project at a grass-roots level. this reflects the uniqueness of individual projects in terms of how they are delivered and the relationships they encompass.

however, while the relationship between art and health remains inconclusive and subject to criticism, there continues to be growing interest in the area and in particular in the role of art in community development.

this study reflects the importance of exploring community art projects at grass-roots level and the relevance of hearing the voices of those who participate in such projects.

The article has been checked using antiplagiarism software

For author guidelines visit the Mental Health Practice home page at www.mentalhealthpractice.co.uk For related articles visit our online archive and search using the keywords

AcknowledgementsThe Young People’s art project featured in this article was delivered by City Arts in Nottingham

Rachel Hadland is staff nurse, Mildred Creak Unit, Great Ormond Street Hospital

Theodore Stickley is associate professor of mental health, School of Nursing, University of Nottingham

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