childhood depression

CHAPTER FOUR

Child hood Depression Constance Hammen

Karen D. Rudolph

ithin a period of less than 20 years, sev- ment and classification, in etiology and course, w era1 prevailing myths about depressive disorders and in treatment. The publication in 1983 ofAf in children and adolescents have been exposed fective Disorders in Childhood and Adolescence, and refuted, while an explosion of interest in the edited by Cantwell and Carlson, and in 1986 of topic has led to a proliferation of theoretical and Depression in Young People, edited by Rutter, empirical developments. The myths included the Izard, and Read, indicated that some of the key idea that depression in children didn't exist at all; figures in childhood psychopathology had turned or that it was merely a transitory or developmen- their focus on childhood depression. Subsequent tally normal state; or that it was most typically years have found a huge growth in the research expressed indirectly, masked by "depression literature on the topic as both its practical and equivalents" such as somatic complaints, behav- theoretical importance have become apparent. ioral disruptions, or school difficulties. The goal of this chapter is to review the state

It is well-known that psychoanalytic theories of knowledge in several areas: characterization of viewed depression in children as an impossibility childhood and adolescent depression, discussion because of lack of suffic-er- of its course and epidemiology, and consideration e g o w m g g n inward against of models of etiology and supporting evidence. t T s e l f (Rochlin, 1959). Later, Lefkowitz and As we shall see, diagnostic methods and etiologi- Burton (1978) concluded that evidence of early cal models originally imported from the adult depression was "insufficient and insubstantial." depression field have provided starting points, Eventually, however, researchers began to dem- but they are not wholly sufficient to capture im- onstrate that children of all ages may show fea- portant elements of childhood depression. tures of the syndrome of depression (reviewed in Cantwell & Carlson, 1983), that it may be ex- tremely impairing, and that if we examine for it DEFl N l NG CH l LD H OOD in children who may have been referred for treat- DEPRESS I 0 N ment of disruptive behavior problems, it is not masked and may simply have been overlooked Joey is a 10-year-old boy whose mother and (e.g., Carlson & Cantwell, 1980). teacher have shared their concerns about his ir-

Thus, from its origins as aproblem that did not ritability and temper tantrums displayed both at exist--or did not matter--childhood depression home and at school. With little provocation, he has emerged as an issue at the forefront of de- bursts into tears and yells and throws objects. In velopmental psychopathology. It is a problem that class he seems to have difficulty concentrating stimulates enormous interest in issues of assess- and seems easily distracted. Increasingly shunned

154 1 Ill. EMOTIONAL AND SOCIAL DISORDERS

by his peers, he plays by himself at recess-and disruptive behaviors-gave rise to the erroneous at home, spends most of his time in his room belief that depression is "masked." Third, there watching TV. His mother notes that he has been are a few features of the syndrome of depression, sleeping poorly and has gained 10 pounds over such as irritable mood, that are more likely to the past couple of months from constant snack- be typical of children than of adults, leading to ing. A consultation with the school psychologist age-specific modifications of the diagnostic cri- has ruled out learning disabilities or attention- teria. Additionally, as we discuss below, certain deficit disorder; instead, she says, he is a deeply features of depression are more typical at differ- unhappy child who expresses feelings of worth- ent ages. lessness and hopelessness-and even a wish that Depressive disorders in children and adoles- he would die. These experiences probably began cents are diagnosed with the same criteria as about 6 months ago when his father-divorced adults. Thus, for example, the fourth edition of from the mother for several years-remarried Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Dis- and moved to another town where he spends far orders (DSM IV; American Psychiatric Associa- less time with Joey. tion, 1994) and the 10th edition of the Znterna-

tional Classijication of Diseases (ICD-10; World

Diagnostic Criteria Health Organization, 1993) give criteria for major depressive episode and dysthymia that are to

The case of Joey is intended to illustrate three be used for both adults and children. As shown keys issues about the diagnosis of depression in Table 4.1, the two diagnostic systems use simi- in youngsters. One is that the same criteria used lar criteria for major depression (e.g., either de- for adults can be applied and that the essential pressed mood or equivalent or loss of interest or features of the depression syndrome are as rec- pleasure plus additional specific symptoms), with ognizable in children as in adults (Carlson & a duration of at least 2 weeks. Dysthymic disor- Cantwell, 1980; Mitchell, McCauley, Burke, & der is a diagnosis of persistent, chronic depres- Moss, 1988). Second, because children's exter- sive symptoms, with a duration of at least 1 year nalizing or disruptive behaviors attract more at- (in adults, duration is at least 2 years). According tention or are more readily expressed, compared to a recent study of dysthymic disorder in chil- to internal, subjective suffering, depression is dren, it differs from major depression primarily sometimes overlooked. It may not be recognized, in the emphasis on gloomy thoughts and other or it might not be assessed. As we note in a later negative affect, with fewer symptoms such as section, "Definitional and Diagnostic Issues," the anhedonia, social withdrawal, fatigue, and re- high level of comorbidity in childhood depres- duced sleep and poor appetite (Kovacs, Akiskal, sion+specially that involving conduct and other Gatsonis, & Parrone, 1994).

TABLE 4.1. Diagnostic Criteria for Depressive Disorders

ICD-10 DSM IV

Note: General diagnostic criteria and clinical features are specified, but the following are the more precisely defined diagnostic criteria for research (for depressive episode and dysthymia).

Depressive episode

A. Symptoms must be present for at least 2 weeks; the person did not meet criteria for mania or hypomania at any time.

B. (1) Depressed mood most of the day and almost every day, uninfluenced by circumstances;

(2) loss of interest or pleasure in activities that are normally pleasurable;

(3) increased fatiguability or decreased energy.

C. (1) Loss of confidence or self-esteem;

Major Depressive Episode

A. Five (or more) of the following symptoms during the same %week period; at least one of the symptoms is depressed mood or loss of interest or pleasure.

(1) depressed mood most of the day, nearly every day as indicated by subjective report or observation by others. Note: In children and adolescents, can be irritable mood.

(2) markedly diminished interest or pleasure in all or almost all activities most of the day, nearly every day (as indicated by subjective account or observation by others).

(3) significant weight loss when not dieting or weight gain (e.g., a change of more than 5% body weight in a month), or decrease or

4. Childhood Depression 1 155

TABLE 4.1. (continued)

ICD-10 DSM IV

(2) unreasonable feelings of self-reproach or increase in appetite nearly every day. Note. In excessive and inappropriate guilt; children consider failure to make expected

(3) recurrent thoughts of death or suicide, or any weight gains. suicldal behaviour; (4) insomnia or hypersomnia nearly every day.

(4) complaints or evidence of diminished ability to (5) psychomotor agitation or retardation nearly think or concentrate, such as indecisiveness or every day (observable by others). vacillation; (6) fatigue or loss of energy nearly every day.

(5) change in psychomotor activity, with agitation (7) feelings of worthlessness or excessive or or retardation (either subjective or objective); inappropriate guilt nearly every day.

(6) sleep disturbance of any type; (8) diminished ability to think or concentrate, or (7) change in appetite (decrease or increase) with indecisiveness, nearly every day (either

corresponding weight change. subjective or observed by others).

Note: Depressive episodes may be diagnosed as mild (at (9) recurrent thoughts of death (not just fear of

least two from B plus at least two from C for a total of at dying), recurrent suicidal ideation without a

least four), moderate (at least two from B plus three or four specific plan, or a suicide attempt or a specific

from C for a total of at least six), severe without psychotic plan for committing suicide.

features (all three from B plus at least five from C for a Major Depressive Episode (unipolar) can be further total of at least eight; no hallucinations, delusions, or de- specified as mild, moderate, severe (based on pressive stupor), or severe with psychotic features (all three functional impairment and severity of symptoms), with from B plus at least five from C for a total of at least eight; or without psychotic features, with or without presence of stupor, hallucinations, or delusions). melancholic features, whether or not recurrent, or

Depressive episodes may also be rated for the presence chronic, or absence of a "somatic syndrome" consisting of at least four of eight "melancholic" symptoms. If there has been at least ~ ~ ~ t h ~ i ~ ~ i ~ ~ ~ d ~ ~ one previous episode of depression, the diagnosis is recur-

A. Depressed mood for most of the day, for more rent depressive disorder (mild, moderate, or severe type). days than not, as indicated either by subjective

Dysthymia account or observation by others, for at least 2 years. Note: In children and adolescents, mood A. There must be a period of at least 2 years of

constant or constantly recurring depressed mood. can be irritable and duration must be at least

Intervening periods of normal mood rarely last for 1 year.

longer than a few weeks, and there are no B. Presence, while depressed, of two or more of the episodes of hypomania. following:

B. None, or very few, individual episodes within the (1) poor appetite or overeating 2-year period are sufficiently severe or long- (2) insomnia or hypersomnia lasting to meet criteria for recurrent mild (3) low energy or fatigue depressive disorder. (4) low self-esteem

C. During at least some of the periods of depression (5) poor concentration or difficulty making

at least three of the following should be present: decisions (6) feelings of hopelessness

(1) reduced energy or activity; (2) insomnia; C. During the period of depression, the person has

(3) loss of self-confidence or feelings of never been without symptoms in A or B for more

inadequacy; than 2 months at a time. Also, the disturbance

(4) difficulty in concentrating; must not be better accounted for by chronic Major

(5) frequent tearfulness; Depressive Disorder (or Major Depressive

(6) loss of interest in or enjoyment of sex and Disorder in partial remission)-i.e., no Major

other pleasurable activities; Depressive Disorder in the first 2 years of the

(7) feeling of hopelessness or despair; disturbance (1 year for children and adolescents).

(8) a perceived inability to cope with the routine responsibilities of everyday life;

(9) pessimism about the future or brooding over the past;

(10) social withdrawal; (11) reduced talkativeness.

Note ICD-10 criteria adapted from World Health Organization (1993, pp. 81-85, 8%89). Copynght 1993 by the World Health Organization. Adapted by permission. DSM-IV criteria adapted from American Psychiatric Association (1994, pp. 327,349). Copy- right 1994 by the American Psychiatric Association Adapted by permission.


Age-Specific Diagnostic Criteria drome of depression in youngsters, Goodyer and and Developmental Features Cooper (1993) found that 80% of their sample of

11- to 16-year-old girls with major depressive The only formal modification of adult criteria episode reported irritability, and Ryan et al. involves recognition by DSM-IV that imtability (1987) observed or anger in 838 of a may be a significant feature of child and adoles- child and adolescent clinic sample. cent depression, and irritable mood may be sub- Table 4.2 presents frequency of Research stituted for depressed mood. This adjustment to Diagnostic Criteria symptoms in clinic- the diagnostic criteria recognizes both that irri-

referred child and adolescent samples diagnosed tability is a common expression of distress in de- with major depressive episode, based on data pressed youngsters-as shown in the case of Joey-and that young depressed children may

collected by Mitchell et al. (1988). These rates of specific diagnostic symptoms are quite similar to

not express subjective negative affect, as dis- those reported by Ryan et al. (1987) in their pre- cussed lurther As an of the fie- pubertal and pubertal samples ofyoungsters with quency of irritability as a symptom of the syn-

major depressive episode. Table 4.2 shows that, in general, rates of symptoms for the two age

TABLE 4.2. Percentages of Depressed Subjects groups are relatively similar. Mitchell et al. (1988) Endorsing K-SADS Symptoms report that depressed adolescents have a signifi-

cantly higher rate of hypersomnia than depressed

62 92 There may be other developmental differences in the kinds of symptoms most likely to be present in the depression syndrome. Young depressed children, especially preschoolers and preadoles-

Insomnia 82 64 cents, are unlikely to report subjective dysphoria and hopelessness (e.g., Ryan et al., 1987) but,

18 48 32 instead, show depressed appearance (e.g., Carl- son & Kashani, 1988). In adolescence, by contrast, depressed mood is commonly reported by more than 90% of those with major depression

Suicide attempts 39 39 (e.g., Mitchell et al., 1988; Ryan et al., 1987). Also, younger depressed children are more likely to have physically unjustified or exaggerated somatic

68 59 complaints (Kashani & Carlson, 1987; Ryan et al.,

Unrelated to events Lack of reactivity of depression 98 1987). In a community sample, depression symp-

toms were more associated with com-

Excessive worrying 76 86 plaints among 12-year-olds than they were for 17-year-olds (Kashani, Rosenberg, & Reid, 1989). Younger children, as noted above, also

Somatic complaints 77 78 show more irritability, uncooperativeness, apathy, Social wthdrawal 78 73 and disinterest (Kashani, Holcomb, & Orvaschel, Low self-esteem 93 94 1986).

In addition to the comparisons of depressed children and adolescents by Ryan et al. (1987)

Delusions 13 6 and Mitchell et al. (1988), two studies compared the symptoms of depressed youngsters and

Note All differences statlstlcally lnsign~ficant except hyper- adults. overall, several symptoms increase with somnln (p c .05 for hypersomn~a) From M~tchell, McCauley, Burke, & Moss (1988, p 14) Copynght 1988 by Willrams & age: anhedonia, psychomotor retardation, and Wllk~ns Reprinted by permission diurnal variation; whereas several decrease with


age: depressed appearance, somatic complaints, depressed children and adolescents are less com- and poor self-esteem (Carlson & Kashani, 1988). mon (e.g., 7% in Chambers et al., 1982), although Comparing combined child-adolescent groups investigators note the difficulty in obtaining ac- with a sample of adults, Mitchell et al. (1988) curate information from children. found similar differences for self-esteem, somatic With respect to endogenous symptomatology, complaints, and diurnal variation and also found Ryan et al. (1987) reported that 48% of their that adult depressed patients report less guilt and prepubertal sample and 51% of the adolescent more early morning awakening and weight loss sample had symptoms such as lack of reactivity, than do depressed youngsters. dlstinct quality of mood, diurnal variation, and the

The increased presence of vegetative, melan- like. Presence of the endogenous type of depres- cholic symptoms in adults could be due to more sion may predict aworse course with shorter time severe depression in the comparison adult (inpa- to relapse (McCauley et al., 1993). In addition, a tient) sample compared to the child samples that certain number of depressed youngsters dis- were a mixture of inpatients and outpatients. play--or are seen to experience during follow- Analyses of self-reported depressive symptoms up-manic or hypomanic symptoms suggestive (e.g., measured on the Children's Depression of bipolar disorder. For instance, Strober et al. Inventory [CD I]; Kovacs, 1980) similarly suggest (1993) observed that 28% of the psychotic, de- developmental differences. For example, Weiss pressed adolescent inpatients "switched to bipo- et al. (1991a, 1991b) found vegetative symptoms lar disorder during a %year follow-up. Ryan et al. loaded with negative affect in factor analyses (1987) found that 4% of each of their prepuber- in adolescence but not in childhood. Overall, tal and pubertal depressed samples met criteria despite these few age-related differences, most for mania or hypomania, and the figure was 8% investigators have concluded that the adult in the Mitchell et al. (1988) study. According to criteria for depression may validly be applied to longitudinal data collected over a period of up to youngsters. 12 years, 13% of early-onset dysthymic children

In addition to presentation of depressive symp- and 15% of those with initial major depressive toms, patterns of comorbid disorders are also episode developed bipolar disorder (Kovacs et al., likely to be somewhat different at different ages. 1994). For instance, depressed children (and young In addition to the specific diagnostic criteria for adolescents) are more likely than depressed older depressive disorders, there are several other symp- adolescents to display separation anxiety disor- toms frequently seen in children and adolescents. ders, whereas adolescents report more eating Social withdrawal, for example, is common-re- disorders and substance use disorders (e.g., ported as a correlate of depressive symptoms in a Fleming& Offord, 1990). Other kinds of anxiety community sample (Kashani et al., 1989), occur- disorders and disruptive behavioral disorders ring in 93% to 100% of groups of depressed girls appear to coexist with depression for both chil- ranging between 11 and 16 years (Goodyer &

I dren and adolescents. We explore the issue of Cooper, 1993), and in 76% of the Mitchell et al. comorbidity more fully in later sections. (1988) sample. We discuss social functioning fur-

ther in a later section, "Behavioral/Interpersonal Theories." Excessive worrying and other anxiety

Additional Diagnostic Features symptoms (e.g., Goodyer & Cooper, 1993; Mit- Like adult depression, childhood depression chell et al., 1988) are common, as are oppositional sometimes includes psychotic symptoms and and conduct problems. Indeed, the likelihood of endogenous (melancholic) features. Hallucina- comorbid anxiety and disruptive behavior disorder tions-especially auditory-were observed in diagnoses is very high (e.g., 60-70%), and we dis- 48% of a depressed sample of preadolescent cuss the matter of comorbidity in greater detail patients (Chambers, Puig-Antich, Tabrizi, & below. Somatic symptoms and bodily complaints Davies, 1982) and among 31% of the Mitchell et are also frequently associated with depression, as al. (1988) sample. Also, 31% of the Strober, Lam- noted above, and problems with self-esteem-and pert, Schmidt, and Morrell(1993) sample of ado- in adolescent girls, distress over negative bodyim- lescent depressed inpatients were diagnosed as a g e a r e also coinmon associated symptoms psychotic. These rates are higher than those typi- of depression (e.g., Allgood-Merten, Lewinsohn, cally reported for adult depressed patients (e.g., & Hops, 1990; Petersen, Sarigiani, & Kennedy, 9% in Mitchell et al., 1988). Delusions among 1991).


Suicidal thoughts and attempts are among the Achenbach, 1991). Each constellation of symp- diagnostic criteria for major depression. Suicidal toms occurs together as a recognizable and sta- ideation is quite common in depressed young- tistically coherent pattern, and the anxious/de- sters: in 67% of a small sample of preschoolers pressed cluster identified in recent years may be (Kashani & Carlson, 1987), 60% to 67% in pre- rated by the child or adolescent, parents, and pubertal depressed children, and 61% to 68% in teachers on the Child Behavior Checklist, Youth adolescents (Mitchell et al., 1988; Ryan et al., Self-Report, or Teacher Report Form (Achen- 1987). Actual suicidal attempts occurred in 39% bach & Edelbrock, 1978; Achenbach, 1991). The of the preadolescent and adolescent samples of items that clustered together, named as the anx- Mitchell et al. (1988), with 6% to 12% of the Ryan ious/depressed syndrome, include the following: et al. (1987) child and adolescent samples mak- lonely, cries a lot, fears impulses, perfectionism, ing moderate or severe attempts. These rates feels unloved, feels persecuted, feels worthless, appear to be higher among depressed youngsters nervous, fearful, guilty, self-conscious, suspicious, than among depressed adults (e.g., Mitchell et al., unhappy, and worries. This definition of depres- 1988). Suicidality is not restricted to depressed sion is an empirical one, and it makes no assump- youth, however, often occurring among those tions about a particular model of cause or status. with substance use disorders and impulsive be- Depression as defined by the third approach, havior disorders, and may be greatly affected by diagnosis of a disorder, refers to the presence social environmental factors (such as a friend's or of a set of currently agreed-upon indicators of a publicized suicide) as well as by depression as disease embodied in a categorical diagnostic sys- such (e.g., Lewinsohn, Rohde, & Seeley, 1994). tem such as DSM-IV (American Psychiatric Indeed, the correlates and predictors of child- Association, 1994) or ICD-10 (World Health hood, or especially adolescent suicidality, repre- Organization, 1992). This model assumes that sent an extensive body of work beyond the scope there are specific disorders with relatively distinct of this chapter, but see Berman and Jobes (1991) boundaries. for further discussion. One of the implications of the different uses

of the term depression (and the associated assessment methods) is whether depression is best con-

DEFINITIONAL AND strued as a dimension or a category. To some DIAGNOS'TIC ISSUES extent, as we note later, the finding of high levels

of comorbidity of childhood depression is an ar- Confusion sometimes arises in the childhood tifact of a categorical method of defining disor- depression field, as it does with adult depression, ders (e.g., present or absent, this one or that one). because of different usages of the term "depres- If depression is viewed as a dimension, then in- sion" and associated difference~ in methods of dividuals differ mainly by degree regardless of assessment. For example, in studies ofchildhood whether or not they might also have other symp- and adolescent depression, the term is variously toms. Thus, occurrence of depressive symptoms used to identify those with depressed mood, those along with other disorders would not be unex- with a constellation of mood and other symptoms pected in a dimensional perspective. forming a syndrome, or those with a set of symptoms meeting official diagnostic criteria for a Sources of Information depressive disorder. This distinction among mood, syndrome, and disorder has been dis- in Defining Depression cussed extensively elsewhere (e.g., Compas, Ey, An issue that arises above and beyond the ques- & Grant, 1993). Each view of depression repre- tion of the different meanings ofthe term depres- sents somewhat different assumptions and assess- sion is the matter of informants for depression. ment procedures. For instance, mood measures It is well known that, in general, subjects them- refer to depression as a symptom indicating the selves, parents, peers, and teachers may give dis- presence of sad mood or unhappiness and are crepant reports of symptomatology (Achenbach, typically rated by self-report on scales. Depres- McConaughy, & Howell, 1987). This compli- sion as a syndrome (or more accurately, an anx- cation arises in child and adolescent depression ious/depressed syndrome) has emerged from the (e.g., Costello et al., 1988) and gives rise to two multivariate statistical methods of assessing child- important issues. One is how to obtain the most hood emotional and behavioral problems (e.g., valid picture of the existence of depression, and

4. Childhood Depression I 159

the other is the question ofwhether mothers who froin comparable perspectives and comparing are themselves depressed give negatively biased depressed and nondepressed women. Of those reports of their children's symptomatology. studies, none supported the idea that depressed ,Jc

The first question ofvalid diagnosis is typically women perceive more problem behaviors than J resolved by using multiple informants and meth- actually exist-and two of the studies found that (.J ods (e.g., Puig-Antich, Chambers, & Tabrizi, depressed women were actually more accurate in ((! 1983; Rutter, 1986). Most diagnostic methods detecting true disorders in their children than of assessing depression, such as the Schedule were nondepressed women (Conrad & Hammen, for Affective Disorders and Schizophrenia for 1989; Weissman et al., 1987). School-Aged Children (K-SADS: Chambers et al., 1985) or Diagnostic Interview Schedule Continuity of Self-Reported for Children (DISC: Costello, Edelbrock, Dul-

and Diagnosable Depression can, Kalas, & Klaric, 1984; revised DISC: Shaf- fer, Fisher, Piacentini, Schwab-Stone, & Wicks, Another key issue that emerges in childhood 1989), prescribe separate interviews for the child depression research using the various definitions and a parent. The manner of combining the in- and indicators of depression is whether they formation may differ from method to method or are measuring the same thing but at different project to project. The DISC, for example, is a levels of severity and specificity. Thus, when we highly structured interview administered by present studies based on self-reports on question- trained lay persons rather than clinicians, and it naires such as the Children's Depression Inven- frequently uses a computer-based scoring algo- tory (Kovacs, 1980) or Center for Epidemiologi- rithm for combining information about diagnos- cal Studies-Depression (CES-D: Radloff, 1977) tic criteria. The K-SADS, administered by clini- scores, are those results applicable to the phe- cians, commonly uses a "best clinical guess" nomena of depression that are studied in a clini- method, combining information from the child cally diagnosed community or treatment sample? and the parent but weighted by the type of infor- One approach to this issue has been detailed mation given, according to clinicians' judgment. by Compas et al. (1993) with respect to adoles- Internal symptoms such as depressed feelings and cent depressive phenomena. They review stud- negative thoughts, for example, cannot readily be ies of the correspondence among measures of detected by parents, and therefore the child's symptom, syndrome, and disorder and develop report might be given greater weight in a diag- a sequential and hierarchical model of the inter- nosis of depression. Certain kinds of conduct relationships among them. They argue that the might also be hidden from parents (e.g., sub- symptom of depressed mood is the broadest and stance abuse), resulting in greater weight given most nonspecific indicator (with a point preva- to the youth's report. Other kinds of conduct lence of 1 5 4 0 % in adolescents); most such problems such as lying, having problems sustain- youngsters do not display a depressive syndrome, ing attention, and the like might be more readily but a subset (approximately 5-6% of the total reported by parents than children. population) are classified as high scorers on the

The other issue concerning informants is the anxious/depressed syndrome of the Achenbach question of whether there might be systematic taxonomic approach. A further subset of these biases in the reports of certain informants. Spe- individuals (maybe 1-3% of the total population)

I cifically, some research has suggested that rela- meet diagnostic criteria for a depressive disorder. tively depressed women might actually distort or The three conditions share negative affectivity exaggerate reports of their children's behavior as but differ in their symptom constellations, with more negative than it actually is. However, a re- the anxious/depressed syndrome including anxi- view of 22 studies by Richters (1992) found that ety symptoms that are not part of a purely de-

I such claims were based largely on inadequate pressed mood, whereas depressive disorders in- designs, including simple associations between clude somatic and vegetative symptoms that are mothers' and children's symptoms that could not included in the mood or syndrome definitions

J actually be accurate given the common finding of depression (Compas et al., 1993). The authors of disorders in offspring of depressed women. further argue that the transition from depressed Only a small number of studies were located that mood to a depressive syndrome is mediated by were appropriate to test the question by includ- dysregulation of biological, stress, andlor coping ing objective measures of children's behaviors processes. In short, these authors emphasize both

I I

160 / Ill. EMOTIONAL AND SOCIAL DISORDERS

continuity and discontinuity in the different experiences of depression and urge further research that includes all three levels of assessment, lon-

, gitudinal analysis of the unfolding of the hypothesized sequence, and analyses of the implications of different levels of symptom expression.

A somewhat different approach to the continuity issue is to compare the characteristics of those who score high on symptoms by self-report but who do not meet diagnostic criteria (false positives) with those who score high and who meet diagnostic criteria (true positives). Gotlib, Lewinsohn, and Seeley (1995) compared such groups of adolescents in the Oregon community study. They found that although the false-positive group did not at- tain diagnostic status, they were similar to the true- positive group on most measures of cognitive and psychosocial dysfunction, and they were significantly more impaired than nondepressed subjects (true negatives). Moreover, the nondiagnosed high-scorers were significantly more likely than true negatives to receive a psychiatric diagnosis in the subsequent 12-month period-especially major depressive episode and substance abuse. Subsequent diagnosable psychopathology occurred among the false-positive adolescents even after controlling for past history of depression. These findings-and others indicating impairment of functioning in groups identified only by high levels of depression scores on self-report measures- certainly suggest that elevated symptom levels are on the same scale as diagnosed depression but less severe.

As we have argued elsewhere with respect to the continuity issue in adult depression (Gotlib & Hammen, 1992), elevated scores alone do not necessarily provide comparability to diagnosed cases of depression. It is likely that duration and impairment of functioning are the variables that account for continuity between elevated scorers and clinically diagnosed cases. This may be even more the case in childhood and early adolescent depression, where even moderate symptoms may disrupt normal developmental processes contrib- uting to impairment of functioning, and where syndromes are less distinct and boundaries less clear. Thus, even somewhat elevated scores for children-if they indicate protracted distress and are accompanied by impaired functioning-may be on the same continuum as clinical cases.

Comorbidity

The co-occurrence of multiple disorders is so common in youngsters as to challenge the con-

ventional assumption of discrete conditions. Nowhere is c ~ r n ~ r b i d i t y or covariation of symptoms more obvious and challenging than in childhood depression (Hammen & Compas, 1994). Although one might expect to find greater comorbidity in clinic-referred sainples if the presence of multiple problems increases the likelihood of treatment-seeking, even community samples show rates of comorbid conditions that significantly exceed rates that would be expected if separate disorders occurred together by chance alone (Caron & Rutter, 1991).

How significant is the issue of comorbidity? Angold and Costello (1993) recently reviewed six community studies and found that the presence of de~ression in children and adolescents

I

increased the probability of finding another disorder by at least 20 times. For example, Rohde, Lewinsohn, and Seeley (1991) reported a 42% comorbidity rate among adolescents diagnosed with depression in their large community study, and studies of clinical samples of depressed children and youth have found even higher rates (e.g., Kovacs, Feinberg, Crouse- Novak, Paulauskas, & Finkelstein, 1984; Mitch- ell et al., 1988).

The most common comorbid conditions are anxiety disorders and disruptive behavior disorders. For instance, Kovacs (1990) reviewed studies of depressed youngsters and concluded that 30% to 75% had diagnosable anxiety disorders. Brady and Kendall(1992) found up to 62% comorbidity of depression and anxiety disorders in their review. Kovacs, Paulauskas, Gatson- is, and Richards (1988) found that anxiety disorders develop most commonly before major depression. Comorbid anxiety disorders appear to include the full array: separation anxiety, overanxious (generalized anxiety) disorder, severe phobias, or obsessive-compulsive disorder. Kovacs (1990) speculated that sometimes anxiety and depression are actually a single disorder-although in other cases they are distinct but mark a particularly pernicious course and prognosis. In terms of depression measured as a constelIation of symptoms rather than a diagnostic disorder, Achenbach (1991) failed to find a "pure" depression syndrome emerging from prin- cipal-components analyses of reports by youth, parents, and teachers. Instead, depression symptoms loaded on a factor that also incIuded anxiety symptoms, leading to an anxious/depressed core syndrome in the current version of Achen- bach's taxonomic procedures (see also Compas et al., 1993).

4. Childhood Depression I 16 1

Depression also coexists commonly with con- terns, restlessness and poor concentration may duct/behavioral disorders, including antisocial, all occur in several different disorders). Per- oppositional, attention-deficit, and substance use haps the boundaries that have been drawn for disorders. The frequency of such combinations adults do not apply to the actual phenomenology initially created the confusion of "masked" de- of depression in children; thus, the coexistence pression. Fleming and Offord (1990) offered the of depression and anxiety, and depression and following summary of comorbid conditions in anger in youngsters may reflect the true nature their review of community studies ofdepression: of how depression is experienced and expressed 17-79% comorbid with conduct disorder, 0 5 0 % in youth (e.g., Achenbach, 1991; Renouf & Har- with oppositional defiant disorder, 0-57% with ter, 1990; see Hammen & Compas, 1994, for a attention-deficit disorder, and 23-25% with alco- more extended discussion). Early depression in hol or drug use disorder. Among specific studies, children may simply be less differentiated than for example, Rohde et al. (1991) reported a life- it is in adults, owing to different developmental time comorbimty rate of 12.1% for conduct dis- experiences. For instance, neurological immatu- order in the depressed group (compared with just rity may prevent the manifestation of symptoms 6% in nondepessed subjects). specific to particular disorders, such as pessimism

Clinical samples of depressed youngsters are or internalized negative self-referent thought, highly likely to include coexisting conduct disor- whereas maturity and learning experiences shape der (e.g., 33% reported by Puig-Antich, 1982; also self-regulatory processes. The developmental Ryan et al., 1987), 36% lifetime conduct disorder aspects of the manifestations of distress and reported by Kovacs et al. (1988), and concurrent disorder are important not only for defining de- rates of 16% in children and 14% in adolescents pression in youngsters, but also from a theoreti- reported by Mitchell et al. (1988). Both commu- cal point of view concerning the interplay of affect nity and treatment-referred sample studies also expression, regulation, and coping. report elevations in rates of comorbid substance Another implication of comorbidity is that its use disorders and attention-deficit/hyperactivity universality in depression suggests that we may disorder (e.g., Kashani et al., 1987; Keller et al., not have fully explored the correlates and conse- 1988; review by Angold & Costello, 1993). quences specifically due to depressive conditions

Studies ofnondiagnosed depressions using self- compared with those due to another condition. and other-reportedsymptom scales similarly show If most depressed children actually have mixed covariation of depression and behavior-disorder disorders, then much of the literature based

I symptoms. For instance, Cole and Carpentieri on "depressed" children may actually reflect di- (1990) found a correlation of .73 between conduct- verse disorders. This raises the need for longitu- disorder symptoms and depression, after control- dinal analysis of the course of "pure" versus mixed ling for sources of shared method variance in re- depression-internalizing or mixed depression- ports by children, parents, and peers. Similarly, externalizing disorders. How do they differ, and Quiggle, Garber, Panak, and Dodge (1992) also what are the temporal patterns and trajectories found high correlations between depression and of different combinations of disorders? aggression from various informants after control- Finally, another implication of comorbidity is ling for methodvariance. Studies based on Achen- the challenge it presents for understanding etio- bach's measures of core symptom clusters have logical and risk mechanisms of depression. On the also found that the anxious/depressed syndrome one hand, extensive comorbidity challenges the

I correlates highly with both internalizing clusters way we think about etiology, since coexistence I I

and externalizing (aggressive, attention problems) of various symptoms suggests a dynamic inter- clusters (e.g., Achenbach, 1991). play between the child's expressions and experi-

What are the implications of such high levels ences and the environment. Thus, for example, of comorbidity ofdepression with other problems we might question whether conduct disorder in children and adolescents? One is that our induces depression because of its disruptive current definitions and measures of childhood effect on peer relationships and school success or depression may not be entirely appropriate. whether depression induces (in some) conduct To some extent the comorbidity may be an arti- disorder as an expression of frustration, and anger fact of a categorical diagnostic system with overly toward the self and others? Similar examples arise narrow boundaries on the one hand but over- in considering the co-occurrence of depression lapping symptoms on the other (e.g., negative with anxiety disorders, eating disorders, and sub- mood and outlook, poor appetite and sleep pat- stance abuse. Clearly, the dynamic interplay be-


tween children's symptoms needs to be explored; we cannot simply conclude the presence of two or more disorders. The point is that the fact of comorbidity is one of several characteristics of depression in children that calls for a move away from static, intraindividual models of etiology toward more contextual and transactional models to help capture the processes of symptom development and expression over time.

On the other hand, comorbidity also creates a need to study the content of risk and causal factors in a different way than we study "pure" depression. Risk factors for different disorders might themselves occur together (e.g., parental depression associated with marital disruption). A single risk factor might be responsible for nonspecific outcomes (e.g., child maltreatment might increase risk for various symptoms). A risk factor might induce one condition that in turn leads to another condition (constitutional emotional reactivity and inhibition might lead to anxiety disorders that eventually cause depression). Certainly there are many possible complexities in studying etiological mechanisms and many candidates for risk factors that may have somewhat nonspecific consequences. The complexity of these matters is quite challenging and ultimately creates a need for sophisticated research designs and methods. It is entirely possible that the explanations for childhood-onset depression are somewhat different from those of adult-onset depression.

In summary, the issues of defining depression, measuring it, and exploring its developmental pathways present unique challenges that would seem to call for more than merely downward extensions of how we measure and define adult depression. The fact that we can employ adult criteria has ushered in an era of greater study of this important topic, but at the same time, it may have misled us into believing that the phenomena are the same and have similar consequences as adult depression.

EPIDEMIOLOGY OF CHILDHOOD DEPRESSION

Only in recent years have investigators mounted methodologically sound epidemiological surveys of childhood disorders. Despite the advantage of large and reasonably representative samples, the studies have tended to use somewhat different

methods of assessment and case identification processes (such issues and other methodological shortcomings are discussed in Fleming & Offord, 1990; see also Angold & Costello, 1993, for method differences).

Table 4.3 lists several of the largest and most comparable studies, and their reported rates of major depressive episode and dysthymic disorder. The rates reported may be further qualified by age, gender, and other sociodemographic factors as discussed later. Most of the studies report 6-month or 1-year prevalence. Collapsed across child and adolescent samples, the most frequent rates are in the 6% to 8% range for major depressive episode (the most striking exception is the Costello et al., 1988, report of 0.4% MDE for 7- to 11-year-olds). Even when diagnostic criteria are not met, subsyndromal depressive symptoms may also indicate high levels of distress. For instance, Cooper and Goodyer (1993) reported that 20.7% of their all-female sample of 11- to 16- year-olds had significant symptoms but fell short of diagnostic criteria.

Table 4.3 obscures important age-related effects: Children ages 6 to 11 have much lower rates of diagnoses of major depression (2-3%) than do adolescents (6-8%) (e.g., Angold & Rutter, 1992; Cohen et al., 1993); age differences as a function of gender are discussed further below. Rates of dysthymic disorder are variable but generally low. Depression in preschool children is apparently rare, occurring in less than 1% (Kashani & Carlson, 1987), but data in this age group are sparse, and children younger than about 7 years are typically not included in large-scale community surveys.

It should be noted that the rates of depressive disorders must be further qualified by the source of the diagnostic information. As noted earlier, children and adolescents report symptoms much more frequently than do their parents or teachers. The rates in Table 4.3 generally include information obtained from the child, but different studies used different methods of combining symptom data. Moreover, when self-report symptom scores, rather than diagnoses, are used to indicate depressive experiences, approximately 10% to 30% of adolescents exceed cutoffs for high levels (e.g., Albert & Beck, 1975; Garrison, Jackson, Mar- steller, McKeown, & Addy, 1990; Reinherz et al., 1989; Roberts, Lewinsohn, & Seeley, 1991). Other cutoffs yield even higher levels of depressive symptoms. For example, Roberts, Andrews, Lewinsohn, and Hops (1990) in the Oregon sample reported that 46% of boys and 59% of girls scored 16 or


TABLE 4.3. Epidemiological Studies of Child and Adolescent Depression

6- or 12-month prevalence of

Study Sample Method depression

Ontario Child Health Ages 4-16 Child, parent, study (Offord et a]., (n = 3,294) teacher 1987) questionnaires

(CBCL, YSR) adminsistered by interviewers

Puerto Rico Child Ages 4-16 Child and parent Epidemiologic Study (n = 386") interviewed by (Bird et a]., 1988) psychiatrist (DISC)

Dunedin, New Zealand Age 11 Child interviewed (Anderson et al., (n = 925); by psychiatrist 1987; McGee et a]., age 15 follow-up (DISC); parents, 1990) (n = 976) teachers completed

questionnaires

Pittsburgh HMO Study Ages 7-11 Child and parent (Costello et a]., 1988) (n = 300") interviewed (DISC)

New York Child Ages 9-18 Child and parent Longitudinal Study (n = 776) interviewed (DISC) (Cohen et a]., 1989)

New Jersey Study Ages 13-18 Child interviewed by (Whitaker et a]., (n = 356") clinicians (based on 1990) DSM-I11 criteria)

Northeastern U.S. Age 18 Child interviewed by Longitudinal Study follow-up clinicians (DISC) (Reinherz, Giaconia, (n = 386) Pakiz, et a]., 1993)

Oregon Adolescent Ages 14-18 Child interviewed Depression Project (n = 1,508) by clinicians (Lewinsohn, Hops, (K-SADS) eta]., 1993)

"Screened for further assessment from larger population.

5.5% DSM-111-R major depression and dysthymia (see Angold & Costello, 1993)

5.9% DSM-111 major depression or dysthymia with CGAS impairment of functioning

0.5% DSM-I11 major depression; 0.4% dysthymia at age 11 (current); 2.5% DSM-I11 major depression; 1.5% dysthymia at age 15 (current)

0.4% DSM-I11 major depression; 1.3% dysthymia

3.4% DSM-111-R major depression and dysthymia (see Angold & Costello, 1993)

4.0% DSM-I11 major depression; 4.9% dysthymia (lifetime)

6.0% DSM-111-R major depression (9.4% lifetime)

7.8% DSM-Ill-R major depression; 0.07% dysthymia

higher on the CES-D, a cutoff that typically iden- tifies 16% to 20% of the adult population. Rather than mere "adolescent turmoil," elevated self-report scores indicate impaired functioning (e.g., Lewinsohn, Hops, Roberts, Seeley, & Andrews, 1993) as well as diagnosis (Roberts et al., 1991) and later treatment seeking or hospitalization (e.g., Kandel & Davies, 1986). Taken together, both diagnoses and self-reported depressive symptoms indicate high rates of significant emotional distress in children and adolescents.

There is some evidence to suggest that the prevalence of depression in youngsters is increasing. Earlier reports of birth-cohort effects showing increased rates of major depression in those born more recently (e.g., Gershon, Hamovit, Guroff, & Nurnberger, 1987; Klerman et al., 1985) have been replicated by the Cross-National Collnbo- rative Group (1992), indicating growing rates of childhood or adolescent onset of depression among those born in more recent decades. In a birth-cohort study specifically focused on chil-


dren, Ryan and his colleagues (1992) evaluated these variables. A complete discussion is beyond siblings of peadolescent depressed and normal the scope of this chapter. Hormonal (pbertal) children and concluded that rates of depression status as such does not appear to coincide pre- are higher in'siblings born more recently for both cisely with depression level; using multiple defi- the depressed and nonpsychiatric groups. Given nitions of depression in more than 3,500 clinical the relatively restricted range of ages of the sib- cases, Angold and Rutter (1992) determined that lings, this finding provokes concern that the in- pubertal status did not affect depression when creases in depression rates in children may have age was controlled. A link between self-esteem, accelerated in only the past few years. Also, body image, and depression has been reported Lewinsohn, Rohde, Seeley, and Fischer (1993) by several investigators (e.g., Allgood-Merten reported an age-cohort effect for their adolescent e t al., 1990; Reinherz et al. 1989), suggesting sample (at least for young women) indicating a vulnerability to depression due to attaching increases in depression rates among those born self-worth to perceived value to others (see also more recently. Various analyses of the sources of Brooks-Gunn, 1988). such increased rates have generally ruled out Nolen-Hoeksema and Girgus (1994) reviewed methodological artifacts, suggesting that at least the evidence for several explanations: (1) boys some of the cause may be due to social changes and girls have the same causal factors, but such that increase vulnerability to depression. Among factors become more pevalent for girls in ado- such changes are family disruption and exposure lescence; (2) factors leading to depression are to greater stressors along with reduced access to different for boys and girls, and girls' factors resources and supports. become prevalent in adolescence; (3) gender dif-

ferences in personality styles that are diatheses

Gender Differences for depression are present before adolescence and interact with adolescent challenges that may

The only two controversies on this topic arewhen be greater for girls, to cause greater depression sex differences emerge, andwhy. The basic find- in young women. Nolen-Hoeksema and Girgus ing of higher rates of depression diagnoses and (1994) conclude that the latter hypothesis is best symptoms in girls in adolescence is well estab- supported; that girls' greater orientation toward lished (e.g., Lewinsohn, Hops, et al., 1993; sociality and cooperation, plus their more rumi- McGee, Feehan, Williams, & Anderson, 1992; native coping styles, put them at greater disad- Petersen et al., 1991; Reinherz, Giaconia, Lef- vantage in adolescence when they face somewhat kowitz, Pakiz, & Frost, 1993; Whitaker et al., greater biological and stressful role-related chal- 1990; see also reviews by Fleming & Offord, lenges than boys do. Other interpretations may 1990; Nolen-Hoeksema & Girgus, 1994). Stud- be possible, but the most important point is that ies of preadolescent children vary in their reports the phenomena of sex differences are a challenge of whether boys' and girls' rates are equal (e.g., to researchers. In view of the clear excess of fe- Angold & Rutter, 1992; Fleming, Offord, & male depression in adults (2 or 3:1), models ofthe Boyle, 1989) or boys' exceed girls' rates of depres- origns and recurrence of depression must ac- sion (e.g., Costello et al., 1988) prior to adoles- count for such gender differences and how they cence. There are also divergent findings about the apparently arise in adolescence (e.g., Gotlib & age at which adolescent girls' rates increase and Hammen, 1992). differences appear, but most studies concur that it is in early to middle adolescence (e.g., Angold & Rutter, 1992; Cohen et al., 1993; Cooper &

Social Class Effects

Goodyer, 1993; Petersen et al., 1991). Cohen Social class effects on depressive symptoms have et al. (1993), for example, reported a prevalence been well documented in adult depressive syrnp- of 7.6% in 14- to 16-year-old girls compared with toms and diagnoses. The results with children and 1.6% for boys of the same ages, with a peak in the adolescents are more mixed. Community studies age differences at 14 years. based on diagnoses by Costello et al. (1988) with

The issue of why sex differences emerge in preadolescents and by Whitaker et al. (1990) with adolescence has been explored from numerous adolescents failed to find significant dfferences perspectives, including hormonal and stress- in depression rates associated with socioeconomic coping perspectives, changing roles, and other status, although Bird et al. (1988) did find differ- psychosocial explanations and interactions among ences for combined age groups, and Reinherz,


Giaconia, Pakiz, et al. (1993) foundgreater major on rating procedures from the DSM-111) ratings depressive disorder rates in adolescents associ- reflected significant impairment defined by a ated with lower SES. Studies of symptom levels particular cutoff score in a substantial proportion rather than diagnoses have shown depression of youth with major depression (85%) and dys- linked to lower SES (e.g., Gore, Aseltine, & Col- thymic disorder (87%)-more than any other ton, 1993; Offord et al., 1992, using a broad cat- diagnosis. Similarly, Lewinsohn, Hops, et al. egory of "emotional disorder"; see also Fleming (1993) found that the Global Assessment of & Offord, 1990, for a review). Functioning scores of community adolescents

Socioeconomic status is measured in various who met criteria for major depressive episode ways and is pobably not a very useful variable in were significantly lower than those of nondiag- understanding mechanisms of depression. Social nosed youth. disadvantage conferred by low socioeconomic School and academic disruption are a frequent, status may consist of not only low income and re- although not invariable, concomitant of depres- stricted parental education but also chronic stress, sion. Puig-Antich et al. (1985a) reported significant family disruption, racial discrimination, blocked school achievement and school behavior problems access to opportunities, and greater exposure to in their treated sample of children. Studies of chil- environmental adversities. As we explore later in dren and adolescents scoring high on depressive greater detail, there is fairly consistent evidence symptoms have also found academic impairments of links between childhood depression and van- (Cole, 1990; Forehand, Brody, Long, & Fauber, ous indicators of adversity (see also Costello et al., 1988; Nolen-Hoeksema, Girgus, & Seligman, 1988; Garrison et al., 1990; Kandel & Davies, 1986). Adolescents with higher depression scores 1986; McGee et al., 1992; Reinherz et al., 1989). were less likely to graduate from high school in the

Kandel and Davies (1986) study. Children of de-

Ethnic and Cultural Differences pressed women-many of whom were depressed themselves-demonstrated significantly worse

Few studies liave included sufficient ethnically academic adjustment over time than did children

I diverse samples to test the question of differences of nonpsychiatric women (Anderson & Hammen, i in depression rates. Costello et al. (1988) in their 1993). On the other hand, several studies have

I HMO sample did not find differences in depres- found no associations between depression and I sion rates comparing African-American and white school performance (see Reinherz, Giaconia,

youngsters, nor did Kandel and Davies (1982) Pakiz, et al., 1993, comparing depressed young- find differences in symptom levels. Garrison sters with those with no diagnosis; Costello et al., et al. (1990) did find that blacks had higher CES- 1988, and McCauley et al., 1993, comparing de- D scores than did whites in the initial wave (sev- pressed children with those having other psychi- enth grade), and by the third wave (in ninth atric diagnoses). grade), scores of bIack males had declined to: the Cognitive, famiIy, and interpersona1 impair-

I same levels as white males, whereas black females ments are also commonly observed in depressed continued to score higher than white females. youngsters. Cognitive difficulties include poor self-

I Further studies are needed to explore race ef- esteem and dysfunctional attitudes and beliefs. 1 fects, and to separate out effects that might be Family impairments may reflect observed or re- i caused by different cultural expressions of de- ported poor relationships between child and par-

pressive symptoms and adverse conditions asso- ents, and interpersonal difficulties reflect peer ciated with ethnic status. rejection, social withdrawal, low competence on

measures of interpersonal problem solving or social perceptions. All of these areas of functioning

DEVELOPMENTAL COURSE are explored in greater depth later in the chapter. I AND PROGNOSIS In all these areas-school, interpersonal, and ;

[ cognit ivethe question arises whether these dif- Impairment of Functioning ficulties are concomitants, causes, or conse-

quences of depressive symptoms (or even of i

i Not surprisingIy, diagnoses of depression or sig- comorbid conditions). Research has not fully nificant symptoms are associated with functional clarified these issues in longitudinal studies, but impairment. For instance, Whitaker et al. (1990) later sections explore in greater detail the poten-

1 1 reported that the Global Adjustment Scale (based tial role such difficulties play as risk factors for

166 1 Ill. EMOTIONAL A N D SOClAL DISORDERS

depression. Needless to say, whether or not they tracted or more severe course of disorder in both may be the original causes of children's depres- children (e.g., Kovacs, Feinberg, Crouse-Novak, sion, interpersonal and academic disruptions Paulauskas, & Finkelstein, 1984; aIthough see present significant developmental challenges that McCauley et al., 1993) and adults (e.g., Bland, portend poor prognosis for adjustment. Young- Newrnan, & Om, 1986; Hammen, Davila, Brown, sters who are unable to master necessary skills Gitlin, & Ellicott, 1992). because of their depressive symptoms, for example, soon find themselves deprived of sources of reinforcement and self-esteem that support Duration of Maior Depressive Episodes

emotionaI adjustment and protect against mal- KeIler et al. (1988) reported a median length of adaptive reactions to adversity. As we explore episode of 16 weeks in their mixed sample of later on, a dynamic, transactional model of de- community adolescents and offspring of depression vulnerability may be needed to account pressed parents-a result very similar to the infor the sequence of experience~ accompanying patient sample of Strober et al. (1993). In an ado- depression over time and development. lescent community sample, however, Lewinsohn,

Hops, et al. (1993) reported a mean duration of

Age of Onset 24 weeks, similar to the mean of 21 weeks in the Strober sample. McCauley et al. (1993) reported

Retrospective assessment among community a mean of 36 weeks in their combined inpatient adults typically indicates that mid to late adoles- and outpatient sample (similar to that observed cence is the most common age of onset of first by Kovacs, Feinberg, Crouse-Novak, Paulauskas, major depression or significant symptoms. Lewin- & Finkelstein, 1984). s o h , Hoberman, and Rosenbaum (1988) found that Oregon residents with histories of depression reported a mean age of onset of 14.3 years for Course and Recurrence

major depressive disorder and 11.3 years for Related to mean duration is the question of re- dysthymic disorder. The Epidemiological Catch- covery. The great majority of child and adolescent ment Area study of U.S. adults found that the depressives recover within a year, but a sizable highest rates for onset of major depressive disor- minority remain depressed-21% in the Keller deroccurred between the ages of 15 and 19years study (10% still depressed after 2 years), 19% in for both men and women (Burke, Burke, Regier, the Strober study (also 10% after 2 years), and & Rae, 1990). 20% still depressed in the McCauley study (but

Among treated samples of depressed children, less than 5% after 2 years). Kovacs, Feinberg, the longitudinal studies of Kovacs and colleagues Crouse-Novak, Paulauskas, Pollack, and Finkel- (Kovacs, Feinberg, Crouse-Novak, Paulauskas, & stein (1984) reported that 41% of their outpatient Finkelstein, 1984) found onset of both major de- sample was still depressed after 1 year, and 8% pression and dysthymic dlsorder at around age 11 after 2years. Interestingly, McCauley et al. (1993) years. Similarly, depressed children of depressed found that girls were significantly more likely than parents also have early onsets (average age 12-13) boys to have long episodes of depression, but the compared to onsets in youngsters of nonpsychiatric other studies either did not find, or did not ex- patients (around age 1&17) (Weissmanet al., 1987; amine, sex differences. see also Hammen, Burge, Bumey, & Adrian, 1990). Recurrence of episodes is common among Keller et al. (1988) report a mean age of major youth with major depression. Kovacs, Feinberg, depression onset of 14 years in a mixed sample of Crouse-Novak, Paulauskas, Pollock, and Finkel- offspring of depressed parents and communityresi- stein (1984) reported that 26% had a new episode dents; Lewinsohn, Hops, et al. (1993) also report within 1 year of recovery, 40% within 2 years, and mean onset for major depression at around age 14 72% within 5 years. Asarnow et al. (1988) found years for both boys and girls and about age 11 years that 45% of their hospitalized sample were rehos- for dysthyrnic disorder. pitalized within 2 years. Lewinsohn, Hops, et al.

Age-of-onset information not only suggests (1993) found that 18% of their largely untreated that depression is commonly a disorder of rela- community sample had a recurrence of major tively young onset, but it also has implications for depression within 1 year, whereas McCauley prognosis. Earlier onset of depression, as with et al. (1993) reported 25% relapse within 1 year most disorders, appears to predict a more pro- (and 54% within 3 years).


The issue of chronicity of depressive symptoms Burke et al. (1990) identified 1,000 cases of uni- has been addressed less often than episodic polar depression in the Epidemiological Catch- course. Keller et al. (1988), for instance, found ment Area sites and asked such individuals when that 24% of the youngsters with major depression they had first became depressed. Both men and also suffered from dysthymic disorder-in effect, women reported a large peak onset in the age double depression, with the dysthymia preced- range of 15 to 19 years. ing the major depressive episodes. Kovacs, Fein- More direct evidence of continuity comes from berg, Crouse-Novak, Paulauskas, Pollack et al. longitudinal or follow-up studies. Kandel and

i (1984) also reported finding double depression, Davies (1986) found that dysphoric feelings and such youngsters had a greater likelihood of reported by adolescents predicted similar de-

! relapse. Indeed, early onset dysthymia is strongly pressed feelings 9 years later in adulthood; predictive of further affective disorder, with 81% women who reported such experiences in their of dysthymic children estimated to develop major teenage years were significantly more likely to be depressive disorder (Kovacs et al., 1994); Kovacs treated by mental health professionals. To date and her colleagues argue that early onset dys- the longest and largest follow-up study of clini- thymia is a risk factor for recurrent mood disor- cally depressed youngsters has been reported by der. Ryan et al. (1987) followed a sample of child Harrington, Fudge, Rutter, Pickles, and Hill and adolescent depressed patients and reported (1990). The investigators recontacted former that nearly half of the sample had chronic major depressed patients who had been treated for depression or fluctuating major depression with depression an average of 18 years earlier. Sixty dysthymia over a 2-year course. percent had experienced at least one recurrence

Studies of youth scoring high on self-report of major depression during adulthood (and had E measures over repeated assessments suggest con- elevated rates of other psychiatric disorders as

siderabIe stability of depressive symptoms (al- well). Garber, Kriss, Koch, and Lindholm (1988)

score at the initial testing. Overall, 16% of the samples also indicate a pernicious course. The youngsters were high on all four testings (only issue is why young depressives have recurrent 11% of those who were high at the first testing episodes and a possibly dire course of disorder, were belowthe 50th percentile at the final testing). and whether their disorders differ from those of

people with adult onsets. It is easy to speculate about the developmental disruptions that might

Continuity over Time give rise to a self-perpetuating course of disorder,

The growing body of longitudinal data on clini- but longitudinal studies that adequately study cal course certainly suggests that children who are such processes are sorely needed. diagnosed with depression are likely to experience recurrences within a few years. Less information is available, however, on the continuity THEORETICAL M O D E L S between child/adolescent depression and adult O F C H l LD DEPRESSION depression. Indirect evidence of continuity comes from the community study of adult depressives Theoretical conceptualizations of the etiology, by Lewinsohn et al. (1988) who found that more concomitants, and consequences of childhood cases of major depression occurred in young depression largely have originated as extra- women and were actually recurrences presum- poIations or adaptations of adult models. More ably of adolescent-onset depressions. Similarly, recently, child psychopathologists have under-


scored the problems of uniformly ap- twins, full siblings) and stepfamilies (full siblings, plying adult models to children. This concern has half siblings, biologically unrelated siblings). provided an impetus for the introduction of de- Analyses revealed a significant genetic influence velopmentally sensitive models that account for (individual heritability = 34%) and minimal en- the complex ontogenic processes involved in the vironmental influence on individual differences evolution and persistence of vulnerability. We in symptoms. However, an examination of ex- first present the major theoretical approaches, treme cases (CDI scores > 13) was suggestive of highlighting developmental issues that arise when substantial shared environmental influence and these models are applied to the child depression a nonsignificant genetic influence (group herita- literature and summarizing relevant empirical bility = 23%). Finally, Kendler (1990) used an findings. Then we discuss how isolated theories algebraic model to derive an index of predicted have been integrated into multidimensional de- risk for depression in close relatives due to shared velopmental models. nongenetic family risk factors. Comparisons of

predicted and observed relative risk suggested

Genetic Models that family environment (e.g., early parental loss and aversive childrearing style) may account for

The predominance of evidence concerning a significant proportion of the familial aggrega- genetic influences on depression is based on stud- tion of depression. ies of adult ~robands. These studies show clear evidence that depression runs in families (Ham- Commentary men, 1991a), but few establish genetic rather than psychosocial transmission or clarify what it Overall, genetic studies consistently indicate fa- is that may be transmitted. Moreover, research milial aggregation of affective disorders, but these on adult depression is hampered by the problem findings are compatible with both genetic and of heterogeneity of depression-an issue that nongenetic transmission of disorder. The likeli- certainly remains unresolved for children as well. hood of high levels of disruption and stress in

families with depressed members is significant

Genetic Studies: Child Probands (see below). Thus, children may inherit environmental risk factors in addition to a genetic liabil-

Despite the potential advantages of sampling ity. Additionally, genetic studies are limited by families through child probands (see Todd, failure to include sufficient samples of groups Neuman, Geller, Fox, & Hickok, 1993), few with other, nondepressed, disorders to address researchers have examined the family pedigrees the issue of specificity of genetic transmission for of depressed youngsters. Puig-Antich et al. (1989) depression. Moreover, genetic effects are mod- and Todd et al. (1993) reported a higher inci- erate at best and need to be more fully integrated dence of affective disorder in the first- and with models of nongenetic effects-as well as second-degree adult relatives and first cousins of applied more specifically to issues of onset, sever- clinically depressed children in comparison to ity, and long-term course of depression. normal controls. Significantly higher rates of affective disorder also have been found in the first- ~iologicol Models degree relatives of depressed adolescents com- ~ a r e d to the relatives of adolescents with equally The search for a biological marker of child severe nondepressive diagnoses (Garber et al., depression has generally focused on circadian


stability (see Naylor et al., 1993; Teicher et al., secretion, whereas suicidal (but not nonsuicidal) 1993). depressed adolescents have been found to dem-

onstrate blunted sleep-stimulated GH secretion (see Dahl et al., 1992). However, another study

Neuroendocrine Regulation revealed nocturnal hypersecretion of GH in de-

Two approaches have been used to assess ab- pressed adolescents, in addition to some eleva- normalities of hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal tion in thyroid-stimulating hormone secretion (HPA) axis functioning in child depression: as- (Kutcher et al., 1991). sessment of baseline cortisol levels and evaluation of cortisol secretion in response to the dexamethasone suppression test (DST). Studies of Sleep-Wake Cycle

prepuberta1 (Puig-Antich et lgS9) Studies of sleep architecture in depressed young- and adolescents (Dahl et al., 1989: Kutcher et a].,

sters have yielded significant variability Dahl 1991) have failed to find differences among de- et al. (1989) and Puig-Antich et al. (1989) found pressed children, nondepressed psychiatric con- no differences between depressed and nonde- trols, and normal controls on multiple parameters pressed youngsters on several sleep parameters, of cortisol secretion. Overall, hypersecretion of including REM latency, delta sleep, total sleep cortisol was rare in both age groups. Dahl et al. time, and sleep efficiency. Two studies revealed (1991) found similar secretion patterns in de-

increased sleep latency and reduced REM la- pressed and nondepressed adolescents, but one tency in depressed adolescents (Kutcher, Wil- significant difference did emerge: depressed ado-

liamson, Szalai, 1992) and in an inpa- lescents demonstrated significantly elevated cor-

tienVsuicida1 subgroup of depressed adolescents tisol levels around the time of sleep onset, mainly (Dahl et al., 1991). Other investigators have iden- accounted for by a subset of inpatienVsuicidal de- tified disturbances in sleep continuity, REM den- pressed youngsters. sity, sleep efficiency, and frequency of awaken-

Some support for a link between cortisol dys- ings in depressed youngsters, but nonsignificant

regulation and depression in youngsters comes findings also have been reported (see Kutcher et from several studies that have demonstrated an

al., 1992, for a review). atypical DST response (nonsuppression of cortisol). Positive results have been reported more consistently in inpatient andlor suicidal samples; a

Locomotor Activity meta-analysis of five stuhes revealed that 81.7%

, of inpatient depressed children and only 31.6% Teicher et al. (1993) examined circadian rhy- I of outpatient depressed children were nonsup- thms in depressed children and adolescents by

i pressors (reviewed in Birmaher et al., 1992; see monitoring locomotor activity for a 72-hour also Pfeffer, Stokes, & Shindledecker, 1991, who period. Strong support was gained for a circadian-

i found significant associations between pre- but dysregulation/attenuation hypothesis rather than not post-DST cortisol levels and severity of sui- a phase-advance hypothesis. The depressed

j cidal behavior regardless of diagnosis, and Weller, group displayed a significant reduction in circa- Weller, Fristad, & Bowes, 1990, who found DST dian amplitude, an enhancement in noncircadian

1 responses associated with suicidal ideation and oscillations, and a loss of circadian powerlfit. Loss i behavior). In general, most findings suggest ques- of fit was caused by an interaction of circadian and tionable specificity of abnormal DST responses hemicircadian rhythms, which led to a blunting to major depression in children (see Dahl et al., of the normal circadian peak and a shift in the 1989; Puig-Antich et al., 1989). apex of activity to later in the day. No evidence

Findings as to other neuroendocrine abnor- was found for a weakening in circadian entrain- 1 malities in depressed youngsters are mixed. ment (as would be reflected in a deviation from I Studies of growth hormone (GH) response to the optimal 24-hour circadian period). The au- I pharmacological stimulation reveal decreased se- thors note that this profile is consistent with bio- I cretion in depressed prepubertal children and logical rhythm abnormalities in adults and with I 1 adolescents as compared to nondepressed psychi- clinical observations of diurnal variation (e.g.,

atric controls and normals (Dahl et al., 1992). Pre- improved mood and energy later in the day), sug- pubertal depressed children also have been found gesting continuity in the chronobiological roots to demonstrate increased sleep-stimulated GH of adult and child depression.

I


to depression and possible consequences of alter- ations in brain structure and function resulting

In general, evidence for reliable biological mark- from prolonged (possibly childhood) exposure ers of childhood-onset depression is clearly more to stressful conditions associated with depression modest than in the adult literature. However, some (e.g., Gold et al., 1988). Research into the bio- relatively consistent trends suggest that depression logical substrates of child depression requires fur- may be linked more strongly to HPA axis dys- ther study with longitudinal designs. For instance, function and sleep disturbance in adolescents than Granger et al. (1995) suggested a possible devel- in preadolescents, which may reflect either matu- opmental sequence in which repeated neuroen- rational changes in CNS regulation of the neuro- docrine activation increases children's susceptibil- endocrine system or developmental shifts in the ity to inten~alizing problems. In turn, recurrent or regulation of sleep itself (e.g., Dahl et al., 1991; chronic symptomatology may lead to exaggerated Puig-Antich et al., 1989). Additionally, several biological reactivity to psychosocial stress (see also studies have revealed a specific association be- Kagan, Reznick, & Gibbons, 1989). tween biological disturbance and suicidal behavior or inpatient status, which may indicate that particular subgroups of depressed youngsters evi-

Cognitive Theories

dence biological vulnerability. Also, biological Cognitive theories emphasize the role played dysfunction in depressed youngsters may be tied by negative or maladaptive belief systems in the specifically to dysregulation of the sleep-onset onset and course of disorder. Below we survey mechanism (Dahl et al., 1991). Despite recog- traditional cognitive approaches, which primarily nition of the impact of stress on neuroendocrine concentrate on cognitions about the self; later arousal (e.g., Birmaher et al., 1992; Dahl et al., sections will include a discussion of children's 1989; Gold, Goodwin, & Chrousos, 1988), exist- interpersonal cognitions. Cognitive theories also ing studies of HPA axis function in depressed chil- have been expanded to encompass interactions dren primarily have measured basal hormone between cognitions and stress; these diathesis- levels or response to pharmacological challenge. stress models will be introduced in our section on One explanation for the modest findings to date environmental theories. may be that an underlying biochemical vulnerability assumes the form of oversensitivity to stress, rather than chronic hyperarousal. Granger, Weisz, Information-Processing/Cognitive Schemata

and Kauneckis (1994) tested this hypothesis Cognitive theories were pioneered by Beck (e.g., in an outpatient sample of children: HPA re- Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emery, 1979). Beck's infor- activity was ascertained by examining intra- mation-processing model implicates three aspects individual changes between basal salivary cortisol of cognitive functioning in depression. First, de- level and cortisol level following exposure to a pressed individuals are believed to engage in sys- psychosocial challenge. Results indicated that tematic biases or errors in thinking, which lead to neuroendocrine activation in response to the task idiosyncratic interpretations of situations and (but not pretask cortisol level) was associated events-that is, negative "automatic thoughts." with anxiety and social inhibition, but was not Second, depressed individuals are believed to associated with depression or with externalizing exhibit negative cognitive schemata, which are behavior. However, follow-up analyses revealed viewed as stable internal structures in memory that that hyperreactivity at the initial session predicted guide information processing and stimulate the anxiety and depression 6 months later (Granger, self-critical beliefs and attitudes characteristic of Weisz, McCracken, Ikeda, & Douglas, 1995). depression. Finally, depression is associated with These findings suggest that biochemical dif- the "negative cognitive triad," or a tendency to ferences in depressed children m a y involve in- possess negative perceptions of the self, world, and creased sensitivity to stress, rather than chronic future, as reflected in views of the self as worth- dysregulation. Replication ofthese results in other less or inadequate, the world as mean or unfair, samples and elucidation of reactivity profiles spe- and the future as hopeless. The theory maintains cific to depression are necessary. that these cognitive styles heighten one's suscep-

Recent psychobiological theories of adult de- tibility to depression, especially when activated by pression have implicated neurophysiological and external stressors. Moreover, because the rigid biochemical abnormalities as both contributors nature of cognitive schemata renders them highly


resistant to change even in the face of contradic- ence of uncontrollable, noncontingent events. A tory feedback, depressed individuals may be vul- revision of this model (Abraham, Seligman, & nerable to persistent mfficulties. Teasdale, 1978) relies more heavily on cognitions

Relatively sparse data are available regarding by introducing the notion of a "depressive information-processing patterns in depressed attributional style," or a pre&sposition to attribute children. Children with elevated levels of self- negative outcomes to internal, global, and stable reported depressive symptoms have been found factors, and to attribute positive outcomes to

I to make significantly more cognitive errors- external, specific, and unstable factors. This overgeneralization, catastrophization, selective conceptualization led to a distinction between abstraction, and personalization-than do their "personal helplessness," which would result from nondepressed counterparts (Leitenberg, Yost, & beliefs that desired outcomes are not contingent Carroll-Wilson, 1986), although these errors may on one's own responses and "universal helpless- be restricted to certain domains such as the so- ness," which would result from beliefs that de- cia1 arena (e.g., Robins & Hinkley, 1989). Symp- sired outcomes are not contingent on one's own toms also have been linked to maladaptive or dis- or relevant others' responses. In the most recent torted patterns of stimulus appraisal and idio- extension of this model, Abramson, Metalsky, and syncratic processing of positive and negative self- Alloy (1989) have described a subtype of "hope- referent adjectives in normal school children lessness" depression, which would evolve from (Hammen & Zupan, 1984; Moyal, 1977) and in the interaction between exposure to negative clinically depressed youngsters (Haley, Fine, events and a depressogenic attributional style that Marriage, Moretti, & Freeman, 1985). encompasses pessimistic expectations about fu-

Indirect support for the operation of depres- ture outcomes. Relatedly, locus-of-control theory sogenic schemata also can be gleaned from ex- has implicated perceptions of control as precur- amining the presumed end products of im- sors to depression. Expanding on this theory, paired information processing-that is, self- Weisz and colleagues (e.g., Weisz, 1986; Weisz critical beliefs. Studies of general population & Stipek, 1982) have articulated a two-dimen- samples have linked depression to diminished sional model that represents control-related be- global self-esteemhelf-worth, irrational beliefs, liefs as the joint function of judgments about dysfunctional attitudes, negative automatic outcome contingency and personal competence. thoughts, and pessimism in children (e.g., Kaslow, Cross-sectional and longitudinal studies have Rehm, & Siegel, 1984; McGee, Anderson, Will- linked depression in community and psychiatric iams, & Silva, 1986; Robins & Hinkley, 1989) samples of children and adolescents with nega- and adolescents (e.g., Garber, Weiss, & Shan- tive attributional style and hopelessness about the ley, 1993; Hops, Lewinsohn, Andrews, & Rob- future (e.g., Asarnow et al., 1987; Gotlib et al., erts, 1990; Lewinsohn, Roberts et al., 1994; 1993; Hops et al., 1990; Nolen-Hoeksema et al., Renouf & Harter, 1990). Studies of clinical de- 1986; Nolen-Hoeksema, Girgus, & Seligman, pression also have confirmed the presence of 1992; Quiggle et al., 1992; Seligman et al., 1984).

! negative cognitions about the self, the world, and Yet some authors have noted contradictory the future, diminished self-perceptions of com- or only partial evidence for this connection

I petence, negative automatic thoughts, and low (Hammen, Adrian, & Hiroto, 1988; Robins & self-concept/self-esteem (e.g., Asarnow, Carlson, Hinkley, 1989). In a study of situation-specqic & Guthrie, 1987; Gotlib, Lewinsohn, Seeley, attributions, rather than habitual explanatory Rohde, & Redner, 1993; King, Naylor, Segal, style, depressive symptoms were found to be Evans, & Shain, 1993; Koenig, 1988; Laurent & unrelated to causal attributions following experi- Stark, 1993; Marton, Connolly, Kutcher, & mental manipulation of success or failure (Ward, Korenblum, 1993; McCauley, Mitchell, Burke, & Friedlander, & Silverman, 1987).

Both confirmatory (Moyal, 1977) and disconfirmatory (McCauley et al., 1988) data exist

Attributional Style/Control-Related Beliefs as to a depressive tendency toward an external locus of control. Early studies of perceived con-

A second set of cognitive theories involves refor- trol by Weisz and colleagues supported the pre- mulations and extensions of Seligman's (1975) dicted link between depression and low perceived learned helplessness model. The original version competence and control, but not noncon- posited that depression stems from the experi- tingency, in outpatient (Weisz, Weiss, Wasser-

1 72 1 Ill. EMOTIONAL AND SOCIAL DISORDERS

man, & Rintoul, 1987) and inpatient (Weisz et al., One critical task for child depression research- 1989) samples of children and adolescents. These ers will be to determine whether negative cogni- results led the authors to hypothesize that child tive schemata and faulty information processing depression may be more closely tied to "personal are unique to depression or whether they are in- helplessness" than to "universal helplessness." dices of general psychopathology. Evidence is However, a more recent study of normal school mixed on this question, with some studies point- children, which included psychometrically stron- ing to syndrome-specific cognitions and others ger measures, revealed positive associations be- suggesting generalization to other internalizing tween depressive symptoms and competence and and externalizing problems. Specific links have contingency beliefs (Weisz, Sweeney, Proffitt, & been found between depression and dysfunc- Carr, 1994). tional self-control cognitions (Kaslow et d., 1984),

poor self-concept (Koenig, 1988), decreased self- worth (Marton et al., 1993), cognitive bias (Haley

Self-Control Cognitions et al., 1985), and negative attributional style (Asa-

Rehm's (1977) self-control theory of depression rnow & Bates, 1988; McCauley et a]., 1988). Other studies have revealed specificity only on

presupposes that depression vulnerability derives certain measures or have failed to find any sign

from impairment in various stages of the self- regulatory process-that is, self-monitoring, self- of specificity (Asarnow et al., 1987; Garber et al.,

evaluation, and self-reinforcement. For example, 1993; Gotlib et al., 1993; Leitenberg et al., 1986;

depressed individuals may selectively attend to Quiggle et al., 1992).

negative aspects of their behavior, may engage in More direct tests of content specificity have also yielded contradictory results. Laurent and

unrealistic and perfectionistic standard-setting, and may fail to provide themselves with sufficient Stark (1993) reported that endorsement of de-

pressive and anxious cognitions on the Cognitions rewards for success. Relatively consistent support has been found for

Checklist (CCL) failed to discriminate depressed from anxious children. Interestingly, less positive

dysfunctional self-regulatory styles in depressed (but not more negative) views of the self, world, children. Assessing children's cognitions prior and and future specifically characterized the de-

subsequent to performance on a range of laboratory tasks, investigators have documented that pressed group. Garber et al. (1993) reported con-

tent specificity of depressive but not anxious cog- mildly and clinically depressed groups manifest

nitions in a sample of adolescents. Finally, increased negative self-evaluation, more stringent criteria for failure, higher standard setting, lower

Rudolph, Hammen, and Burge (1995) identified symptom-specific content in children's represen- pre- and posttask expectations for performance, tations of self within the context of peer relation-

and greater likelihood of recommending self-pun- ships: Anxiety contributed to low perceived self-

ishment rather than reward (Cole & Rehm, 1986; competence, whereas depression contributed to

Kaslowet al., 1984; Kendd, Stark, &Adam, 1990; low perceived self-worth. These findings provide

Me~er, D ~ c k 7 However, nOn- some leads for future research on specificity, significant findings have been reported for differ- which may lead to more refined and developmen- ences in self-reward (Cole & Rehm, 1986), tally cognitive models. performance expectations and self-evaluations

Relatedly, the comorbidity issue challenges re- (Per'ns, Meyen, & 1988)7 and extreme searchers to deternine the to which copi- standard setting (Kendall et al., 1990).

tive factors discriminate between subgroups of depressed children. Investigators rarely have compared depressive cognitions in groups of children

Commentary with depression only versus those with additional Ample evidence links child depression to dys- diagnoses. Researchers have begun to note within- functional patterns of attitudes about the self, group differences in the expression of negative styles of cognitive appraisal, and interpretation of cognitions (e.g., Asarnow & Bates, 1988), although personally relevant events and outcomes. Exist- to date, diagnostic subgroup studies have yielded ing studies therefore justify cognitive approaches somewhat inconsistent results on cognitive mea- as a promising avenue for expansion, yet several sures (Gotlib et a]., 1993; Laurent & Stark, 1993; issues await further clarification. Sanders, Dadds, Johnston, & Cash, 1992).


Several controversies are about the nature association between maternal cognitions (e.g., of depressive cognitions. Although the traditional attributional styIe, standard setting) or behavior approach of cognitive models is to view the nega- (e.g., criticism of the child) and child cognitions tive belief systems of depressed youngsters (e.g., attributional style, standard setting, self- as cognitive error reflecting biased interpreta- concept, self-schema) or behavior (e.g., self-criti- tions, other investigators have proposed that cism) (Cole & Rehm, 1986; Jaenicke et al., 1987; negative cognitions might actually represent Seligman et al., 1984). These studies suggest that accurate appraisals of personal deficits and envi- children not only may learn to imitate overt ma- ronmental realities. Weisz, Rudolph, Granger, ternal behavior through observation, but they also and Sweeney (1992) reviewed relevant studies may internalize aversive interactions in the form and generally concluded that findings support the of self-blaming cognitive styles and negative be- actual deficit rather than cognitive distortion liefs about their own self-worth and adequacy. models; in a later section, "Interpersonal Re- Regardless of the process believed to drive the lationships," we review evidence of interpersonal formation of depressive cognitions, we will need difficulties, for example. However, only a few to integrate data from clinical samples with the investigators (e.g., Kendall et al., 1990; Meyer extensive knowledge base on normal cognitive et al., 1989; Proffitt & Weisz, 1992) have provided development to obtain a complete picture (see both objective and subjective assessments that Weisz et al., 1992). allowed for direct comparisons. Future endeav- Finally, in terms of etiological significance of ors to clarify this complex issue would carry sig- dysfunctional cognitions, cognitive theories of de- nificant ramifications for cognitive models of pression historically have been presented as vul- child depression. nerability models. However, relatively few stud-

Another unresolved controversy involves ies have included prospective designs suitable for the generalization of negative cognitions. Initial testing causal mechanisms. In support of causal research maintained a more simplistic focus on glo- claims, depressive attributional style, pessimism, bal cognitive constructs, such as self-esteem or self- and poor self-concept (Hammen, 1988; Lewin- worth, or examined cognitive differences averaged sohn, Roberts, et al., 1994; Nolen-Hoeksema across numerous adjustment domains (e.g., aca- et al., 1986, 1992; Seligman et al., 1984) have demic, social, behavioral). However, research been found to predict subsequent depressive (King, Naylor, et d., 1993; Marton et d., 1993; symptoms and diagnoses. Hops et al. (1990) pre- Robins & Hinkley, 1989) indicating the occurrence sented data illustrating that low levels of negative of domain-specific negative cognitions-that is, attributional style may act as a protective factor self-criticism or tendencies to make cognitive against thepersistence of symptoms. In contrast, errors only in certain competence realms-neces- others have demonstrated instability of negative sitates the formulation of more differentiated mod- cognitions during symptom remission, or failure els accounting for which subgroups of depressed of cognitions to predict future depression (e.g., children will exhibit which types of maladaptive Asarnow & Bates, 1988; Gotlib et al., 1993; cognitions in which domains. Hammen eta]., 1988; King, Naylor, et al., 1993;

A final conceptual shortcoming of cognitive McCauley et d., 1988). One studynoteddeterio- models is their frequently ahistorical outlook. ration in attributional style following depression Typically, minimal attention has been devoted onset andstability ofpessimistic attributions even to understanding the antecedents of cognitive after a significant decline in symptoms (Nolen- vulnerability or the mechanisms underlying risk. Hoeksema et al., 1992). The authors interpreted Child depression researchers are therefore call- these results as evidence that depression may ing for theoretical models and empirical re- leave a cognitive "scar," by leading the child to search designed to account for the emergence develop a negative explanatory style. Clearly, in- of negative cognitions and the interplay between vestigators need to be more active in pursuing negative cognitions and depression over time alternative interpretations: whether depressive (Gotlib & Hammen, 1992; Hammen, 1990; cognitions are mood dependent and simply more Weisz et al., 1992). accessible during depression, whether they re-

A handful of studies provide an initial look at main stable but latent in the absence of triggers, possible processes. Consistent with a social learn- or whether they provide changing levels of risk ing model, some researchers have discovered an or protective capabilities over time.


BehavioraI/lnterpersonal Theories children. In adolescents, one study (Buhrmester,

Lewinsohn (1974) has conceptualized depression 1990) revealed significant associations between

as a reaction to low rates of response-contingent depression/anxiety and lower levels of self- and peer-rated social competence, whereas another

positive reinforcement, which may represent a final common pathway of various processes.

study (Forehand et al., 1988) yielded nonsignifi-

First, competence deficits may interfere with the cant findings for teacher-rated social competence. Depressed adolescents also report greater inter-

achievement of success or the formation of satis- personal dependency, as reflected in their lack of

factory interpersonal relationships, thereby cre- social self-confidence, than do their nondepressed

ating an obstacle to positive environmental feed- age mates (Marton et al., 1993).

back. Alternatively, depression may result from In terms of self-perceived quality of peer rela- the unavailability of reinforcers in the environ-

tionships, depression in normal and psychiatric ment or from a decreased ability to appreciate samples has been linked to less secure peer at- positive experiences. Any one of these sources of tachment-that is, low trust, poor communica- reduced reinforcement then may lead to with-

drawal, further functional impairment, and inten- tion, and alienation (Armsden & Greenberg,

sified feelings of depression. 1987; Armsden, McCauley, Greenberg, Burke, &

Whereas traditional behavioral models prima- Mitchell, 1990) and to reports of decreased social support from friends (Lewinsohn, Roberts, rily view depression as a consequence of skill

deficits and an ensuing inability to elicit positive et al., 1994), although Barrera and Ganison-Jones

feedback, recent models have highlighted the (1992) found the opposite association. Using a

transactional nature of social experience. In this behavioral approach to studying social isolation,

vein, researchers (e.g., Barnett & Gotlib, 1988; Larson, Raffaelli, Richards, Ham, and Jewel1

Coyne, 1976; Gotlib & Hammen, 1992; Ham- (1990) found that depression was not associated

men, 1991b, 199%) have argued that depressive with agreater amount of overdl time spent done,

symptoms and qualities of depression-prone in- but depressed youth did spend less time in pub-

dividuals may foster problematic relationships. lic places (vs. their bedrooms), and depressed boys spent less time with their friends. These interpersonal perspectives regard the link

Minimal data exist on observed peer interac- between depression and social impairment as a bidirectional partnership, in that depressed tions of depressed youngsters. In one inpatient

individuals both react and contribute to inter- sample, depressed children were found to engage

personal difficulties. Thus, depressive behaviors in less social activity and to exhibit less affect- related expression than did nondepressed psychi-

may provoke aversive interpersonal encounters and rejection, which maintain or heighten de- atric controls (Kazdin, Esveldt-Dawson, Sherick,

pressed affect. & Colbus, 1985). Altmann and Gotlib (1988) dis-

A growing data base confirms the presence of covered that depressed mood in school children was associated with a greater amount of time social impairment and competence deficits in

depressed youngsters, including difficulties in spent alone on the playground and with more aversive and aggressive behavior. School chiIdren interpersonal relationships, problem solving, cop-

ing, and academic functioning. with relatively elevated CDI scores also have been found to evidence more difficulty in nego- tiating peer conflict and less adaptive affect regu-

Interpersonal Relationships lation during stressful peer encounters, but they

A strong association has been observed between did not demonstrate decreased engagement depression and children's perceptions of their so- (Rudolph, Hammen, & Burge, 1994). cia1 competence. Kennedy, Spence, and Hensley With regard to sociometric status, depressed (1989) found that children who scored high on the inpatient youngsters have been described by par- CDI reported being less socially skilled and de- ents as less able to engage in positive peer reIa- scribedthemselves as less assertive and more sub- tionships or to maintain special friendships than missive in comparison to nondepressed children. a "neurotic" control group (Puig-Antich et al., Depressive symptoms also have been linked to 1985a) and a normal comparison group (Puig- self-reported inappropriate assertiveness and im- Antich et al., 1993). Self-, teacher, and peer re- pulsiveness (Helsel & Matson, 1984; Wierzbicki & ports of depressed mood have been found to be McCabe, 1988) and to poor social self-concept related to teacher and peer ratings of unpopular- (e.g., Altmann & Gotlib, 1988) in school-age ity and rejection in school children (Jacobsen,


Lahey, & Strauss, 1983; Kennedy et al., 1989; found that depressed children showed declines Proffitt & Weisz, 1992; Rudolph et al., 1994). in their mastery orientation, as reflected by higher Kennedy et al. (1989) also found that depressed teacher ratings of helpless coping responses to children had an increased probability of both peer interpersonal and academic challenges. Such pat- isolation and rejection. terns are similar to those observed in depressed

young adults, who display a passive-ruminative

Social Problem Solving response style, which entails excessive attention to depressive symptoms and their potential

Some studies have revealed a positive correlation causes and consequences and which interferes between depressed mood and deficits in the abil- with active and effective problem solving (e.g., ity to generate effective alternative solutions to Nolen-Hoeksema, 1991; Nolen-Hoeksema, Mor- hypothetical problems (Kaslow et al. 1983; Sacco row, & Fredrickson, 1993). & Graves, 1984), yet others have failed to uphold these results (Doerfler, Mullins, Griffin, Siegel, & Richards, 1984; Mullins, Siegel, & Hodges,

Academic/Cognitive Competence

1985). Social problem solving and interpersonal Contradictory evidence exists as to the relation- negotiation ability also failed to discriminate ship between depression and cognitive compe- between depressed and nondepressed adoles- tence. With regard to self-reported ability, stud- cents (Marton et al., 1993). Examining the qual- ies have linked depression to lower perceived ity of interpersonal problem-solving strategies, cognitive competence and negative academic self- Rudolph et al. (1994) discovered that dysphoric concept in normal and inpatient samples (e.g., children selected significantly fewer sociable/as- Asarnow et al., 1987; McGee et al., 1986). Some sertive and more hostile problem-solving strate- investigators have found an association between gies on a questionnaire measure than did nondepressive symptoms and impaired cognitive per- depressed children, but groups did not differ formance on laboratory tasks (Ward et al., 1987), in their endorsement of passive strategies. Like- whereas others have reported no differences be- wise, Quiggle et al. (1992) found decreased tween depressed and nonde ressed children in endorsement of assertive questionnaire responses actual performance, despite bkrepancies in self- in depressed children. evaluation (Kendall et al., 1990; Meyer et al.,

1989). Studies using academic grades as the cri- terion have generally revealed significant negative associations between CDI scores and grades (e.g.,

Researchers have found a concurrent association Forehand et al., 1988; Proffitt & Weisz, 1992). between depressive symptoms and less effective Finally, interviews with depressed adolescents and coping styles (e.g., Hops et al., 1990; Lewinsohn, their mothers reveal an increased incidence of Roberts, et al., 1994). The coping profiles of behavior problems at school, less positive relation- dysphoric and depressed children are marked by ships with teachers, and lower academic achieve- lower levels of active, problem-solving, or prob- ment ratings in comparison to nonpsychiatric con- lem-focused coping and elevated levels of passive, trols (Puig-Antich et al., 1993). avoidant, ruminative, or emotion-focused coping These findings were confirmed in three stud- (Compas & Grant, 1993; Ebata & Moos, 1991; ies evaluating dual- or multi-competence mod- Glyshaw, Cohen, & Towbes, 1989), although this els (e.g., social, academic, behavioral). Deficits in pattern may be gender specific, as adolescent girls each competence domain exerted additive effects have been found to engage in more ruminative on depressive symptoms. Overall, however, social coping than do boys (Compas, Malcarne, & rejection appeared to be a somewhat stronger Fondacaro, 1988). Studying a closely related con- predictor than did academic difficulties (Blech- struct--affect regulation-Garber, Braafladt, and man, McEnroe, Carella, & Audette, 1986; Cole, Zeman (1991) found that depressed children 1991; Patterson & Stoolmiller, 1991). In general, were more likely to recommend using active- scholastic achievement and academic perfor- avoidant strategies, passive-avoidant strategies, or mance seem to be more affected than actual in- negative behavior to manage their affect, whereas tellectual potential, suggesting that symptoms nondepressed youngsters were more likely to (e.g., poor concentration, motivational deficits) suggest problem-focused and active-distraction may interfere with youngsters' application of their strategies. Finally, Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (1992) abilities (Kovacs & Goldston, 1991).


Commentary gesting that pure intemalizers may demonstrate a level of social dvsfunction that lies somewhere

Much of the work on children's behavioral and between low- and mixed-svm~tom children. Ad- social competence is based on self-report, which may be open to distortion and lacks confirmation by additional informants or direct observation. Also. more research is needed on clinical sam~les.

L

Studies of inter~ersonal/behavioral comDe- tence have commonly disregarded questions of specificity. In fact, few researchers have demonstrated a unique link between particular social styles and depression, and indeed, analogous difficulties have sometimes been reported for anxious children (e.g., Strauss, Frame, & Forehand, 1987) and those with aggressive behavior patterns (e.g., Pelham & Bender, 1982). The few empirical tests of specificity have yielded inconsistent results. Goodyer, Wright, and Altham (1990) found that the experience of poor quality friendships was comparable in depressed and anxious youngsters, and Armsden et al. (1990) found that insecure peer attachment failed to discriminate depressed adolescents from psychiatric controls. Puig-Antich et a1. (1985a) reported that decreased academic achievement was common to depressed and ~s~ch ia t r i c control groups. How- ever. Marton et al. (1993) found that decreased socinl self-confidence chhracterized a group of depressed outpatients, but not a nondepressed outpatient control group. Kennedy et al. (1989) discovered that self- and peer ratings depicted depressed school children as less socially com- petent and less accepted by their peers than a nondepressed, fearful group. Rudolph et al. (1994) found that decreased sociabilitv. increased ,. hostility, and peer rejection were specifically associated with depression, whereas decreased hostility was speci%cally associated with anxiety.

Obviously, specificity questions are complicated by the further matter of comorbidity. Although previous studies paint a consistent picture of general social disturbance in de~ressed children, closer scrutiny reveals quite heterogeneous inter- ~ersonal ~rofiles, ranging from passivity, withdrawal, and peer isolation, to aggressiveness, im- pulsivity, and peer rejection. These conflicting findings may reflect the existence of subtypes of depressed children with distinct social problems. Some preliminary evidence suggests that diagnostic comorbidity may contribute to intragroup differences. Rudolph et al. (1994) compared low- symptom, ~ure-internalizing (depressed/anxious), pure-externalizing, and mixed-symptom groups. They reported an overall pattern of findings sug-

, L

ditionally, the comorbid group appeared to account for the increased levels of peer rejection in depressed children, although the pure-internalizing group was still less popular than asymptomatic children. Other studies of nonreferred and i n ~ a - tient children have led to similar conclusions &at the conhination of depressive and externalizing disorders, but not depression alone, may result in problematic social status (Asamow, 1988; Cole & Carpentieri, 1990) or maladaptive coping styles (Asamow et a]., 1987).

As outlined above, behavioral/interpersonal models of de~ression differ in their re dictions

I L

about the direction of influence between depression and sociobehavioral impairment. The nature of this link remains elusive, and support has been found for both models-intemersonal

L

problems and skill deficits leading to depression versus depression leading to incompetence and troublesome relationships. The predominantly cross-sectional nature of the ~ert inent research precludes conclusions as to etiological relations. However, a few prospective studies may shed light on this issue. In support of Lewinsohn's (1974) model, Wierzbicki and McCabe (1988) demonstrated that child and parent evaluations of social skills added significantly to current depression in the prediction of later depressive symptoms. Goodyer et al. (1990) found that the quality of 7- to 16-year-old children's friendships predicted the onset of depressive disorders within a 12-month period. Finally, depressed children have been found to rate less enjoyment of lists of pleasant and ambiguous daily activities than do normal and psychiatric control groups (Shelton & Garber, 1987). Other longitudinal studies suggest that the interpersonal difficulties depressed children display may be enduring characteristics that remain even when symptoms have remitted (Lewinsohn, Roberts, et al., 1994; Nolen-Hoek- sema et al., 1992; Puig-Antich et al., 1985b).

Together these findings suggest that impaired social functioning and low rates of environ-

D

mental reinforcement mav constitute a risk factor for depression onset or relapse. Nevertheless, the opposite may also be true: Depressive symptoms impair social functioning (e.g., Adrian & Hammen, 1993; Kazdin, Esveldt-Dawson, & Matson, 1982). parallel to research with depressed adults (e.g., Coyne, 1976; Gurtman, 1986), depressive behaviors in children may un-


dermine the quality of dyadic peer transactions, trust to the infant and to comfort the infant when induce negative affect, and elicit aversive re- distressed. In the absence of conditions that sponses from peers (RudoIph et a]., 1994). Thus, would cultivate a healthy bond (e.g., accessibiI- further longitudinal research is needed to clarify ity, contingent responsivity, emotional support- the causal directions and mechanisms of the link iveness), the infant presumably becomes vulner- between depression and sociaVbehaviora1 dif- able to later adjustment problems. Based on ficulties. The final answer most likelywill involve Bowlby's original work that hypothesized depres- a cyclical process, proceeding from reduced com- sive (and other psychopathological) reactions petence to depressed affect to even more dys- to disruptions in the attachment bond, theorists functional behavior, which then evokes negative have implicated insecure attachment and ensu- consequences that perpetuate or exacerbate ing "internal working models" of relationships symptoms. (Bowlby, 1969, 1980; Main, Kaplan, & Cassidy,

1985) as specific risk factors for depression (e.g., Blatt & Homann, 1992; Cummings & Cicchetti, Family Theories 1990; Hammen, 1992a).

Literature on normal development emphasizes Complementing these conceptual advances, the contribution of the family to children's socio- researchers have begun to accumulate evidence emotional adjustment. In turn, developmental for an association between early family experi- psychopathologists have begun to implicate fam- ences and childhood depression. Two separate ily factors in the origin of depression. bodies of literature have yielded important infor-

mation about family functioning: studies of depressed parents and their offspring (high-risk

Psychodynamic Theories studies) and studies of the families of depressed Disruptions of caregiving relationships figure youngsters (reviewed in Kaslow, Deering, & prominently in early etiological formulations of Racusin, 1994; McCauley & Myers, 1992). depression. Psychoanalytic and object relations theories both propose the experience of loss as a

Parent-Child Relationships: primary vulnerability factor for depression- Offspring/High-Risk Studies either actual physical loss through death or sepa-

ration or symbolic loss through emotional depri- As discussed above, the observed aggregation vation, rejection, or inadequate parenting (e.g., of depression in families in part may be due to Fairbairn, 1952; Freud, 1917/1957). These theo- genetic factors, but evidence indicates the addi- ries hold in common the notion that depression tional influence of psychosocial factors in main- arises from anger or hostility that initially is felt taining this generational cycle (Hammen, 1991a). toward the lost object but then is directed inward Specifically, a burgeoning body ofresearch attests in the form of self-criticism. Because children to ongoing and pervasive patterns of dysfunc- historically were believed to lack introjective abili- tional interactions in families with affectively dis- ties, early theories failed to recognize the occur- ordered parents (reviewed by Gelfand & Teti, rence of childhood depression. Rather, their 1990; Goodman, 1992; Hammen, 1991a). Be- emphasis lay in explaining how problematic child- cause of the high risk for depression in offspring, hood relationships may contribute to risk for these studies may advance our understanding of depression in adults. family processes relevant to child depression.

Early investigations based on self-reports

Affachment Theory of parenting indicated that clinically depressed mothers experienced decreased involvement,

Contemporary conceptualizations expand on impaired communication, increased friction, these approaches to account for early onset of lack of affection, and resentment of their children depression. Most notably, attachment theory (e.g., Weissman, Paykel, & Klerman, 1972). focuses on the adverse impact of dysfunctional Direct observations have suggested that symp- parent-child relationships on children's subse- tomatic mothers demonstrate flat affect, provide quent functioning (Bowlby, 1969,1980). Bowlby less kinesthetic stimulation, and display less con- contended that establishment of a secure attach- tingent responsivity and positive affection during ment relationship is dependent upon the ability interactions with their infants than do nonde- of the caregiver to impart a sense of security and pressed mothers (e.g., Field, Healy, Goldstein, &


Guthertz, 1990; Fleming, Ruble, Flett, & Shaul, playfulness, and greater reciprocity of the nega- 1988). In contrast to this pattern of withdrawal tive affective states of their mothers (e.g., Field and hsengagement, maternal depression also has et al., 1990). Infants and toddlers of depressed been associated with increased hostility, anger, mothers have been found to exhibit emotional and intrusiveness during mother-infant interac- delays, disturbances in affect regulation, separa- tions (e.g., Cohn, Matias, Tronick, Connell, & tion difficulties, and insecure attachment (Beard- Lyons-Ruth, 1986). slee, Bemporad, Keller, & Klerman, 1983; Blatt

Similar disturbances emerge during the tod- & Homann, 1992; Radke-Yarrow, Cummings, dler and preschool years. Compared to non- Kuczynski, & Chapman, 1965; Teti, Gelfand, depressed women, depressed mothers engage in Messinger, & Isabella, 1991), although findings less frequent verbalization, show less responsive- on attachment have been variable (DeMulder & ness to their children's speech (Breznitz & Sher- Radke-Yarrow, 1991; Lyons-Ruth, Zoll, Connell, man, 1987), and exhibit greater difficulty in the & Grunebaum, 1986). Toddlers andpreschoolers successful assertion of control and achievement of depressed women have been observed to dem- of compromise with their children (Kochan- onstrate decreased verbalization with their moth- ska, Kuczynski, Radke-Yarrow, & Welsh, 1987). ers (Breznitz & Sherman, 1987), increased inhi- Other investigators have linked maternal depres- bition in unfamiliar situations (Kochanska, 1991), sion to lower levels of reciprocity (Mills, Pucker- and socially inhibited/anxious behavior with peers ing, Pound, & Cox, 1985) and to decreased in- (Rubin, Both, Zahn-Waxler, Cummings, & Wilk- volvement and structure (Goodman & Brumley, inson, 1991). School-age offspring show negativ- 1990) during mother-preschooler transactions. ity and off-task behavior during mother-child Lovejoy (1991) found increased negativity but not interactions (Hammen, 199la) and are less com- decreased positivity or contingent responding in fortable interacting with their mothers (Tarullo depressed mother-child dyads. et al., 1994). More generally, they exhibit less

Troublesome interactions have also been noted initiative and more withdrawal, social isolation, between depressed mothers and their school-aged inattentiveness, and impatience than do the chil- children and adolescents. During a conflict dis- dren of normal parents. Disturbance during ado- cussion task with their 8- to 16-year-old offspring, lescence is reflected in excessive defiance, con- clinically depressed mothers demonstrated in- flict, and withdrawal (reviewed by Beardslee creased criticism, negativity, and off-task verbal- et al., 1983; Orvaschel, Weissman, & Kidd, 1980). izations in comparison to control groups of medi- These behavioral profiles resemble those of de- cally ill and normal mothers (Gordon et al., 1989). pressed youngsters and provide clues as to the Studying natural interactions in the home, Hops potential impact of parent psychopathology and colleagues (Hops et al., 1987) observed that and negative parent-child relations on children's depressed mothers emitted higher rates of dys- functioning. Establishing a more direct link, phoric affect and lower rates of happy affect than Burge and Hammen (1991) found that two did normal mothers. An interesting interactive dimensions of maternal behavior-negative sequence also emerged in depressed families, affective quality and low task involvement-spe- in which maternal dysphoric affect and family cifically predicted subsequent child affective aggressive affect formed a reciprocally suppress- diagnoses. ing cycle. However, two studies (Inoff-Germain, NOttelmann, Er Radke-Yarrow, lgg2; parent-Chi/d Rebtionships: patient Samples DeMulder, Martinez, & Radke-Yarrow, 1994) did not reveal increased negativity, criticallirritable Additional information about family relationships behavior, or disengagement in unipolar depressed comes from studies of children in treatment for mothers interacting with their preadolescent and depression. Clinical descriptions of the families adolescent offspring. of depressed children depict parents as more

The link between parent characteristics and negative, critical, detached, punitive, angry, be- child symptomatology is further illustrated by the littling, and psychologically abusive (Burbach & behavior and general psychosocial adjustment of Borduin, 1986; Poznanski, Krahenbuhl, & Zrull, offspring. During interactions with depressed 1976). An observational task observed by Cole mothers, infants manifest less frequent positive and Rehm (1986) revealed that the mothers of and more frequent negative facial expression, depressed children set higher standards for their fewer verbahzations, decreased activity level and children's success compared to mothers of


nondepressed patient children, and they pro- ment (Pappini, Roggman, & Anderson, 1991). vided fewer rewards during a challenging game Studies of young adults confirm a link between than did mothers of a nonclinic group. depression and recall of earIy parent-child rela-

Based on parent interviews, Puig-Antich and tionships characterized by low maternal care, colleagues (1985a) found that mother-child nurturance, and affection, and high punitive- relationships of clinically depressed 6- to 12- year- ness and overprotection (Blatt, Wein, Chevron, olds were marked by poorer communication, de- & Quinlan, 1979; Parker, 1961; see Blatt & creased warmth, and increased hostility than were Homann, 1992, for review). those of nondepressed emotionally disordered Several studies have revealed that the families and normal control groups. Examination of fam- of depressed children are marked by increased ily variables subsequent to the child's recovery family, marital, and sibling discord (reviewed by revealed only partial improvement (Puig-Antich Kaslow et al., 1994; see Cole & McPherson, 1993; et al., 1985b). Similar differences have emerged Kashani, Burbach, & Rosenberg, 1988). Two between reports of mother-adolescent relation- observational studies yielded comparable results. ships in depressed and normal control groups Forehand et al. (1988) found that CDI scores (Puig-Antich et al., 1993). Significantly worse were negatively correlated with adolescents' father-child, spousal, and sibling relationships problem-solving ability and positive communica- were also evident in the depressed group. tion during a conflict discussion task with their

Based on structured interviews, Amanat and mothers. Kobak, Sudler, and Gamble (1991) Butler (1984) compared interactional patterns in observed mother-teen dyads during a problem- families of 7- to 14-year-old depressed and over- solving task and found that depressive symptoms anxious children and characterized the family were associated with elevated levels of dyadic environments of depressed children as rigid dysfunctional anger and maternal dominance. power hierarchies in which parents occupied dominant and controlling positions, resulting

Contextual Family Variables in the suppression of self-expression and autonomy in their children. Finally, studies assessing In addition to specific qualities of parent-child perceptions of family interactions have revealed interaction, other negative family circumstances reports of insecure parental attachment in de- have been linked to depression. Substantial data pressed inpatient adolescents (Armsden et al., indicate differences in the family atmosphere and 1990) and memories of increased parental re- home environment of depressed youngsters and jection and deprivation during childhood in de- offspring of depressed parents. Families with depressed outpatient adults (e.g., Lamont, Fischoff, pressed members are perceived as less cohesive & Gottlieb, 1976). and adaptable, less open to emotional expressive-

ness, less democratic, more hostile and rejecting,

Parent-Child Relationships: more conflictual and disorganized, and less likely to engage in pleasant activities (Barrera & Garri-

Community Samples son-Jones, 1992; Billings & Moos, 1985; Garrison

Support for a connection between depression and et al., 1990; Hops et al., 1990; Lefkowitz & Tesiny, family dysfunction in community samples comes 1984; Oliver, Handal, Finn, & Herdy, 1987; Orva- largely from self-reports of family functioning. schel et al., 1980). Controlling for statistical con- Kaslow et al. (1984) found that school-age chil- founds in past studies, Cole and McPherson (1993) dren with higher levels of depressive symptoms found that cohesion (particularly father- report decreased parental psychological availabil- adolescent cohesion) but not expressiveness was ity and less positive family relationships. Larson associated with adolescent depressive symptoms. and colleagues (Larson et al., 1990) discovered Research in the area of expressed emotion (EE) that depressed youth preferred to be alone rather has revealed higher levels of criticism and emo- than with their families and were somewhat more tional overinvolvement in the descriptions made likely to experience their families as less friendly by parents about their depressed children than than were nondepressed controls. Symptoms about normal children (Asarnow, Tompson, in adolescents have been associated with more Hamilton, Goldstein, & Guthrie, 1994). negative attitudes toward parents, perceptions of Parental and child depression also occur in the decreased family support (Hops et al., 1990), and context of increased family stressors, including perceptions of less secure parent-child attach- negative life events and chronic strain-for ex-


ample, marital discord, maternal adversity, de- et al., 1990; Barrera & Garrison-Jones, 1992; creased family support, abuseheglect (Billings & Lamont et al., 1976) specificity. These discrep- Moos, 1985; Goodyer, Wright, & Altham, 1988; ancies are not surprising in light of differences in Hammen et al., 1987; Kashani & Carlson, 1987). samples, diagnostic comparison groups, family Despite early claims that death of a parent in measures, and other important variables. Yet childhood increases risk for depression, a review researchers will now need to move beyond hy- of the relevant research (based mainly on adults) potheses about general associations to the delin- indicates an indirect effect ofparental death that eation of more specific models of risk that con- is mediated by subsequent inadequate parenting nect particular dimensions or constellations of or other associated risk factors (Marton & familycharacteristics toparticulardisorders. Maharaj, 1993). Information about family relationships in pure

Yet some data suggest that adverse family cir- depressed versus comorbid groups is minimal. cumstances may be a nonspecific experience of One study of EE suggested that the presence of psychiatrically disturbed youngsters. Kovacs and comorbid disruptive behavior dsorder was asso- colleagues (Kovacs, Feinberg, Crouse-Novak, ciated with higher levels of parental criticism in Paulauskas, & Finkelstein, 1984) observed no comparison to depression alone (Asamow et al., significant differences between depressed and 1994). Only one group, to our knowledge, has nondepressed outpatient psychiatric groups on provided comparisons of observed family func- a number of variables reflecting a history of fam- tioning associated with pure depression versus ily disruption or interpersonal trauma (e.g., comorbid depression and externalizing disorder parental death, divorce/separation, or absence). (Dadds, Sanders, Morrison, & Rebgetz, 1992; Goodyer et al. (1988) found that maternal adver- Sanders et al., 1992); results were complex and sity and family life events were equally predictive varied by group. of depressive and anxiety disorders. Burt, Cohen, These initial findings highlight the importance and Bjorck (1988) reported comparable correla- of taking into account comorbid disorders when tions between an aversive family climate and developing and testing family models of de- symptoms of depression and anxiety. Finally, pression. To begin, the presence of unidentified Asarnow et al. (1987) found that perceived home comorbid subgroups may account for contradic- environment did not discriminate between 8- to tory findings across studies. Furthermore, con- 13-year-old depressed and nondepressed inpa- ceptual models will need to move to a higher level tients (but did distinguish suicidal from non- of complexity to explain the phenomenon of suicidal groups). comorbidity. As discussed earlier, this complex-

ity may involve the consideration of various explanations for co-occurring disorders, including shared family risk factors, nonspecific out-

Many gaps remain to be filled in the conceptual comes of particular family influences, or recipro- and empirical associations between family con- cal effects of different symptom patterns. ditions and child and adolescent depression. Because much of the current evidence on fam- Much of the suggestive evidence has come from ily adjustment, particularly in studies of depressed offspring studies, and less from studies of de- youngsters, is correlational in nature, questions pressed children-two groups that might have remain concerning the direction of influence different causal mechanisms. Also, since much of between family dysfunction and child depression. the research has employed self-report data open Although one feasible hypothesis would assign to the effects of negative mood on reporting, problematic parent-child relationships andstress- additional observational studies are needed. ful family environments an etiological role in the

The familiar topics of specificity and comor- onset and/or maintenance of depression, other bidity must also be raised. Researchers only processes must be considered. First, the observed recently have begun to examine the extent to associations may reflect the operation of a third which family models are unique to depression. variable, such as a common genetic vulnerability, Available data thus far are inconsistent, with stud- that underlies parental psychopathology and par- ies alternately indicating little (e.g., Burbach, enting difficulties and at the same time increases Kashani, & Rosenberg, 1989; Goodyer et al., children's susceptibility to depression. 1988), partial (e.g., Cole & Rehm, 1986; Puig- Second, we must consider an alternate pathway Antich et al. 1985a), or complete (e.g., Armsden whereby children's symptoms or dysfunctional

4. Childhood Depression 1 1 8 1

behavior evoke negative responses from their par- problem solving, and conflict resolution during ents and impede adaptive family functioning. childhood and adolescence (e.g., Burge & Ham- Hammen and colleagues tested a bidirectional men, 1991; Kochanskaet al., 1987; Radke-Yarrow model and found that depressed mothers and their et al., 1985). Thus, ineffective parenting may in- offspring did indeed exert mutual (negative) influ- fluence children's risk for depression through dif- ences on each other (Hammen, Burge, & Stans- ferent channels across development. An impor- bury, 1990). Others also have found important tant goal for researchers will be to delineate the interactions between mother and child impairment specific mode of transmission. This process most in determining the quality of behavioral transac- likely will include not only genetic risk factors and tions (e.g., Tarullo et al., 1994). Thus, impaired deficits in children's behavioral competencies, maternal behavior may result partly from the un- but also increases in exposure to stress in the rewarding nature of interactions with a depressed family context, decreases in family support, and or maladjusted child. Future researchers therefore changes in the ways in which children view them- may do well to include astronger emphasis on the selves and the world (cf. Blatt & Homann, 1992; reciprocal nature ofparent4hild relationships, the Goodman, 1992; Hammen, 1991a). behavior of depressed children during family interactions, and the more global impact of child

Environmental Models depression on the family.

A third explanation for family-depression link- In line with current research efforts in children, ages may be that maladaptive familypatterns rep- our discussion of environmental theories of de- resent state-dependent concomitants of the acute pression will focus primarily on the life-stress lit- episode of illness. On balance, however, relevant erature. Life-stress theories of adult depression research tends to find that family interaction have progressed in complexity in the past two problems are relatively stable even when symp- decades. This evolution has been described in toms remit (e.g., Billings & Moos, 1985; Puig- depth elsewhere (e.g., Gotlib & Hammen, 1992; Antich et al., 198513). Other analyses of temporal Hammen, 1992b), and several variants of the relationships also have yielded preliminary sup- life-stress approach and are summarized briefly port for causal hypotheses by showing that quai- below. ity of interactions predicts subsequent course of children's depression (Asarnow, Goldstein,

Stress-Reaction Models Tompson, & Guthrie, 1993; Hops et al., 199& although see negative findings by Burt et al., Original life-stress theories viewed depression as 1988; Garrison et al., 1990). a response to the experience of negative life

Finally, considerably more research is needed events (e.g., Brown & Hanis, 1978; Paykel, 1979). to specify mechanisms by which family distur- From this perspective, stress is viewed as a pre- bances contribute to depression in youngsters. cursor and contributor to depression onset, per- The development of more sophisticated models sistence, or recurrence. To avoid the confounds of family influence will require a richer under- associated with symptom-related stress, research- standing ofthe mechanisms by which impairment ers initially concentrated on "fateful" life events, may render children vulnerable to depression. or events whose occurrence is independent of Understanding these processes no doubt will the individual. Furthermore, to avoid the con- require adopting a developmental perspective. founds associated with idiosyncratic perceptions

To begin, it may be useful to consider how fam- of events, researchers frequently used the "con- ily relationships may affect patterns of growth at textual threat" method (Brown & Harris, 1978) each stage of development and how disruption in to determine the objective impact of stress inde- these relationships may sacrifice children's adap- pendent of individuals' subjective reactions. tation. Based on the above research, deviant Life-stress research in children is still relatively parent-child interactions associatedwith depres- sparse, but a few studies have linked stress with sion interfere with the mastery of different devel- concurrent depression (Kashani et al., 1986, with opmental tasks throughout childhood, from the preschoolers; Mullins et al., 1985, with school- formation of healthy attachment relationships aged children; Goodyer et al., 1990, with de- and effective emotion-regulation abilities in pressed children and adolescents; Burt et al., infants and toddlers to the acquisition of skills 1988; Garrison et al., 1990; Hops et al., 1990; necessary for self-regulation, autonomy, verbal Siege1 & Brown, 1988, with adolescents). Good-


yer and Altham (1991a) gathered data from par- are mixed. With respect to attributional style, ents about lifetime "exit events,"or the permanent Dixon and Ahrens (1992) found a significant in- removal ofa significant other from the child's life. teraction, Hammen et al. (1988) did not, and Results suggested that exposure to multiple (two Nolen-Hoeksema et 4 . (1992) found an interac- or more) exit events was associated with increased tion in the prediction of depressive symptoms in risk for the development of a depressive disor- older, but not younger, children. Defining stress der-although apparently not having a negative as an increase in peer rejection, Panak and Garber effect because of subsequent family adversity. (1992) demonstrated that attribution4 style mod-

Going beyond correlational studies, some ini- erated the impact of stress on depressive symp- tial longitudinal data support a stress-reaction toms 1 year later. model. For example, Garrison et al. (1990) and Only a few studies have tested the cognitive- Siege1 and Brown (1988) found a prospective stress "match" model in depressed children. association between negative events and later Turner and Cole (1994) found that cognitions- depression. Hops et al. (1990) reported that attributional style and cognitive errors-about microstressors, but not macrostressors, predicted the social and academic domains, but not the increases in dysphoria over a follow-up period. athletic domain, moderated the effects of nega- Finally, Hammen and colleagues (Hammen, tive daily eventslactivities in the same domain, 1988; Hammen et al., 1988) found that the occur- but not in alternate domains (although support rence of stressful events predicted subsequent was obtained only in older children). Hammen depression in the children of depressed mothers. and Goodman-Brown (1990) assessed the rela-

tive value placed by eachindividual child on par-

Diathesis-Stress Models ticular competence domains (interpersonal vs. achievement). As predicted, the authors found an

Proponents of diathesis-stress models argue that increased risk for the development of depression the impact of stress may be moderated by indi- only in those children who experienced a prepon- vidual risk factors. Depression is therefore re- derance of negative life events congruent with garded as a function of the interaction between their specific vulnerabilities, particularly for the personal vulnerability and external stress. Most interpersonal schema types. notably, vulnerability has been construed as a stable cognitive propensity toward depression- inducing interpretations or appraisals of events. Mediation Models

Exposure to events is presumed to serve as a trig- Questioning the applicability of cognitive mod- ger that activates this underlying cognitive pre- eration models to young children, Cole and disposition (cf. cognitive theories of Beck, Selig- Turner (1993) proposed a related cognitive me- man, and others). Even more specifically, several diation model. These authors noted probable de- theorists have speculated that the key determi- velopmental differences in the interplay between nant of depression onset and/or severity may be cognitions and stress due to the absence of stable thematch between an individual's particular cog- cognitive styles in early childhood. Instead, they nitive vulnerability and the nature of the stress- suggested that adverse environmental events or ful event. In this respect, psychodynamic, cogni- other forms of pathogenic feedback may be in- tive, and life-stress models converge in the notion ternalized in the form of negative cognitions,


tor models, low perceived (and actual) competence is beIieved to contribute to decreased support (increased stress).

Cole and Turner (1993) tested two cognitive mediation models that operationalized stress in terms of competence and life events. Findings confirmed that attributional style and cognitive errors completely mediated the relationship between competence and depression, and partially mediated the relationship between events and depression. Minimal support was obtained for a cognitive moderation model. As noted by the authors, the cross-sectional nature of the study precludes causal conclusions, but results are suggestive of a process in which aversive environmental feedback promotes a negative cognitive style, which then leads to depression. Harter et al. (1992) also gained support for their mediation model, but self-cognitions were found to exert both direct and indirect effects on depression.

Stress-Generation Models

Most recently, an alternative and complementary life-stress model has been introduced. Noting the impact of depression on people's lives, Hammen (1991b, 1992b) has proposed a stress-generation model of depression. Whereas traditional life- stress research focused on "fateful" life events, Hammen has emphasized that depression, associated impairment, and preexisting characteristics may act to promote dysfunction, such that depressed individuals actually generate stressful circumstances, which in turn trigger depressive reactions (esveciallv in vulnerable domains). The

L

effects are likely &be most apparent in interpersonal relationships. Applying this model to children, early onset of depression may interrupt normal development, creating maladaptive skills, leading to stress and risk for future maladjustment.

In support of a stress-generation model in children, Adrian and Hammen (1993) found that the offspring of depressed mothers displayed significantly higher rates of life events that they had at least partially caused, such as peer conflict events. These results are compatible with the hypothesis that life stress mav not onlv be a cause of subse-

J

quent symptoms, but may also be a consequence of related impairment, yet they leave open the question of whether depression precedes event occurrence. In one study that examined stress generation more directly, Cohen, Burt, and Bjorck (1987) found that depressive symptoms in adolescents predicted the occurrence of sub-

sequent controllable negative events, whereas controllable stress failed to predict subsequent symptoms. Another study revealed that clinic- referred children in general experienced higher levels of events that were "confounded with their own maladjustment" (Jensen, Richters, Ussery, Bloedau, & Davis, 1991, p. 305).

Miscellaneous Environmental Influences

Investigators also have assessed the impact of other environmentalldemo~ravhic risk factors

0 I

and adverse conditions. For example, depression in youngsters has been linked to sociallenviron- mental disadvantage, parental unemployment, remarriage of a parent, living in a single-parent household, and coming from a larger family (e.g., King, Segal, Naylor, & Evans, 1993; Kovacs, Feinberg, Crouse-Novak, Paulauskas, & Finkel- stein, 1984; Reinherz, Giaconia, Pakiz, et al., 1993; reviewed by Kaslow et a]., 1994). Gore, Aseltine, and Colton (1992) hypothesized that stress (i.e., undesirable life events, chronic interpersonal strains) and poor quality social support may act as proximal risk factors that mediate the impact of background variables (i.e., family structure, gender, socioeconomic status, parent health) on devression. Findings confirmed that " depression wis directly associated with being a girl, living in a family with a lower standard of living and a lower level of parent education (in girls only), and having parents with higher levels of physical and mental illness. Depression was unrelated to family structure (i.e., single- or step- varent household) when economic conditions here controlled. Finally, results indicated that stress and social support accounted for the effects on depression of some background variables (i.e., varental mental illness and standard of living). but I 0. '

not others (i.e., gender, parent education).

Commentary

Although life-stress concevtualizations of de- " I

pression have advanced in sophistication in the adult field in recent years, empirical research with children has lagged significantly behind. For one thing, child research has been based largely on self-report life event checklists, which provide little information about the context, impact, or meaning of an event-and which fail to distin- mish between fateful and devendent. or control- 0 L

lable. events. Also. assessment methods have variously included episodic events, chronic adver-


sities, and minor hassles. Each of these types of stress may constitute an important source of vulnerability, and future investigators will need to assess their relative contribution to de~ression.

I

Few researchers have assessed the specificity of depressive reactions to stressors. Of the existing evidence, most points to a lack of specificity in the depression-stress relationship (e.g., Burt et al., 1988; Goodyer & Altham, 1991a, 1991b). Compas, Howell, Phares, Williams, and Giunta (1989) linked life events and daily hassles with internalizing and externalizing symptomatology in adolescents. These authors also found that both types of behavior problems predicted subsequent daily stress (but not major life events). The role of stress generation is unclear because of a lack of information about chronology. Examining a diathesis-stress model, Hammen (1988) found that the interaction of attributional style and negative events was predictive of nondepressive but not depressive symptoms. Finally, Kovacs, Feinberg, Crouse-Novak, Paulauskas, and Finkel- stein (1984) reported that stressful family back- mound variables were eauallv common in de- (7 I ,

pressed and nondepressed referred children. In the only study supporting specificity, Shelton and Garber (1987) found that children with depressive disorders experienced significantly more " unpleasant events than did a nondepressed psychiatric comparison group. To our knowledge, none has compared stress exposure in groups of depressed children with and without comorbid diagnoses.

Once again, our theoretical models must be ex~anded-to incor~orate hwotheses as to the

I L I I

mechanisms underlying diagnostic comorbidity (e.g, similar life experiences leading to nonspecific outcomes, co-occurring stressors resulting in multiple types of dysfunction, or perhaps, the interaction of stressors with other vulnerability factors producing comorbid syrnptomatology). Additionallv. the role of comorbid disorder in the

J ' - - -

eeneration of stressors should be examined. Q

Despite widespread acknowledgment of the importance of diathesis-stress models of depression, life-stress researchers have considered a relativelv restricted domain of individual vulnerabilities-cognitive or otherwise-as potential moderators or mediators of stress in children. Several likely candidates should be on the agenda for future research. For instance, other potential internal resources or risk factors may include genetic/biological influences, coping r&ertoires and problem-solving skills, beliefs about control

and self-efficacy, cognitive schemata, and sociodemographic variables. External resources may also intervene in the stress-depression link. For example, many depression iesearchers have pointed out the potential buffering effects of social support, which may protect children from the adverse consequences of stress (e.g., Hammen, Burge, & Adrian, 1991; Harter et al., 1992), but minimal em~ir icd research examines this ~redic-

I

tion in depressed children. Conversely. inireased ,. parental strain or psychopathology may exacerbate children's sensitivity to life stress (e.g., Com- pas et al., 1989; Hammen et al., 1987) or may even account for the increased emosure of clinic- referred children to stressful e;ents (Adrian & Hammen, 1993; Jensen et al., 1991). The deter- minants of children's vulnerability and resilience to de~ression in the face of stress deserve further expl&ation as we are still far from tapping the many possibilities offered by this line of research.

CONCLUSIONS: THE NEED FOR INTEGRATIVE, DEVELOPMENTAL THEORIES

Throughout the chapter, we have identified methodological and empirical gaps in the study of child and adolescent depression. In addition, conceptual issues remain that highlight the differences between the child and adult depression fields. The abundance of well-validated theories of adult depression represents both an asset and a liability for child depression researchers. On the one hand. adult models have been indis~ensable

I

as guides to research in youngsters. Yet as a consequence, the child depression literature has suffered from a relative dearth of developmentaIly grounded theories. Thus, existing models often neglect to take into account two critical and distinct components of child depression: the impact of development on depression and the impact of de~ression on develo~ment.

keveral child psychApathologists have begun to articulate more cohesive developmental models of depression that advocate the adoption of multidimensional. transactional ~ers~ec t ives and that re-

I I

flect a gradual convergence of cognitive, interpersonal, family, and life-stress approaches (e.g., Blatt & Homann, 1992; Cicchetti & Schneider-Rosen, 1986; Cummings & Cicchetti, 1990; Gotlib & Hammen. 1992: Harnmen. 1992a); These models share many common features: the contribution of early family sociahzation to subsequent function-


ing, the emergence of internal representations or met with conflict, rejection, or isolation, leading working models of relationships, the interplay be- to depression. Alternatively, negative cognitive tween individual vulnerabilities and external expe- representations and poor social relationships may rience, and the role of depression as both a conse- augment children's vulnerability to depression quence of prior psychosocial disturbance and as a when they are faced with high levels of stress. risk factor for future difficulties. Depression then may compromise future devel-

Figure 4.1 depicts one possible multidimen- opment by disrupting important social bonds, sional developmental model of depression. The undermining existing competencies, inducing model is intended to highlight the complex and stress, and reaffirming children's negative views reciprocal interplay among individual child of themselves and the world. characteristics, interpersonal experiences, and To be sure, children's genetic or biological depressive symptomatology as described below. characteristics may enter into the cycle at any However, there are clearly many other variables point. For instance, individual differences in tem- and pathways that may be involved in shaping perament are likely to shape the nature of children's adjustment over time, and this model parent-child relationships and children's experi- should be regarded as a starting point. ences in other interpersonal contexts. Biological

In brief, contemporary developmental psycho- vulnerability, such as a tendency toward neuroen- pathology theories are based on the premise that docrine hyperarousal, inevitably will interact with experiences within the family are encoded in psychosocial resources in determining children's memory as a set of beliefs about the self and 0th- ability to cope with external stress and their ers and expectations about future interpersonal ensuing sensitivity to depression. encounters. Children who are exposed to care- Depression onset early in childhood may be giving styles characterized by insensitivity or re- particularly deleterious. First, impairment during jection would presumably develop generalized critical periods may redirect typical developmen- internal representations of the self as incompe- tal trajectories, such that children are unable to tent or unworthy, others as hostile or unrespon- compensate for skills that they have failed to sive, and interpersonal relationships as aversive learn. Second, early formation of negative and or unpredictable. Dysfunctional relationships and inflexible cognitive schemata may reduce the like- negative cognitive styles in turn are believed to lihood that children will attend to or incorporate interfere with the maturation of emotion and future disconfirmatory feedback. Third, the con- behavior-regulation skills. This backdrop of cog- nections among cognitive appraisal mechanisms, nitive, affective, and social impairment may affective tendencies, behavioral patterns, and directly precipitate depressive reactions or may external stress may strengthen over time, result- drive maladaptive interpersonal behavior that is ingin a decreased threshold for activation of these

representations of

FIGURE 4.1. Multifactorial, transactional model of child and adolescent depression.


networks as children enter adolescence and Other investigators have tested more general adulthood (cf. Bower, 1981; Teasdale, 1983). multidimensional models to explore the relative Finally, the accumulated impact of chronic psy- contributions of cognitive, behavioral, and fam- chological and social stress over time may alter ilyvariables to the prediction of depression. Stark, biological processes presumed to underlie de- Humphrey, Laurent, Livingston, and Christo- pression vulnerability, particularly in young chil- pher (1993) found that pure depressed, pure dren whose systems are not fully matured (Gold anxious, and mixed depressed/anxious children et al., 1988; Granger, Weisz, & Kauneckis, 1994). were best discriminated by a combination of

Integrative conceptual models of child depres- negative cognitions, aversive family conditions, sion are still relatively novel, and developmental and maladaptive social styles. Using a multifac- psychopathologists have only begun to bring tor model to predict depression and aggression these ideas into the empirical domain. However, in high-risk children, Downey and Walker (1992) preliminary data on certain elements of these also confirmed the importance of considering models suggest that they hold some promise. For both family-level influences and child-level influ- example, some studies have revealed a relation- ences in determining psychopathology. ship between maternal depression and insecure These studies represent exciting starting points child attachment (e.g., Lyons-Ruth et al., 1986; for future research on childhood depression. The Radke-Yarrow et al., 1985; Teti et al., 1991). next generation of theories clearly will need to Moreover, findings summarized above regarding involve comprehensive and developmental mod- the prevalence of negative perceptions of family els that incorporate multiple domains of function- and peers in depressed children and young adults ing and account for the reciprocal interplay (e.g., Armsden & Greenberg, 1987; Armsden among these domains across development. These et al., 1990; Blatt et al., 1979; Kaslow et al., 1984; conceptual gains also will need to be mirrored by Pappini et al., 1991; Parker, 1981) are consistent empirical studies designed to address systemati- with predictions that depression may be associ- cally the many important issues that have arisen atedwith the formation of internalized represen- from the past two decades of research. tations of others as unresponsive, hostile, rejecting, and untrustworthy. Pursuing the conceptual model even further, Kobak et al. (1991) found REFERENCES that depressive symptoms were significantly associated with insecure and preoccupied attach- Abramson, L. Y., Metalsky, 6. I., & Alloy, L. B (1989).

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