collapse of the weimar republic - mistakes and weaknesses of nazi opponents
TRANSCRIPT
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Mistakes and weaknesses of the Nazis’ opponents
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There were numerous factors which helped the Nazis achieve
power, including mistakes made by groups that could
have otherwise stopped Hitler.
In particular, the SPD/KPD played a role, as did
Chancellors Bruning, Papen and Schleicher, as well as
President Hindenburg.
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KPD/SPD
The 1919 Spartacist Uprising led to a fallout between the two
main left parties in Germany:
• Communist Party (KPD)
• Social Democrats (SPD)
This split meant that the two would never again cooperate,
dividing the German Left.
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Much of Germany’s elite was opposed to Communism,
partly due to its ideologies and also the street violence that
they often engaged in.
The KPD never gained more than 20% of the vote, however it could have worked with the
SPD to form a government, but refused to do so.
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The problems this divide caused were most relevant in
the 1925 presidential election.
Left and Centre groups supported Wilhelm Marx,
whilst the Right backed Paul von Hindenburg. The
Communists stood their own candidate (Ernst Thalmann),
splitting the Left vote.
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In the second run-off ballot Hindenburg won with 48.3% of the vote, narrowly beating Marx with 45.3%. However
Thalmann got 6.4%.
If Marx rather than Hindenburg had been elected,
this may have changed how the government was run, and stopped Hitler taking power.
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The Soviet Union also had a strong influence. Many people that might have voted for the Communists were put off by their USSR
links. In addition the Soviets were also against working with Socialists, who they saw as impeding revolution.
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Heinrich Bruning
Bruning can be accused of inadvertently helping the Nazis
in three ways.
As Chancellor, Bruning struggled to get Reichstag
agreement and so relied on Article 48 decrees. This
created the precedent to allow others to do the same.
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The difficult of dealing with the Reichstag led Bruning to call
early elections, for September 1930. He hoped
this would solidify his position.
Instead however it saw a rise in extremist support – especially
for the Nazis – that made it even harder to govern, again
undermining confidence.
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Bruning's economic policies may also have helped boost
extremist support.
Some historians accuse him of deliberately using the economic crisis to force through his own beliefs (such as ending social
welfare). However this in turn caused anger in Germany, and
helped a Nazi surge.
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Franz von Papen
Papen did not support the idea of genuine democracy.
His government did not feature any members of the Reichstag, and so alienated any possibility
of their support.
His ‘government by decree’ again gave Hitler a future
precedent.
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Papen lifted the ban on the SA, which had limited some of the
Nazis’ work.
Papen also agreed to early elections – following a demand from Hitler – and the July 1932 election saw further Nazi gains, as well as subsequent demands
from Hitler to be made Chancellor.
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Papen’s actions in taking control of the Prussian state
government also boosted Hitler. The Left’s lack of
opposition to this hurt morale.
In addition it meant that Chancellor Hitler also ruled the
Prussian state, and used this precedent to take control of
others.
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Kurt von Schleicher
Schleicher has a major role in the Nazis’ rise to power.
Schleicher played a background role in the removal of Bruning
and Papen from power, by speaking to President
Hindenburg behind the scenes. These changes greatly unsettled
the Weimar regime.
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Schleicher also believed himself to be the strong leader
that Germany needed, but could not unite people behind
his ideas.
He angered the elite with his land reform proposals, and also failed to get the Left to back his views. Hindenburg also refused his request to rule by decree.
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Schleicher also missed a chance to boost his government’s
popularity.
On 20 January 1933, the Nazis’ asked to send the Reichstag into recess until a budget could be
presented (in the early Spring). However Schleicher wanted
only a short recess (ending 31 January).
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Schleicher wanted early elections, which Hindenburg
refused. He planned to resign but did agree a new public
works programme.
Due to influence from others – including Papen – Hindenburg decided to remove Schleicher
from power. This paved the way for Hitler to take power.
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Schleicher's error was in timing. His public works programme
began to have a positive impact in early-Spring, but Hitler got
credit for this.
If Schleicher had agreed to a longer Reichstag recess, it could have lifted some of the pressure
on him, and left him in a stronger position, including
with Hindenburg.
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Paul von Hindenburg
Hindenburg’s increasing use of presidential decrees gave
Hitler the precedent to do this when Chancellor.
However in simpler – and more important – terms,
Hindenburg’s most basic error was that he underestimated
Hitler’s abilities.
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Hindenburg did not respect Hitler – describing him as that
“Bohemian corporal” and regarding him as an “upstart” – but struggled to control him.
As more and more of Germany’s elite wanted Hitler in power, Hindenburg believed
he could do this and still control Hitler.
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Eventually Hindenburg agreed to make Hitler the Chancellor,
with Papen as Vice-Chancellor.
Hindenburg believed that Hitler would have to work with the
German elite, and reign in his extreme instincts. Papen even
said of Hitler that they had “hired him.” Both men were
proven wrong.
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It has also been suggested that Hindenburg appointed Hitler
for his own benefit.
A Reichstag investigation into the misuse of government
funds in the Osthilfe (Help for the East) programme was examining the President’s
estate (Neudeck). Hindenburg may have believed that Hitler would end the investigation.
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In many ways Hindenburg’s problems were caused not by misjudgements but old age.
Hindenburg was well into his 80s when Hitler took power and
had never wanted to stand for election a second time. However when he did so he did not have
the energy to deal with the job’s demands, and some historians
have said he was senile.
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Historians’ views
• Conan Fischer: The success of the Nazis was due to the elites miscalculating the influence and impact of Hitler.
• Mary Fulbrook: By 1933 most members of the elite wanted an authoritarian government and did not see Hitler as a danger.
• Ian Kershaw: Chance events and conservative miscalculation were more important than Hitler in the Nazis achieving power.
• Eugene Anderson: An elite group of Germans put the Nazis into power, wrongly believing that they could control them.