CHAPTER-III

CASTE fflERARCfflES AND CHANGES AMONG THE

PANCHAMAS IN KARNATAKA

CHAPTER-III CASTE HIERARCHIES AND CHANGES AMONG

THE RANCH AM AS IN KARNATAKA

This section deals withi \\r\e caste fiierarchies witliin the Panchamas with

specific reference to the Madigas, the Waddars and the Holeyas who form a

sizeable chunk of the Depressed Class population in Karnataka.

Madigas:

. The Madigas are described as Shoe makers and Tanners. They dre found

above the Sahyadries, and they have neither surnames nor family gods. The names

in common use among men are, Basaya, Barma, Karya, Venka, Ranga, Lakshya

and Yellya; and among women, Putti, Shivi, Bassi, Venki and Lakshmi. They are said

to have come from Maisur and still keep their connection with Maisur Madigas.""

Anthropologically they are described as that both men and women are short,

dark, and strongly built. Their mother tongue is Kanarese, they live in small one-

storied houses with thatched or tiled roofs and front varandas. Their daily food is

millet, rice, and fish. They eat mutton and fowls when they sacrifice to the village

Gods, and drink liquor. They are not particular about their food and eat carrion

when they can get it. Men wear waistcloth, and shoulder cloth with a head scarf.

Women wear a bodice and a robe worn like a petticoat without passing the skirt

between the feet. The men wear gold and brass rings in their ears and on .their

fingers; and the women besides the marriage nose ring, bead necklace, and glass

wristlets wear tin or brass bangles and gold or brass earrings, nose rings and finger

rings. They are hard working but given to drink. They skin dead animals, dress

hides, make shoes, and work as field labourers.^

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The Madigas are better off than other low castes, though other Hindus look

on them as impure like Mhars and Holeyas. During the rainy months, the greater

part of their time is spent in field work. In the dry weather they work in leather. Their

chief deity is Venkatraman, and they are staunch devotees of Mariamma whose

shrines are found in many parts of Karnataka. They also keep idols in their houses,

once every two or three years they raise subscriptions, make a small shed, buy a

brass pot which represents the goddess Mariamma, top it with a cocoanut, cover it

with flowers, and keep it for three days which they spend in feasting and drinking,

sacrificing lambs and fowls. At the end of the third day the pot is thrown into a river

or pond. They do not employ or respect Brahmans, but have priests of their own

called gurus whom the laity support and who eat but do not marry with them. They

have also a religious teacher named 'Jambu' whose monastery is at Kadapa in

Madras where they go on pilgrimage,polygamy is allowed, but few men take more

than one wife as money has to be paid to the girls father. Widow marriage is allowed

and practised. They either burry or burn their dead and their ceremonies do not

differ from those of the Holeyas. Caste disputes are settled by the head man or

gauda with the help of a council of adult castemen. They do not send their children

to school and show no signs of improving their position.^ Thus are described the

Madigas as a low caste among the Depressed Classes in Karnataka.

The Madiga in the Local Caste Hierarchy:

The Madigas are one of the two Depressed Castes of old Mysore, the

other caste being the Holeyas. The traditional occupation of both castes involve

removing the carcasses of dead cattle from the precincts of the village. The

pollution involved in this task reduced them to untouchable status. But while the

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Holeya merely removes the dead cattle, the Madiga also skin it and fashion articles

out of it. This preoccupation with leather renders the Madigas lower in the ritual

scale then the Holeyas and places them at the very bottom of the local caste

hierarchy.

The Status of the Madiga :

During the 1930's and 1940's, there was a concerted effort to raise the 'low

status of the Madiga', but the movement was not an endogamous one, rather, it

was directed from above by the upper castes and thus failed to inculcate in the

Madiga a feeling of self esteem and develop in them a new identity. The movement

described here was conducted under the aegis to the Gandhian Social reform

movement.

Mahatma Gandhi made social reform, especially Harijan upliftment, an

integral part of the freedom movement. 'As early as 1917, during the Congress

Session in Calcutta, the Harijan movement came to be recognized formally as part

of the Congress programme'." The leadership of the Congress in Mysore initially

consisted largely of Brahmans, but later, nationalistic non-Brahman men of the

Praja Paksha or non-Brahman People's Federation entered the movement.^This

was symbolized by the merger in 1937 of Praja Paksha with the Mysore Congress.^

These upper caste leaders, Brahman and non-Brahman, worked in close

conjunction with Dalit youth, whom they had picked out and trained, in the

constructive works programme of Gandhiji. In 1920, a Madiga Association called

the Adi-Jambhava Sangha was formed with Justice Shankara Narayana Rao as

its first president and the first educated Madiga youth Chikhanumanthaiya as its

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secretary. In fact, the first three Presidents of this association were Brahmans.

Shankara Narayana Rao was followed by Ramachandra Shinde and Gopalaswamy

Aiyar.

The Adi-Jambhava Sangha held conferences in 1928 and 1929 at

Nelamangala and Bangalore, respectively. It passed a number of resolutions aimed,

among other things, at altering the cultural life of the Madigas. They included giving

up the custom of child marriage, of buffalo sacrifice, consumption of carrion,

payment of bride price and serving liquor at engagement ceremonies, etc. The

Memorandum expressly states that 'these practices are not civilized and hence

should be given up'. Instead the Madigas were exhorted to adopt the milk libation

(dhare) ceremony at marriage, to serve satvik (vegetarian) food at festivals and

so on. The Madigas also began calling themselves Adi-Karnataka, implying thereby

that they are an autochthonoutos caste of the Karnataka region. They also

attempted to give up Leather-work.

These changes were sought to be introduced almost overnight and were

thrust on the Madigas by the leaders of the movement. Gopalaswamy Aiyar, a

social worker from Bangalore city, trained and sent out bands of young Depressed

Class people to the villages all over Mysore state to effect the reforms. In addition,

he had upper caste men supervise the work in each district. In Tur ikur district,

Vishwanath Shetty was incharge of Tiptur taluk and Jaisimha Rao of Tumkur taluk.

Most of the Dalit leaders who later made their mark were initiated into public life by

Aiyar. Mention may be made of the late Justice Bhimaiah^ Chief Justice of the

Karnataka High Court, Social Worker Chikhanumanthaiya, who got a state award

for his services. Chennigaramaiah the first Harijan Cabinet Minister with a rank in

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the state government, and K. Prabhakar, N. Ramakrishna and N. Rachaiah who

later became ministers. The 'Modus operandi' of the leadership was as fellow's:

They would go to the Dalit hamlets with buckets and soap powder, catch hold of the

Madiga, give them a bath and take them to the Bhajane mandiras started for the

occasion to recite Ram Bhajans.^ This was the cleansing process of the Madiga I

Though working in close conjunction with each other, the motives of the

upper caste and Depressed Classes leaders were different, for the upper caste

leaders, exposed as they had been to western liberal thought, untouchability was a

blot on their society which they could no longer countenance with equanimity, and

had to be done away with expeditiously. For the Depressed Classes leaders, the

movement represented an opportunity to sanskritize, which had never before been

offered to them. Their aim was to gain in status and to cross the pollution barrier

within Hindu religion and society.

The movement continued with unabated enthusiasm throughout the 1930's

and 1940's. Brahman leaders made it a point to eat meals along with Depressed

Classes youth and this was widely taken cognizance offby others. Congress leader

and later minister T. Subramanyam, took Depressed Classes in to his home and

asked his wife to serve them food, he himself ate his meals with them. A party of

180 Madiga youth was taken to Madras to meet Sir C.R Ramaswamy Ayyar and

Rajagopalachari. They were introduced to the liberal organizations of the day such

as the Theosophical Society and the Ramakrishna Mission.^

At the height of the movement in 1934, Gandhiji visited Mysore. He

addressed a number of public meetings and asked for the people's co-operation in

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implementing tine constructive work programme. This was followed by a visit to the

Dalit hamlets where he and his dedicated band of workers in characteristic fashion

took up broom and brush and swept the place clean.^ He exhorted the people to

send iheir children to schools. He visited the Adi-Jambava Hostel in Bangalore,

after which its name was changed to Bapuji Hostel.

However, the movement failed to raise the social status of the Madrgas.This

was Quickly perceived by their leaders who found that untouchability continued to

be practiced against them, especially in the rural areas. The upper caste leaders

also found, much to their chagrin, that the Madigas were not able to permanently

change their customs and lapsed into their old ways."""

As disillusionment with the movement grew, it became clear to the Madiga

leaders that the path of upward mobility through changing customs were ineffective.

They decided to try the secular path to mobility, via education and occupational

change. This took a conscious decision to change the strategy for social mobility." ^

It marked a psychological shift away from the notion of caste to the notion of

political equality Henceforth, mobility would have to be an individual effort, depend­

ing on one's capacity to achieve educational qualifications and occupational goals.

It is not surprising that this change took place during the 1950's as the era of

caste-based associations ended and the hold of caste councils declined. The very

ideology of caste had been undermined." The Madiga reflected this new mood of

individual achievement and mobility, recognizing a stratification system based on

secular criteria such as education, occupation and income rather than ascription-

based caste system."

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The Holeyas of Karnataka :

Today the Holeyas were mostly concerned with servile jobs for the higher

castes and they had something to do with the ownership of the land.^* A few

inscriptions often refer to them as 'Holeyalu, Mannalu or Alus'." Further the

Epigraphical sources belonging to the periods between M"' & 16* centuries." (An

epigraph dated 1388 A.D from Koppa mention the sale of Holeyas) often inform us

that these Holeyalus were purchased along with lands in which they were attached.

This practice was in vague till the end of the 18* century as known from the Kadatas."

On the eve of the establishment of the British rule in coastal Karnataka, the Holeyalus

used to get one Hana of Rice from their masters whenever they were employed In

the field. They build their huts near towns or villages. Some of them were permitted

to rent lands as 'Gaynigaras'. When their master had no use of their labour, they

must support themselves as well as they can. This they endeavour to do by mating

coir, or rope from coconut husks, various kinds of baskets from Ratans and

climbing plank and mud walls.""

Holeyas are found above the Sahyadris, they are said to have once been a

warlike race and have ruled the Karnataka. in South Kanara, they are called Ranas

or Kings." The mother tongue of the Holeyas is Kanarese, they use to perform

mean services such as scavenging " they have no subdivisions. Anthropologically

they are dark, middle sized and strongly built and inspite of their degraded condition

have an air of manliness. They live in huts or small houses with wattled reed or mud

walls and that thatched roofs, which they set up outside the towns and villages. The

larger towns have several streets of Holeya houses along which a Brahman never

passes. Their common food is rice and millet, but they eat beef, fowls, mutton, pork,

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and game. They offer blood sacrifices and the men drink fermented palm-juice and

spirits. They are hard working and orderly but thriftless and fond of drink. They are

scavengers and field labourers, as scavengers they carry away dead cattle and skin

them selling the hides and horns like the Mhars and Kotegars. '' They worship the

local village Gods and Goddesses by offering them blood sacrifices. They pay

Brahmans great respect but do not employ them to perform their ceremonies.

They marry their girls when young, but child marriage is not compulsory, widow

marriage and polygamy are allowed and practised, and polyandry is unknown.

They bury their dead and mourn ten days (11 days) during which they consider

themselves impure. On such grand occasions as marriages they feast their whole

castes. An hereditary head man called gottaga, performs their ceremonies and

settles their disputes, offences against the community, such as adultery either by

men or by women, and eating in lower castes houses, one punished by fine, the fine

is spent in buying liquor which the castemen drink, they do not send their children

to school or take to new pursuits."

The Pariahs or Holeyas include the Balagai and Yadagai or the Right and

Left hand castes. Of the Hill tribes there are the Yeravas and the Male Kudiyas, the

general opinion is that in these casteless tribes we have the remaining types of the

aboriginals who may be identified with Dr. Macleane's pre-Tamilian Dravidians of

southern India.

The Holeyas and Pariahs comprise a large class of inhabitants of old Mysore

and Madras presidency region. On the supposition that the Holeyas are the original

possessors of the land, their name is supposed to have been derived from the word

"Hole" unclean, impure, or from "Hola" a field. The word Pariah is generally derived

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from the tamil "Parei" or canarese "Pare", a drum, an instrument on which these

people play at festivals, but it may also have come from the tamil word "Parean",

which means one who lives outside, and this meaning applies exactly to the name

given to their abode "Parchery", which Is always apart on the outskirts of a village

or town. The indigenous Holeyas of Coorg are the Kembatti, the Paleyas and the

Kaplas, later settlers and temporary immigrants as labourers on coffee estates are

the Badaga Holeyas from Mysore, the Martas, Adiyas, Paravas, Maris or Maringis

and Maleyas from Malabar and the Balagai Holeyas from Mysore and the Tamil

country."

Waddars Mobilization in Karnataka :

The Waddars mention that they were a wandering and unsettled or nomadic

tribe. * They were classified as a wandering tribe or wandering and criminal tribe

and also come under Depressed Classes. They are also listed under Scheduled

Castes as per the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Modification order,

1956, throughout Karnataka except Coorg, Belgaum, Bijapur, Dhanwar, North Kanara,

South Kanara, Gulbarga, Raichur and Bidar districts and Kollegal taluk of Mysore

district. In other words, the Waddars were placed in the list of Scheduled Castes in

the erstwhile princely state of Mysore."

The Waddars claim that they had a number of sub-castes of which only nine

exist today. They are Kallu Waddars (stone breakers), Mannu Waddars (earth

workers), UppuWaddars (salttraders), BandiWaddars (cart users), GiriniWaddars

(grindstone makers). Raja Waddars (employed by royal families), Aragu Waddars

(Lac-sellers), Tudugu Waddars (thieves) and Oru Waddars (town-dwellers). All

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these sub-castes appear to have been named after their traditional occupations.

The first three sub-castes namely, Kallu, Mannu and Uppu Waddars - form the

bulk of the Waddars population in Karnataka State.

The Kallu Waddar sub-caste has the largest population among the Waddars

of Karnataka. The name of this sub-caste is derived from their traditional

occupation of working on stone. They are mainly employed in stone quarries,

building constructions, road metalling, and in cutting grindstones. Though the Kallu

Waddars are spread all over the state they are more numerous in the districts of

Bangalore, Bellary.-Chitradurga, Kolar and Shimoga. The next group in terms of

numerical strength is the Mannu Waddars. They are largely found in the district of

Mandya, Mysore, Gulbarga and to some extent, in Chitradurga and Shimoga. They

are known for earth work, such as in sinking wells, constructing railway tracks,

irrigation canals, tanks, dams and bridges, and in repairing all such types of

constructions. The Uppu Waddars are numerically the third prominent sub-caste

among the Waddars. They are so called due to their traditional occupation of trade

in salt and tamarind. They pursued their traditional occupation till the beginning of

this century and later gave it up since trade in salt and tamarind could no longer

earn them a livelihood. They migrated to cities in search of work where they were

forced to take up menial jobs like sweeping and scavenging. The Uppu Waddars are

found in Bangalore, Kolar, Tumkur, and Chitradurga districts.

The Waddars believe that they originally formed a single endogamous group

but that the differences in occupations led in due course to the emergence, of a

number of separate endogamous groups. The segmentation of the caste into

smaller endogamous units which may be termed as sub-castes, seems to have

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occurred during the early or mid-nineteenth century. The rules of endogamy were

flexible till almost the end of 19" century. Which is evident from the writings of

Nanjundayya and Ananthakrishna Iyer. Referring to the endogamous nature of the

Waddar caste, Nanjundayya and Iyer," wrote, "by changing the type of their work

into that of stone, earth (Mannu) Voddas may be allowed to marry a girl of Kallu

Vodda section". These endogamous groups are hierarchically ranked and each

sub-caste claims superiority over the other. However, the Kallu Waddars enjoy a

high status and claim superiority over the other sub-castes on the basis of their

occupation. Among the occupations pursued by the different sub-castes, working

on stone is considered to be the most respectable. The Mannu Waddars stand

next to the Kallu Waddars because working with earth is considered to be lower

than stone work but higher than the others occupations. The Uppu Waddars are

considered to be the lowest in the status hierarchy of the Waddar sub-castes."

There are different opinions concerning the position of the Waddar

community in the caste hierarchy. Some of the early accounts of the Waddars

describe them (or at least some of their sub-castes) as untouchables. For instance,

the Gazetteer of Bombay presidency (1884) mentions that Waddars 'were living in

small huts of bamboo matting and thatched roofs on the border of towns and

villages'. Thurston wrote that 'numbers of odde (voddas) are now permanently

settled in the outskirts of large towns, where both sexes find employment as

sweepers, etc., in connection with sanitation and conservancy. ^

The Waddars were largely leading a nomadic existence till recently and,

hence sedentarization of Waddars formed the first step in providing a contextual

situation for any social movement to occur. The establishment of a ethnic identity

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in the new contextual situation and tlie final incorporation into community life

provided the situation for the movement in a new social system. As nomads, the

Woddars remained peripheral to the social system and the above mentioned

processes- sedentarization, establishment of ethnic identity and incorporation

provided them with a base in the system so as to initiate a movement. In a way,

these processes too form part of the social movement, but without which the

movement would have had no contextual situation or base and would have also

lacked any focus.^

The motivation to settle down when sufficient wealth is accumulated comes

from the possible advantages in terms of opportunities in education, political

participation, stable life and such other benefits of sedentary life, secondL

sedentarization may also be motivated by external factors such as government

schemes, social reformers and well-wishers. Both the internal and external factors

were at work amongst the Waddars who began to settle in different parts of

Karnataka. In the case of the Waddars, they had to identify themselves as a caste

and establish a position in the system of castes of the locality or region in which they

settled.

The migration of Waddars from other regions into Karnataka, took place

without any opposition. Though the Waddars consist of different occupational and

endogamous groups, they possess certain features in common, all Waddars speak

the same language (Telugu)^", they believe in common myths, and their rituals and

religious beliefs, political institutions and so on are fairly similar, all Waddars have a

single ethnic identity, cutting across occupational and endogamous boundaries and

distinguish them from others. Another important feature encouraging an ethnic

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unity and identity among tiie Waddars is that they are identified as a single ethnic

group by the non-Waddars an important factor in an understanding of the way they

were incorporated In the system of poly-ethnic groups. They represent a group

possessing certain identifiable criteria; they are known for their hard-work on the

positive side and an 'ignorance and roughness' in their behavioural aspect on the

negative side, they have been able to establish an ethnic identity and a position in

the cas te sys.temfollowing their sedentarization. Initially, they occupied a

position just above the line of untouchability. Besides facilitating a place in the local

caste hierarchy it also provided them with opportunities for participation in the

economic, political and religious life of the region. Incorporation in community life

forms a highly significant stage in the course of the upward mobility in the existing

system of thes^castes.^^

The process of sedentarization of the Waddars in rural and urban locales

had different social consequences. The Waddars settled in urban areas have greater

opportunities in terms of education, employment. Political participation and life styles

than those living in rural areas. As a result, there is a greater social awakening and

collective mobilization among the Waddars in urban areas which provide the

requisite leadership and organizational structure oriented towards a change in

social status."

The reform movement among the Waddars c3me in the guise of education.

They also realized that their low position in society and relative deprivation were the

result of certain distinctive practices of their castes. This realization of their

degraded position coupled with the optimism of the educated Waddars who felt that

they could do something to raise their status, initiated reforms among them. The

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origin of tliese reform movements may be traced to the 1930's when a few educated

Waddars organized informal meetings of the caste elders to discuss the changes

that ought to be brought about in certain aspects of their life. Kolar and Chitradurga

were the centres of this awareness from where the movement emanated and spread

to other parts of Karnataka.

The Waddars believed that their low social status was due to their dietary

habits and age-old customs and ritual practices. A step in this direction was their

self-imposed ban on the eating of rats which, they believed, was one of the reasons

for their low status. The next important change they sought was to initiate their

women to wear bangles and blouses. Traditionally, Waddar women wore only one

brass bangle on the left waist and no blouse or brassieres. The institution of

marriage was also subjected to certain reforms. 1) They sought to change the time

of marriage from midnight hours to an auspicious hour of the day. In consultation

with a Brahmin Astrologer, 2) They tried to acquire the ritual services of a barber

a washerman and a Brahmin priest. Thus, reform activities were not merely

confined to bringing about changes in their dietary habits and dress but, more than

these, in their traditional customs and practices as w<il-l.

Among the few educated Waddars who set out with a missionary zeal to

change Waddar society were Smt.Yellamma of Kolar and Sri. Manjari Hanumanthappa

of Chitradurga district. Yellamma was the first lady to be educated up to lower

secondary, followed by teacher's training. In this process she came in contact with

people belonging to higher castes and was influenced by their ways of life. She was

not only eager to acquire knowledge of their ritual practices but also went through

some of the religious texts on Hinduism. She started her career as a teacher in

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1932 and, in addition, took up active social service for tlie amelioration of the

conditions of members of her community. She undertook a tour of all villages of

Kolar district towards the end of 1939, and visited other parts of Karnataka in 1940.

Where Waddars were found in large numbers. Her primary aim was to approach

women who had hardly known any nagarikatana (Civilized ways of life). Along with

instructions on material and dietary aspects of life. She also convinced them about

the need to change their outdated ritual practices. She propagated a sanskritized

version of their religious affiliations, caste structure (Kulas and Gotras), deities of

worship, modes of ritual observances during the rites of passage, fairs and

festivals and their cultural heritage."

Another important personality of the Waddar community was Manjari

Hanumanthappa. While Yellamma stressed the need for bringing about changes in

the religious life. Hanumanthappa worked for their upliftment mainly through

education. He began his career as a primary school teacher and his proficiency in

music made even some Brahmins invite him to teach music to their children, which

was unimaginable in the 1930's. He was exposed to the styles of life of the higher

castes which made him realize how ignorant and illiterate his kith and kin were, he

arranged a few meetings of the prominent members of his caste at Chitradurga

during the later part of the 1930's. In 1940 he started a hostel for Waddar boys by

raising contributions from members of the community and by obtaining a

government grant. Spurred on by the success of the first community hostel he

directed his efforts towards establishing more hostels, both for boys and girls. Thus,

for the first time, a hostel for girls was opened in Chitradurga in 1942. To start with,

there were 15 girls, even though many of them left the hostel within a short period.

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Hanumanthappa somehow managed to avoid closing it down. From 1946 onwards,

a number of Waddar hostels were established at Shimoga in 1946, at Tumkur in

1947 and at Challakere and Bangalore in 1948. Five more hostels were started in

1950 at Hiriyur, Hosadurg, Holalkere, Jagaloor and Malur, there were in all sixteen

hostels for boys and two hostels for girls.

The success of the early social reformers depended on their ability to

mobilize members of their caste. This mobilization began with their reform activities

and was confined only to certain areas. It was also sub-caste oriented in the initial

stages,the sub-caste to which the social reformers belonged tended to get much

more involved than other sub-castes. The establishment of hostels led to closer

contacts between the various sub-castes, since these hostels admitted students

from all Waddar sub-castes. Another significant aspect of collective mobilization

among the Waddars was the formation of caste association.

Caste Association and Collective Mobilization:

The Reform movement among the Waddars gained momentum during the

early 1940's and led to the formation of caste associations at Chitradurga and Kolar

in the first instance. The first caste association was started at Chitradurga in 1940

with fifteen members and was known as the Chitradurga District Waddara Sangha.

For the first time important members of different Waddar sub-castes were brought

together in one forum. It continues, to operate as a district association.

The Waddars of Kolar district followed the Waddars of Chitradurga by

establishing the Kolar District Waddara Sangha in 1942. The Kolar and Chitradurga

Waddara Associations jointly organized the first ever conference of the Waddar

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community in 1942 at Mudu Madugu, situated in Srinivasapura taluk of Kolar

district. They invited not only the Waddars of Karnataka but also those of Andra

Pradesh and Tamilnadu. The main purpose of the conference was to bring all the

Waddars together so as to formulate plans for the upliftment of their community.

The conference also felt that there was a need for changing the caste name. They

organized another conference the biggest ever in the history of Waddar in 1944 at

Davanagere, changing the caste name was one of the major issues discussed at

this conference. The Waddars were aware of many instances of castes changing

their name; for instance, the Adi-Karnataka, Adi-Dravida and Cheluvadi had

changed their names. The Goldsmiths changed their caste name to VIswakarmas

and Lambanis to Banjaras. They felt that the word Waddar had become such a

degrading usage that the non-Waddars were using it as an abusive term. Some

Waddars (the Uppu Waddar sub-caste) had taken to sweeping and hence they

were also considered to be untouchables. As a result they found it difficult to rent

houses in towns and cities. The Waddar leaders sought that the only way out of this

situation was to change the caste name, with regard to the choice of a new name,

there were three suggestions; some suggested that they should be called

'Wadeyaraju' and a few others suggested that they could at once indicate that the

Waddars had a royal heritage and that therefore they should be considered to be

Kshatriyas. In one of their pamphlets they have even claimed Kshatriya status by

calling themselves 'Wadeyaraju'. The conference, however, thought that these

names were too high sounding and decided in favour of the name 'Bhovi' which was

already in vogue as a surname for their traditional caste panchayat leaders. They

believed that this term would enable them to acquire a better status in society, since

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it is referred to in the Mahablnaratha. The Mahabharatha mentions that there were

people called Boyas or Bhovis who had the privilege of carrying the king's palanquin.

Thus, the conference passed a resolution requesting the central and state

governments to change the name of their caste. Both the state and the central

governments conceded their request and approved the new caste name as Bhovl.^

The conference also offered them an opportunity for establishing closer ties

between the various sub-castes. The two caste associations organized further

meetings - at Haveri in 1945 and at Shahabad in 1954. The main purpose of these

meetings was to plan the various measures to be taken for the amelioration of their

conditions.

The Waddars of Bhakshi Garden in Bangalore started a separate

association exclusively for the Uppu Waddars in 1946 and called it the'Bangalore

City Raja Boyila Sangha'. Later in the same year they renamed it as the 'Akhila

Mysore Raja Boyila Sangha' for the purpose of including all the 'Raja Boyis' of

Karnataka. The uppu Waddars wanted to be known by this name. But this Sangha

had no connection with the Waddar Associations of Kolar and Chitradurga. Their

traditional panchayat, the Dharma Sabha, was asked to conduct deliberations

under the auspices of the Sangha. In 1959, they changed the name of the

association again to 'Akhiia Mysore Boyila Sangha', omitting the word 'Raja'. But

all these associations remained local in nature and the Waddars had no single and

effective caste association at the state level for a long time. It was only in 1956 that

the 'Vishala Mysore Waddara (Bhovi) Sangha' was established in Hubli. Its twin

purposes were to undertake social reform among the Waddars, irrespective of their

sub-castes, and to safeguard the interest of the community.^^

106

The Waddars have tried to raise their ritual status in the hierarchy of castes

through reforms in their rituals and ritual interactions. In these ritual interactions the

higher castes - such as, the Vokkaligas, Lingayats and Brahmins - are taken as

the positive reference group. These castes may be regarded as the normative

reference group too, since they provided the Waddars with norms or standards of

behaviour as a frame of reference. On the other hand, the castes of Koracha,

Korama, Lambani, Jadamali and Madiga constitute the negative reference group

in the course of the Waddars upward mobility. On the ritual plane, the Waddars

compared themselves with members of these castes while claiming a higher ritual

rank than the latter. But the Waddars faced certain opposition from members of the

caste of washermen and barbers. Though the latter agreed to serve the former,

they consider the Waddars to be inferior to them in status. Therefore, members of

the washerman and barber castes do not accept any cooked food from the Waddars.

They are paid either in cash or in kind (grains, coconuts and fruits) for the ritual

services they perform for the Waddars.

While the myths and legends current among the Waddars formed the basis

of their unity, the objective socio-political conditions promoted it. The fact that they

were listed as a Scheduled Caste, as mentioned earlier, in the erstwhile princely

state of Mysore, brought them closer together for collective action so as to reap

the fruits of constitutional benefits and safeguards. In other words, the Waddars

formed a single group vis-a-vis the other Scheduled Castes. The Waddar caste

associations, which had earlier aimed only at social reforms, extended their

activities to avail themselves of the opportunities and benefits afforded them by the

new constitution. Along with instructing the masses on naveenachara (new

107

practice for bringing about-social reform) tfiese associations educated the Waddars

on the various facilities they could obtain from the government through the special

schemes that it had launched in education, employment, financial assistance and

so on for the welfare of the Scheduled Castes.

The newly formed state level association, namely, the Vishala Mysore

Waddara (Bhovi) Sangha, gradually acquired a certain political complexion soon

after its inception. It took up the issue of the inclusion of the Waddars of the newly

integrated parts of Karnataka in the list of Scheduled Castes. The Sangha decided

to urge the state and central governments to remove the territorial restrictions and

to consider the Waddars of the reorganized state of Karnataka as a Scheduled

Caste, thereby to extend the benefits enjoyed by the Waddars of the erest-while

princely state of Mysore to those living in Karnataka.^^

Korars:

Korars or Korgars are found in small numbers at Kumta, Monki, Shirali,

Bhatkal, Murdeshvar and other villagesand towns, under the names Koragas,

Koramas, and Korachas they are found in Mysore and Coimbattur.

Another branch named Korars by Buchanan, occurs in South Kanara where

they live in the depths of the forest, and until lately wore no clothing except a leaf

apron, the language of the South Kanara Koragars is a mixture of Telugu andTulu.

The North Kanara Korgars are middle sized, very dark and strongly made, with

slightly projecting jaws, high cheek-bones and sloping foreheads. Their Kanarese

does not differ from that spoken by other people. Their common food is ragi, rice,

and fish, but they often eat dead cattle and always drink to excess. They skin dead

108

animals and sell the hides to chambhars, they also plait bamboo baskets and mats,

work as field labourers, and sweep the streets and otherwise act as Scavengers.

They are wretchedly poor being always in debt. They are a low class ranking with

and living in the same way as the kotegars. They worship all village Gods and

Goddesses and have strong faith in sorcery, soothsaying, and ghosts, they make

no pilgrimages, do not employ Brahmins, and have no family Gods. Their girls

marry between ten and fourteen, and their boys between sixteen and twenty five.

Marriage and other ceremonies are performed by the headman of their caste who

Is called 'budvanth', the marriage ceremony consisting in tying the ends of the

bridegroom's and bride's garments, joining their hands, and pouring water over

them. Widow marriage and polygamy are allowed and practised, polyandry is

unknown, disputes are settled by their headman who has power to call caste

meetings to settle social disputes, serious transgressionsBre punished with loss of

caste and ordinary offences by fine. They are badly off and do not seem likely to

improve, as they neither send their boys to school nor take to new pursuits."

Thus a brief survey of the various prominent Depressed Classes gives a

picture of the desperate status of these people earlier, and continues to be the

same now.

Population and General Conditions of the Adi-Karnataka:

The Depressed Classes in iVIysore comprised the aforesaid castes,

according to the census of 1921 and 1931, the Holeyas and Madigas who were

renamed officially as Adi-Karnataka ^ were the two castes which were "treated by

the other castes as untouchables". For grant of special facility for education the

109

government included the Vodda, Koracha, Korma and Lambani to this category.

But they were not "treated as untouchables any where in the state".^'

The AdI-Karnataka with whom we shall be dealing with here, formed the

second largest community in the state (only next to the Vokkaligas) with 10,000,326,

persons (census of 1931). The total population of Depressed Classes in that year

was 12,58,779 a little less that 1/5" of the states population.'"' Despite the facilities

provided the Depressed Class had the lowest proportion of literates. Voddas being

the lowest among again with only 1 per cent.* Even 35 years after the passing of

the Infant Marriage Regulation (1894) infant marriages "were fairly common'among

the Depressed Classes". These castes accounted for 7,000 persons married in the

age group of 7 and 13 years only next to the Vokkaligas.*^

Organisational Capabilities:

The Depressed Classes as they were ignorant and backward in all respects,

remained too loyal to the government and there was not much of a change

throughout in their attitude towards them. Attempts were made to organize them,

by some leaders belonging to other classes and of their own. The Panchamas were

less benefited by the demands of the non-Brahmin Praja IVlitra Mandali, which

was dominated by the non-Brahmin elites such as Lingayats, Muslims and

Vokkaligas. In fact, the Vokkaligas and Lingayats were not favourably disposed

towards the Panchamas, though they spoke from the same platforms, about the

problems of these classes, it was more or less a lip sympathy."' It appears that they

championed the cause of the Depressed Classes to strengthen their own claim of

representing 96 per cent of the population, that these leaders took the Depressed

110

Classes into account. Thus though the Depressed Classes were not opposed by

the other non-Brahmins, they were not ''^«»'supported by the latter to any extent.

The major task of organising the Depressed Classes was to be taken up by

certain individual Brahmins. The reason being the reluctance of non-Brahmins,

because it would have been more embarrassing to them as it was they, who more

often than the Brahmins, exploited the Depressed Classes in the rural areas. How

genuine the Brahmin intentions were in organizing them, needs further enquiry,

as it was perhaps due to the insignificant numerical strength of them (Brahmins),

that they wanted to assume the leadership of the numerically strong Depressed

Classes, with the intention of having them politically on their side in their conflict with

non-Brahmins. It may be also due to the fact that the Depressed Class were more

dearer to congress under Gandhi. However the congress in Mysore, as an

organization appeared to be noncommittal to the proposal of abolishing

untouchability.'"''

By doing so the Brahmins of Mysore stood to gain in two ways, firstly, they

could claim to be progressive as champions of the Panchamas and escape the

criticism, that they were communal and, secondly, they could prevent the Depressed

Classes from joining hands with other non-Brahmins, their adversaries in Mysore

politics, further by aligning themselves they were loosing nothing as Panchamas

could not be competitors to them in any way.

B. Hettne points out thai Brahmins began to organize the untouchables "as

a counter mobilization strategy"."^ But this alliance between the two failed to

produce anything. In the thirties the kind of leadership that emerged among the

111

Panchamas did not want to have any truck with any party. This becomes evident

form thoir demand to give represontatlon to the roprosenlatJvo bodies on the basis

of the "Poona Pact".''® it is also significant to note that they remained loyal and co­

operative to the autocracy of the princely state of Mysore opposing "responsible

government even to a small extent."" In fact this was in contrast to the demand of

the congress which wanted "complete responsible government".''®

Role of the Non-Official Agencies :

There were a number of non-official agencies which worked or pretended to

work for uplifting the Depressed Classes. Of them the one important organisation

was the Adi-Dravida Abhiuridhi Sangha led by Murugesen pitlsy who was quite

co-operative and loyal to demand any thing except for pleading with the authorities.

Murugesgn Riijay a Tamil Depressed Class man was the sole crusader in the first

thirty years. It appears that he followed the policy of equi-distance form both the

non-Brahmins and Brahmins for a time. When the Miller Committee was to be

appointed he tided towards, the Praja Mitra Mandali. But once orders on the

report were out he relegated himself to his earlier stand.'" However, he was

successful in pleading with the government and obtaining certain concessions

including representation for Depressed Classes fyi the assembly and council.^

Another notable organization was the "Adi-Jambava Sangha" which also

was a petitioning organization, running a few middle schools for the Panchama

students. This association was also too sceptical of any rights to the people and

wanted only piece meal patronage of the government. But it appears to be natural,

as they feared that responsible government meant government of the major

112

communal groups which were not favourable to them. It is because of this that they

did not want power to the people like other minor communities." But they wanted

nominations for ministership to their community," like the Adi-Dravida Abivridi

Sangha. This organisation was also represented on the assembly.

It was largely due to these two associations led by members of the same

castes and their loyalty,that in the constitutional reforms of 1940, 30 seats on the

assembly and 4 seats on the legislative council were reserved for the Depressed

Classes." But even did not try to mobilize their rural brothern which, seems a little

too much to be expected from them at that time.

The other non-official agencies engaged in Depressed Classes work were

the 'Civic and Social Progress Association' the Kengeri Gurukulashrama, the

Malleswaram Deena Seva Sangha led mostly by Brahmins and the Kaniyara

Sangha which was another communal association.

The Civic and Social Progress Association was mainly a 'service organisation'

doing superficial work, like organising milk centres in the Bangalore city for the

benefit of Depressed Classes, and arranging for lectures on temperance,

sanitation, cleanliness, etc." The Kengeri Gurukulashrama had opened a free

boarding home and was running a school for Panchama students. In 1933 there

were 13 boys studying and residing in this home. The Malleswaram Deena Seva

Sangha started day and night schools in Bangalore and 225 boys and 60 girls of

these communities attended these schools. The Kaniyara Sangha was a

communal organization organized for the improvement of Kaniyara, for a time it

was also led by Brahmins."

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All these association like the other non-Brahmin communal organisations Mot

were started In and around Bangalore and Mysore cities, and perhaps many

outside the two cities knew about their existence.

The most interesting aspects of the Depressed Class organizations and

upliftment is the involvement of C.R. Reddy the champion of "the non-Brahmin

cause in Mysore" Reddy was deeply involved in the work and it may be recalled that

it was he who as the Inspector General of Education master minded the numerous

concessions even more than what the non-Brahmins got: to the Panchamas. Though

the "opposition and the reactionaries seemed a bit stronger" Reddy was inclined to

hold a "Panchama rather a Dravida conferences" in 1920. ^ Under the auspices of

the Civil and Social Progress Association of Mysore, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the

National leader of Depressed Classes was also invited to preside over it."

But the planned conference, which, with the dynamic leadership of C.R.

Reddy, would have gone a long way in uplifting the lot of the Panchamas appears

to have been scuttled by the governmentsreluctance to allow it. Reddy in this work

was encouraged by the Yuvaraja Kanteerava Narasimharaja Wodeyar. (Who backed

the non-Brahmins as a whole) "Reddy and some of his friends notably Hulam

Ahme_d Kalam' along with ^ lIrl e<=!P^ Pillav had asked for Rs. 12,000 annual grant,

and if possible an officer of the Assistant Commissioner's rank to look after a non-

official agency which was proposed to set up to deal with the work. Reddy wanted

to be the Honorary Secretory but the government after envincing initial interest

appears to have retraced due to the mounting opposition as evidenced

subsequently to the passing of the Sringeri order. They decided to give a grant, not

exceeding Rs. 5,000 or an equivalent amount raised by the association.

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Reddy also had given a notice that if the state did not agree for his proposal

he "would move for the winding-up of the association".^^ Which inevitably happened

and after Reddy left, the association was unheard of. Subsequently Panchama

welfare activity was taken up by others. The non-Brahmin supporters of R^44K

also had no genuine sympathy for the Depressed Classes. It appears this

reluctance of his friends in Mysore contributed to Reddy's disappointment and

finally led to his departure from Mysore.^'

Reddy, the great social democrat, as his literature and correspondence

reveal had thought together the Depressed Classes, and was also responsible to

make them submit a memorandum to theDev/ari Kantht&rsj Mrs, before he actually

gave "notice" threatening to wind-up the association. This memorandum submitted

by the Adi-Karnatakas and Adi-Dravidas (Holeyas and Madlgas) contained the

same demands which.were the subject matter of Reddy's demands presented to

the government." It is interesting to note that the memorandum was submitted on

25' October and Reddy gave "notice" through 3alaraja Urs on 29" August, 1920.

In between these days the government had decided on giving Rs. 5,000 to the

association ! ^

The Problems of Untouchability andTemple Entry Programme:

The next development in state that concerned the Depressed Classes was

the issue of abolition of untouchability and temple entry in the nineteen thirties.

The plea to do away with the problem of untouchability came surprisingly

from certain non-Panchama leaders. In 1927 there was a demand for abolition of

untouchability in the council. The government did not want to take any 'hasty' step

115

in this regard as this was, no doubt, a delicate and a sensitive issue to which there

was considerable opposition, A resolution also seeking the declaration from the

government permitting temple entry to Depressed Classes was moved In the

legislative council. But the conservative and the official elements that dominated

the council defeated it."

But it seems to have served the purpose of keeping alive the problem and

bringing home the truth that there was a section who wanted such a change.

Another attempt in the council was made in 1931, but with a difference, some of the

hard core conservatives who opposed the move earlier, supported it. The

resolution was passed in the absence of official members who obtained from the

Dewan a President's whip to avoid controversy. " The government, however, was

not prepared to implement the resolution as they felt that "the public was not

prepared to accept.... Since this was a sensitive issue". The members request to

throw open at least the Muzarai temples (those temples that were given

government grants) was also not acceptable to the authorities.

After this disappointment the leaders formed themselves in to what they

called as "the Mysore State Anti Untouchability League" immediately after the

council session in December 1931. The committee which consisted of liberals and

interestingly not radicals, seem to have taken pains in conducting a large number of

meetings of both Harijans,^'' and the general public to focus public opinion. ',lt also

submitted a memorandum singed by a large number of members of the Assembly

and the Council and prominent citizens of the state to the government for the

removal of untouchability. This committee which consisted of ten members had

only one Depressed Class leader, which speaks of the lack of awareness among

116

the members of the existing problems concerning the Depressed Classes."

Surprisingly there was only one Brahmin member associated with it besides

Gopalaswamy Iyengar.

It was more than 13 years since all the schools were opened for Panchama

admission, but untouchability as a social evil persisted. "In villages where

population of the Brahmins or other equally high castes" lived together in one street

the Adi-Karnataka were "not allowed to walk through the street."" In other cases

though he could walk along the street had to make way when a person of the higher

caste came along." There were some castes whose touch the higher castes

avoided.

The league prepared a bill called the abolition of Untouchability Bill,

embodying their recommendations. By passing the Bill into a legislation they wanted

the government to "withdraw the co-operation of the state in the enforcement of the

custom of untouchability and to lay down that no court, civil or criminal and no officer

of the government shall base any judgement or order on the recognition of such a

custom." "They believed that with the withdrawal of the state aid and the progress

of Harijan movement untouchability is certain to die a natural death.""

It cannot be understood how the league members could enforce the bill,

even if it was accepted by the government without interfering "positively with any

social or religious institutions". The league also had contacted Gandhiji asking him

to clarify whether the bill should include temple entry also, ° for which Gandhiji

replied that it was "unnecessary to press for the passage of the bill as far as Mysore

was concerneJ.™ Further Gandhi who also had liberal ideas on sensitive issues

warned them, to see to it that the interpretation of the bill is accepted by all.

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The league members as Gandhiji believed were of the opinion that if

untouchability was abolished by law the merger of untouchable castes within the

Hindu Community would be a matter of time and the doors of the temples could not

be shut against them for a pretty long time. They asked "why should we

unneccessarily court orthodox and other opposition by introduction of a Tefnpje

Entry Bill, as well ? "

With these opinions and arguments they prepared the Bill and approached

the Dewan asking him permission, to introduce the Bill in the Council session. But

the Dewan did not feel that it was "possible to go through all the stages for the

passage" in one sitting.

The Bill as such was only a signal to the awakening of the Depressed

Classes in Mysore. In the words of the committee, itself "the Bill is purely negative

it does not penalise the practice of untouchability,"" with regard to temple entry the

league was "sorry to find that the government had not taken steps to give effect to

the resolution of the Legislative Council passed unanimously". The implementation

of the resolution, they felt" would give tremendous impetus." " The government

had no interest in the Bill at all. The acting Dewan Mirza Ismail (1930) who met the

league members gave evasive replies telling them "it was not possible to express

any view at present and that the matter will have to be considered when it came up

again.^''

The government of British India had passed the Temple Entry Bill in 1930 in

the Central Legislature. It was on the basis of the Central Bill that the diluted

Mysore Anti-untouchability Bill was drafted." Further the princely states of Travancore""

and Sandur," passed the temple entry Bill, which also echoed in Mysore.

118

The advocates of removal of untouchability kept on their propaganda. The

Praja Paksha, All Parties Conferences and the Advpcat.es J ssoG^e.ton passed

resolutions supporting the cause. Public meetings were arranged to build up

pressure. The Kaniyara Sangha leader Jagadur Remachaadra Rso also had gone

on a fast. In the assembly of 1933 a resolution was also passed urging the

government to remove untouchability." Members belonging to Praja Paksha and

the Nationalist Brahmin group supported and actively participated in the

discussion. In the very next session another resolution seeking the removal of civil

disabilities and to enable all to utilize places of public use was moved. It also sought

punishment for those violating the resolution. The next logical step taken by the

liberals was in the legislative council recommending to the government, to pass an

order admitting Harijans to all Muzrai Hindu Temples. The resolution was to urge

the government to follow the example of Travancore which had passed the Temple

Entiy Bill.

Another vain bid was made in the Council to press for temple entry in 1938

which was accepted by the government "only in principle."" The first official action

regarding the issue was taken in 1938 by issuing a notification enabling Harijans to

enter the Belur Temple.™ A similar order permitting Harijans to go to the Sravana-

Belsgpia hill was issued and hastily withdrawn because the Jains, whose deity is on

the hills protested and agitated. This sparked off heated debates.^'

The bureaucracy which wielded the administrative power^absence of any

popular participation in decision-making was dominated by orthodox high caste

Hindus and they were never enthusiastic about the these bills. The Depressed

Classes themselves were too reluctant to take any serious steps due to their utter

119

backwardness and lack of popular support. It is a matter to wonder whether the

nonmembers of the representative bodies even knew that there was a move for

temple entry or abolition of untouchability. Their leaders believed that their "social

condition would automatically improve with the improvement in their economic

condition."

The district boards manned by non-official presidents took the lead and

threw open public wells under their control for Panchama use. ^ Bangalore, Kolar,

Shimoga and Tumkur were the four district boards to implement it. The government

which was unwilling to take any step in this regard, at last as a gesture of good will

sanctioned more grant to the district boards to fulfil this mission.^

The Harijana Question:

The British policy of 'Divide and Rule' found another expression in the

announcement of the communal Award in August 1932. The Award allotted to each

minority a number of seats in the legislatures to be elected on the basis of a

separate electorate, that is Muslims would be elected only by Muslims and SL' hs,

and so on. The Award declared the Depressed Classes (Scheduled Castes of

today) also to be a minority community entitled to separate electorate and thus

separated them from the rest of the Hindus.

But the effort to separate the Depressed Classes from the rest of Hindus and

treating them as separate political entities was vehemently opposed by all.the

nationalists. Gandhiji, in Yervada Jail at the time, in particular, reacted very strongly^

He saw the Award as an attack on Indian unity and nationalism, harmful to both

Hinduism and the Depressed Classes, for it provided no answers to the socially

120

degraded position of the latter. Once the Depressed Classes were treated as a

separate community, the question of abolishing untouchability would not arise, and

the work of Hindu social reform in this respect would come to a halt. But while

reformers like himself were working for the total eradication of untouchability.

Separate electorates would ensure that 'untouchables remain untouchables in

perpetuity'. What was needed was not the protection of the so called interests of

the Depressed Classes in terms of- seats in the legislature or jobs but the total

eradication of untouchability.

Gandhiji demanded that the representative of the Depressed Classes should

be elected by the general electorate under a wide, if possible universal common

franchise. At the same time he did not object to the demand for a larger number of

the reserved seats for the Depressed Classes. He went on a 'fast unto death' on 20

September 1932 to enforce his demand. In a statement to the press, he said 'My

life, I count of no consequence, one hundred lives given for this noble cause would,

in my opinion, be poor penance done by Hindus for the atrocious wrongs they have

heaped upon helpless men and women of their own faith'.^^

20'*' September was observed as a day of fasting and prayer. Temples,

wells, roads etc., were thrown open to the Depressed Classes all over the country.

Rabindranath Tagore sent a telegraphic message to Gandhiji: 'It is worth sacrificing

precious life for the sake of India's unity and her social integrity- our sorrowing

hearts will follow your sublime penance with reverence and love'. Political leaders

of different political persuasions, including Madan [\/lohan Malaviya, M.C. Rajah and

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, now becQme more active. In the end they succeeded in

hammering out an agreement known as the Poona Pact, according to which the

121

idea of separate electorates for Depressed Classes was abandoned but the seats

reserved for them In the Provincial Legislatures were increased from seventy-one

to 147 and in the Central Legislature to eighteen per cent of the total.^^

The Harijan Movement in Karnataka :

In Karnataka, as in other parts of India, reformers had been trying to help

the Harijans out of their sufferings. Earlier reformers like Buddha, Basava, Ramanuja,

Kabir, Guru Nanak, Swamy Ramadas, SantTukaram and later reformers like Swami

Vivekananda and Swami Shraddhananda, have already attacked the evils of

Untouchability The Arya Samaj and the Brahma Samaj can be seen as revolts

against such evils in Hindu society More recently Mahatma Gandhi had been the

outstanding champion of the untouchables. It was he who succeeded in giving the

Harijan movement cohesion on an all India basis. It was he who persuaded the

National Congress to accept Harijana upliftment as an integral part of the freedom

movement. There is no doubt that the Mahatma was aware, and he also knew that

it was primarily a socio-religious issue. But he also knew that it had political

implications. He knew that the British were attempting to separate the Harijans

away from the national cause, more over, he felt that India's case for freedom would

be morally vulnerable so long as India tolerated such an evil as untouchability.

It was during the 1917 session of the congress at Calcutta that the Harijan

movement came to be recognized formally as part of the congress programme.

Gandhiji waged a cease less war on the evil of Untouchability through speech and

writing. It is interesting here to recall that once during a political confererices at

Bijapur (1924), Gandhiji was called upon to address an audience on a resolution for

122

the removal of Untouchability. Before starting his speech he wanted to know if there

was a single Harijan among the audience. On hearing that there was none, he sank

back despondent and silent." Such was the significance he attached to this

problem. In 1919 Gandhiji took over the editorship of the paper Xoujig india, and

wasted no time in turning it into an effective champion of the Harijan cause. In the

issue dated 8"" August 1920, he declared that Untouchability was a blot on humanity

itself. Thus with his blessings the movement began to gather momentum. The

Malabar Valkom Temple Entry Satyagraha and the Kerala Guruvayur Temple

Entry Satyagraha were organized under his general guidance. As for himself, the

Mahatma made it a point not to enter any temple which Harijans were not allowed

to enter.

The Round Table Conference of 1931 which Gandhiji attended revealed how

the British statesman tried to exploit the Harijans to their advantage. Both Dr. B.R.

Ambedkar and Mr. Jinnah seem to have played in to the hands of these statesmen.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar pleaded for a separate electorate for the Harijans, Gandhiji

opposed it as undermining the unity of India. On 12' August, 1932, the government

announced its Communal Award, accepting the principle of a separate electorate.

Gandhiji decided to undertake a 'fast unto death' on the issue from 20' September,

1932, this decision, while plunging the country in to gloom gave a tremendous fillip

to the Harijan Movement country wide support to the Harijan cause was eloequetly

demonstrated. On September 30 ' 1932, an association for the eradication of

Untouchability was started, with Ghanshyamdas Biria as its president and Amritlal

Thakkar as its secretary. Later it was named the Harijan Sevak Sangha. It opened

its branches all over the country including the Karnataka region. In 1936, the

123

Tranvancore Government threw open all temples officially to the Harijans, within its

state and 1526 temples became accessible to the Harijans.

When the Harijan Sevak Sangha was started in 1933, Karnataka was in

the forefront of the Harijan movement. Branches of this Sangha were soon started

in Bijapur, Belgaum, Karwar, Mangalore, Coorg and Bellary, with Hubli as the head

quarters.^^ When Gandhiji toured Karnataka in connection with the movement he

met with great enthusiasm every where. Among the leaders in the movement in

North Karnataka, mention must be made of Veeraring Gaucia Patil and his wife

Shrimati Patil. Shri Patil was the president of Karnataka Board of the Harijan Sevak

Sangha. It was due to the efforts of the Patils that Harijan Balikashram for the

education of Harijan girls was started in Hubli in 1934. It is a proud fact for Karnataka

that this was the only institution of its kind in the whole of the old Bombay province.

It was actually started in direct response to Gandhiji's appeal for Harijan uplift

during his tour of Karnataka. Another active participant in the movement was Shrimati

SiddhamatI IVIylar, wife of the great hero of the freedom movement, JVyla''

Mahadevai)pa- In the old Mysore region, the leaders in the movement were

Gopalaswamy lengar, H.C. Dasappa, and Shrimati Yashodharamma Dasappa. The

Government of old Mysore did much to help the Harijans. Hostels were started for

their benefit, scholarships, freeships and loans were liberally granted to Harijan

students. Karnataka also gave liberally to the Harijan fund and thus advanced the

cause of Pundur Lakshminarayana Punithacharya. His poem Harijana Sandhana

published in 1934, helped Gandhi in making the Harijan cause popular in Karnataka

during his tour. Pandit Tar^nath in his speeches advocated the Harijan cause.

Hardek^r f anXappa wrote a book on the theme entitled 'Adijanara Sudharane' and

124

he also wrote a number of brilliant editorials on this subject in his paper 'Sarana

Sandesha'. During 1932-1934 K.E. Patils ^ 'Removal of Untouchability' is the most

systematic account of the movement, both in India as a whole and in Karnataka in

particular.

The formation of the congress province of Karnataka in 1920 and the holding

of the Beigaum session of the Indian National Congress in December 1924

presided over by Gandhiji brought about a great consciousness about

responsibilities in the political and social life of the city and Its neighbouring towns,

Hubli and Dhanwar. The Beigaum session of the Congress gave new impetus to

efforts for raising the position of women in Indian society, the removal of

Untouchability and for Harijan upliftment. The establishment of the Harijan Sevak

Sangha in 1933^Gandhiji's Harijan tour of Karnataka in 1934 added further strength

to the growth and development of many social welfare agencies in this area. Dharwar

being the head quarters of the district and Hubli the biggest town in the district

became the centres of organized efforts for welfare activities in the entire district.®"

Proceedings of Harijan Movement in Karnataka :

The MvSQje State Youth League convened a meeting on the 24* September

with Bhashyam in the Chair. Resolution&were passed appealing to the British

premier to modify the communal Award and incorporate joint electorates for the

entire Hindu community including Harijans.

The First anniversary of the Mysore /BLntj-UnitOuchgibilitv League, was

celebrated on the 18" December under the presidentship of V.R Madhava Rao,

125

A.V.Thakkar, General Secretary of AlJ-InclJa Anlj-Unlpuchability League, addressed

the gatherings. Resolutions were passed requesting Government to throw open all

Hindu temples to untouchables, to allow them to make free use of all wells, tanks,

roads and schools, to grant them free lands and thereby improve their economic

position etc.

On 20" September 1932, the day of the commencement of Fast by Gandhiji,

a procession consisting of a few Lawyers, Students and Members of Depressed

Glasses was organized in Hassan district. The procession ended by going to the

temple belonging to hJ-V. Ran^aswamy where the Depressed Classes were allowed

to offer prayers and perform Mangalarathi. A meeting of AdI-Karnatakas was

convened in the temple of Harijan Keri at Devangere on the 18"" December

presided over by Srinivasa Rao. ''

On 20 September 1932, itself hartai was observed in most parts of Shimoga

district, likeThirthahalli, Agumbe, Sagaretc. AtThirthahalli, Raghavendra Rao with

students and Adi-Karnatakas bathed in Tunga and prayers were offered. Clothes

were distributed to the Harijans and speeches advocating the boycott of British

goods were made. Similar meetings were held in other parts of the district.'^

Tagadur Ramachandra Rao commenced fasting from the 15 of May in

connection with the removal of Untouchability in the state. He is said to have sent

a telegram to His Highness requesting him to allow the untouchables to enter the

"Muzrai institutions of the state. He broke his fast on the 20 May 1933 after a

tentative assurance. ^

Gandhiji visited Tumkur on 4 January 1934 and he was presented with a

126

purse of Rs. 1,000 and an addrg§§ on behalf of th§ piQpii ef Tlimkur QWlQl.

Qindhiji iddp&ggeci the i@th§fiiig and thank§d thtm f§r the pumQ whi@h w@j

prfgentid and iatd that h@ would mpm\ tv©ry one t© htip him wh©l©h©art©dly in

his anti-untouchabiiity movoments.®'

On th© s"" January 1934, h© next arrivtd at Nanjangud, whtri h i wai

presented with address by th© IVIunicipality and the Harysns. H© addr©©©©d th©

gathering on the uplift of Harijans and throwing open of several temples and welfeto

them and appealed to them to blot out untouchabillty. At Mysore, Gandhiji visited

several Harjjen Colonies and the Adl-Ksmataka Hostels. On the evening of 5^

January 1934, he attended a mass meeting of about 8000 people and addressed

the gathering on the uplift of Harljans and the eradication of untouchabillty. ^ On

the 6" of January 1934, he arrived at Channpatna and visited the colony of Harsjarss

where he was presented with a purse of Rs.125 hy Harijan Sevaka Sang ja. ® The

same day Gandhiji arrived at the National High School Grounds at 5.30 PM in

Bangalore. The students of Bangalore presented an address and a purse of Rs.

1000. In the course of his reply to the address, Gandhiji advisedthsstudents to

interest themselves in the uplift of the Harijans.^^

After recovering from illness in November 1933 Gandhiji again took up his

Harijan tour. He came to North Karnataka in February 1934 and toured \n the

taluks of Sirsi, Siddapur, Ankola and Karwar.

The Harijan Sevak Sarsglia and various other associated activities aimed

to developed a human, disciplined and well-ordsred life for the Depressed Classes.

Hence this chapter has tried to analyse on the one hand the various problems within

127

the Depressed Classes, including caste liierarchies and factions. It also has tried to

see the gradual growth and involvement of various organisations in an attempt to

uplift the Harljans as a part of social change as well as the growth of nationalism

during the freedom movement under the leadership of Gandhi, Ambedkar and

other stalvarts.

128

REFERENCES AND NOTES

1. B.L. Rices, Mysore pp. 347-348, also James M, Camp Bell, "Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Kanara District", vol. XV, part-l, 1993, p.358.

2. James M. Camp Bell, Ibid., p.359.

3. Ibid., p.359.

4. Halappa, G.S, "History of Freedom Movement In Karnataka", vol. II, 1964, p.431.

5. Lalita Chandrasekaran, "Social Mobility Among the Madiga of Karnataka", in Sociological Bulletin 41 (1 &2), March, September 1992, p.122.

6. James Manor, "Political Change in an Indian State,Mysore 1917-1955",

1977, p.65.

7. Lalita Chandrasekaran, op. cit., p. 123.

8. Ibid., p.124.

9. lbid.,"Memorandumof Dalit Colony inTumkur".

10. Lalita Chandrasekaran, "Social Mobility Among the Madiga of Karnataka",

p.124.

11. Ibid., "T.A. Dasappa, Founder of the Sarvodaya Vidya Samsthe", Tiptur.

12. Beteille, Andre, "Caste and Intellectuals: An Uneasy Relationship", 1991, The Times of India, 30 November.

13. Lalita Chandrasekaran, op. cit., p.124. 14. Vasantha Madhav, "Western Karnataka its Agrarian Relations, AD 1500-

1800", 1991, p.54.

15. South Indian InscriptiorpVII, nos. 365, 198, 262, Ibid, IX, pt, II, no.417.

16. Shivanna, K, "The Agrarian System of Karnataka", pp. 53-54.

17. Shashtry, A.K, "Sringeri Dharma Samsthana", p.187.

129

18. Vasantha Madhav, op. cit., p.55.

19. James M. Camp Bell, "Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Kanara District", 1883, p.369.

20. Ibid., p.370.

21. Ibid., p.370.

22. Surendra Rao, B. and K.M.Lokesh, eds., "Coorg invented, 19tli Century European Writings on Kodagu", 1998, p. 145.

23. Chandrashekara Bhat, "Tfie Reform IVIovement Among tiie Waddars of Karnataica", in M.S.A. Rao, ed., "Social Movements in India", 1984, Ch.V, p.172, also Census of India, 1961, vol.1, part V-B(ll).

24. Havanur, L.G, "Karnataka Backward Classes Commission Report", vol.2, (Bangalore-1975), p.94.

25. Nanjundayya and Ananthakrishna Iyer, "Mysore Tribes and Castes", vol. IV, 1931, p.661.

26. M.S.A. Rao, ed., op. cit., p.174.

27. Thurston, "Castes and Tribes of South India", vol. V, 1909, p.422.

28. M.S.A. Rao, ed., op. cit., p.174.

29. Ibid., p. 176.

30. Ibid., p. 176.

31. Ibid., p. 176.

32. Yellamma, K.C, "Bhovi Jananga Kula Samme Charitre, Gothravall Mattu Naveenacharagalu" (Kannada), 1948.

33. Vide G.O. No. M81Y3-206-GM-20-44-15, dated 2nd February 1946 and M.S.A. Rao, ed. op. cit., p.180.

34. M.S.A. Rao, ed. Ibid, p.180.

35. Ibid., p.184.

130

36. "Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Kanara District", 1883, pp. 370-371.

37. Chandrashekar, S, "Dimensions of Socio-PoIitical Change in Mysore 1918-1940", 1985, p.90 and Representative Assembly of Mysore (R.A.M.), 1925-26, p.65.

38. Census of India, Mysore, 1941, part-l. Report, p.327.

39. Chandrashekar, S, op. cit., p.90,jCensus of India, Mysore, 1921, The population of the Depressed Classes was Vodda, 1,64,875, Banjara, 64,368, Koracha, 12,085, Korama, 17,124, besides the Holayas and Madigas.

40. Census of India, Mysore, 1931, p.269.

41. Ibid., pp. 270-71.

42. Chandrashekar, S, op. cit., p.91.

43. The Mysore State Anti-Untouchability Mysore, 1933, pp. 17-20.

44. B.Jorn Hattne, "Mobilization and Political Change in Karnatka", University of Gothenburg (Mimeo).

45. Abstract of suggestions received from Madaiah Depressed Class Member of the Assembly, Constitutional Reforms in Mysore, 1938.

46. Memorania no. 101, "Memorandum of Adi-Dravida Abhivridhi Sangha",

no. 108.

47. Chandrashekar, S, op.cit., p.92.

48. Proceedings of RM.R.A and RM.LC. for the years 1918 and 1921.

49. Official papers relating to constitutional Reform in Mysore, (Bangalore 1923), p. 121, pp. 30-31.

50. Constitutional Reforms in Mysore, 1938, pp. 99-118.

51. Ibid., Memorandum no. 118.

52. R.A.M., 1940-41, p.6.

131

53. The Problem of Untouchability in Mysore, RAM, 1940-41, p.15.

54. Ibid., p.16.

55. Reddy, C.R and M.C. Rajah, in Madras, 20th Sept. 1920.

56. Reddy, C.R to Ambedkai; September 1940.

57. Reddy, C.R to Bairaj Urs a Member of the Royal Household, 29th August 1920.

58. Dasappa, H.C. to Reddy, C.R, 21st June 1921.

59. Address presented by the Adi-Karnataka Sangha and Adi-Dravida Sangha of Mysore to Kantha Raj Urs, Dewan of Mysore on 25th October, 1920, in K.Basavaraj, op. cit., pp. 275-78.

60. Chandrashekar, S, "Dimension of Socio-Politicai Change in Mysore 1918-1940", 1985, p.95.

61. Ibid., p.95.

62. RM.LC. December 1931, p.544.

63. By then Gandhiji had coined the word 'Harijan' for the Depressed Classes.

64. Murugesam Pillai, and other members, D.S. Mallappa, K.C. Reddy, N.Channappa, D.H. Chandrasekharaiah,

65. Chandrashekar, S, op. cit., p.96.

66. Census of India, Mysore, part-l, report, p.327.

67. Problem of Untouchability in Mysore, op. cit., 9.10.

68. Letter dated 23rd February 1933 from M.A. Gopalaswamy Iyengar to Gandhiji^ . . . . • i

69. Letter from Yervada central prison, dated 19th March 1933, from Gandhiji to M.A. Gopalaswamy Iyengar.

70. Problem of Untouchability in Mysore, RAM 1940-41, p.4.

132

71. . Ibid., p.7.

72. Ibid., p.22.

73. Reply of the acting Dewan M.N. Krishna Rao to the delegation, p.26.

74. Ibid., p.1.

75. "Travancores" in Natesan (ed.). The Indian Review (Madras), vol. XXXVII, 1937. p.727.

76. Times of India, the India year book (Bombay 1940), p. 1209.

77. P.M.R.A, June 1933, pp. 138-60, The resolution was carried with voting 7o for and 59 against, p.160.

78. Chandrashekar, S, op. cit., p.99.

79. Representative Assembly of Mysore, 1938-39, p.5.

80. RM.LC. June 1939, pp. 9-12.

81. RM.LC, p.392.

82. R.A.M., 1940-41, R30.

83. Bipan Chandra, "India's Struggle for Independence 1857-1947", 1990, p.290 and Tendulkar, 'Mahatma', vol.3, pp. 159-245 and vol.4, pp. 14-63.

84. Ibid., p.291.

85. Tendulkar, op. cit., pp. 159-245 and Bipan Chandra, Ibid, p.291

86. Halappa, G.S, ed., "History of Freedom Movement in Karnataka", vol. II, 1964, p.432.

87. Ibid, vol. II, p.433.

88. Ibid, vol. 11, p.434.

89. Marulasiddaiah, "The Contours of Social Welfare" Karnataka University, 1974, p.39.

133

90. Halappa, G.S, op. cit., p.631.

91. Ibid, p.631.

92. Ibid., p.633.

93. Ibid., pp. 634-635.

94. Ibid., p.635.

95. Ibid.,

96. Ibid, p.636.

97. Ibid, pp. 223-224.

134