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TRANSCRIPT
CHAPTER-V
RUSSO-INDIAN STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP IN THE NEW MILLENNIUM AND ITS FALLOUT FOR
PAKISTAN:-
President Boris Yeltsin appointed Vladimir Putin as his
Prime Minister on the 9th day of August 1999. Vladimir Putin
emerged as his real successor and assumed the office of
acting President after the voluntary resignation by the
President Yeltsin on the eve of the new millennium (31st
December 1999). On 26th March 2000, he achieved a clear
victory in the presidential elections and became formal head
of the Russian Republic. The election of President Putin as
head of the Russian state marks a qualitative change in
leadership of the country. His ·background and social outlook
offer a promising future to the nation. I
Putin's foreign policy concepts were published for the
first time in an article known as 'Russia at the turn of the
millennium' which was brought out by the Russian Centre for
Strategic Studies on 27th December 1999. In this article he
believed that Russia could achieve her former status of
"Great ·Power" by combining the principles of market economy
and Democracy with the realities of new Rusia. 2 Putin was
widely considered in Russia and abroad as a symbol of
See the inaugural address by Shri I . K . Gujral, former Prime Minister of India, in a round table conference on Indo-Russian relations organised by the Centre for Russian, Central Asian and East European Studies, School of International studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi in September 2000 days before the visit of Russian President. The summary of this address was published in the form of a catalogue of the centre by Prof. Nirmala Joshi and Bhaswati Sarkar of the centre, p. 3 of the catalogue.
2 Alexander Chubarov, Russia's Bitter Path in Modernity, A History of the Soviet and Post-Soviet Eras {New York: Continuum, 2001), p. 257.
175
consolidation and resurgence of new Russia in the new
millennium. Thus, departing from President Yeltsin's
approach he asserted the independence of Russia in the
internal and external affairs of the country. When the
Chechens attacked Dagestan and tried to declare it as
independent Islamic republic, despite the American and
European pressure, President Putin ordered Russian military
to wipe out the Chechens from there and even ordered to
march to Chechnya to finish the extremists permanently. In
this way, Putin had proved himself as a protector of Russian
territory and determined fighter against terrorism, even
before his formal election as the President of Russian
Republic on 26th March 2000. The rise to power of a young
and energetic President was regarded as a positive
development in the entire Russia.
After consolidating his power in Russia President Putin
began to pay attention towards Indian sub-continent and,
before visiting India, he sent his special envoy Sergei
Yasterzhembsky to Islamabad on 26th September 2000.
Unlike former policy of blaming Pakistan for extremism in
Russia, Sergei Yasterzhembsky appreciated Pakistan's
policies and practices in the region and conceded that
Moscow has no evidence of any Pakistani citizen fighting in
Chechnya. His statements such as "terrorism has no
religion", "traditional Islam and enlightened Islam has no
tolerance for violence" and "we have a better understanding
of Pakistani position on Chechnya"3 etc. indicated Russia's
3 Nasim Zehra, "Pak-Russian Relations: A bid to turn around", Geo-Political Affairs (Islamabad), October 2000, p. 90.
176
positive posture towards Pakistan. It seems that this visit was
a strategic move on the part of Russia to persuade Pakistan
to check Pakistan-based Islamic extremists from creating
problems for Russia in Chechnya and neighboring Central
Asian Republics.4 Further, Mr. Sergey Yasthzhombsky,
during this visit to Pakistan, was not just about taking up
the issue of terrorism which was of great concern to Russia,
but the first step towards a serious dialogue with Pakistan .5
President Putin's decision to dispatch a special envoy to
Pakistan just day before arriving in India .. .led to some
speculation in New Delhi about the changing direction of
Russian policy towards the sub-continent.6
The landmark visit of President Putin to India took
place in October 2000. This visit proved to be very crucial in
developing bilateral relations between India and Pakistan.
Infact, this visit not only marked the beginning of a new era
in bilateral relations but also opened up new avenues for
Russo-Indian cooperation 1n the new millennium.
Appreciating the Indian Democratic system Vladimir Putin
stated that the success of democratic system in India as a
"positive experience is very valuable" for Russia because
"Russia, like India, is a huge pluralistic state".7 This visit was
essentially aimed at importing a new dimension to the
bilateral relations, particularly in sensitive political affairs,
4
5
6
7
Jyotsna Bakshi, "Russia and South Asia" World Focus (New Delhi), OctoberDecember 2000, p. 57. See the article of C. Raja Mohan, "Putin playing the Pakistan card," accessed from the website www.hinduonnet.com on 29th September 2000.
Ibid. See the text of the speach of the Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Central Hall of the Indian Parliament on 4th October 2000, in Mainstream, vol. 33, October 14, pp. 7-9.
177
technology related matters and defence cooperation.s
During the visit Vladimir Putin forcefully spoke against
the terrorism and said that, "the same individual; the same
terrorist organizations, are organizing and, very often, the
same individuals participate in organizing, conducting and
igniting terrorist act from the Philippines to Kosovo
including Kashmir, Afghanistan and Russia's Northern
Caucasus"9 According to a Sovietologist, Sergei Lounev of
RAS institute of International Economics and International
Relations the common problems of self-determination,
terrorism and separatism whether in Chechnye_ or in Kashmir
were causes of grave concern for both India and Russia.
Therefore, among many common goals between the two
cpuntries, one important goal was to wage "decisive fighting
against Islamic extremists" .10
Both the countries also signed a document on 'Strategic
Partnership' to extend cooperation between the two nations
and hoped to impart a qualitatively new chapter and long
term perspective to their multi-faceted relations.ll The
'Strategic Partnership' document comprised the principles of
sovereignty, equality and territorial integrity of both the
nations, non- interference in their internal affairs, mutual
respect and mutual benefit.12 Further, this document also
ensured to convene annual bilateral summits between the
8
9
10
11
12
The Hindu (Madras), 27 September, 2000. Ibid. Sergei Lounev, "Russia and India: Political Cooperation in the Sphere of Global, Regional and Bilateral Relations", China Report, vol. 38, no. 1, January- March 2002, pp. 109-111. National Herald (New Delhi), 6 October, 2000. The Hindu (New Delhi), 4 October, 2000.
178
two countries. Both the countries also agreed for closer
cooperation in the United Nations and joint initiative on key
international and regional issues.l3 Leaders of the two
countries also decided to coordinate their strategy in dealing
with Taliban-dominated Afghanistan which had become a
puzzle for both India and Russia due to Afghanistan's
proximity to both Russia and India. In this context, it was
decided to constitute a joint-working group on Afghanistan to
evolve a common strategy as soon as possible to combat
cross-border terrorism, drugs and arms trafficking and
contributing to the efforts for bringing peace and stability in
the region.l4
Visiting president also spoke on Indo-Pak conflict over
Kashmir question and stated that, "Kashmir has been the
cause of tension between India and Pakistan ... foreign
interference should be stopped", "the issue should be
resolved on a bilateral basis through compromise" and there
must be "unconditional support for the line of control" .15
Critics of President Putin regarded the statement of President
Putin that there must be "unconditional support to the line of
control" as a silent support of Western position because
Americans had also stressed the inviolability of line of control
during the Kargil conflict. However, Russian President
Vladimir Putin threw his weight behind India's Kashmir
policy advocating a "tough approach to external forces" of
13 National Herald (New Delhi), 6 October, 2000. 14 Jyotsna Bakshi, op.cit., p. 58. 15 The Hindu (Madras), 5 October, 2000.
179
violence and calling for a united front against terrorism. 16 He
further said that the Kashmir dispute should be resolved
through bilateral talks, but threats to territorial integrity
should be dealt with firmly .11
Vladimir Putin also made clear that neither he nor his
Russian foreign minister had planned any visit to Pakistan in
near future. Thus, he tried to end all the speculations and
misconceptions which were created in Indian foreign policy
circles during the Yasterzhembsky's visit to Pakistan. Infact,
it was being speculated in India that President Putin may
visit to Pakistan in near future. Apart from this, he also
extended full support of Russia to the India's claim for
permanent membership of the United Nations Security
Council.
Economic and technological cooperation particularly
the trade between the two countries was given special
attention in strategic declaration signed between the two
countries. Declaration specifically mentioned that there
would be "further enhancing of the quality and
competitiveness of there goods by ... promoting the joint
development and sharing of the latest technologies and
taking advantages of the new opportunities from the
integration process ... " .1s Both the countries also signed a
defence deal worth three billion dollars. Indo-Russia Joint
Government Commission on military technology was also
16
17
18
See the article, "Putin backs Indian Policy on Kashmir," published in Dawn, a leading news daily of Pakistan, on October 5, 2000, accessed from the website, www.dawn.com on 5th October 2000.
Ibid. National Herald (New Delhi), 6 October, 2000.
180
setup to further enhance the cooperation in the defence
research and development. Both Russia and India also signed
statement for consolidating defence and military-technical
cooperation in a long term perspective.19 According to I.K.
Gujral, prior to his visit President Putin's acquitance with
India was limited. The visit made him look at India more
closely that made him say, "we are natural partners".2o
On 6th June 2001, Russian ambassador Eduard
Sevehenko said that his country was always interested in
see1ng peace and stability in South Asia and having good
relation with the countries in the region. He also said that
Russia was happy that V ajpayee has finally invited chief
executive Pervez Mussharraf to visit New Delhi. According to
him "once Pakistan and India will resolve their disputes the
two counties can become very good trade partners and a new
phase of development and progress can begin" .21 Sevehenko
further said that Russia's aim is not to cut down its trade or
cool its relations with India to Pakistan but to lift the ties
with Pakistan to the level of those with India.22
In another significant development, Russia has clarified
that Pakistan cannot qualify for membership of Shanghai-5,
a grouping of five countries that includes Russia and China,
19
20
21
22
See the joint statement of 5th October 2002 between Russia and India signed during the visit of President Putin to India. This joint statement was accessed from internet site, www.acronym. org, on 14th October 2002. See the inaugural address by Shri I . K . Gujral, former Prime Minister of India in a round table conference on Indo-Russian relations organised by the Centre for Russian, Central Asian and East European Studies, School of International studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, op.cit., p.
See the article, "Russia wants negotiated settlement of Kashmir," from The News International website available from www. google.com. on 6th June 2001.
Ibid.
181
because it supports terrorism. "How can Islamabad that aids
and abets international terrorism, religious extremism and
drug trafficking become a member of the Shanghai forum
aiming at combating these evils," said Mikhail Margilov,
deputy chairman of the international affairs committee of the
Federation Council, the Upper House of Russia Parliament.
"It is the Taliban-ruled Afghanistan that poses great threat to
the security and stability of Central Asian countries, forming
the southern flank of the Commonwealth of Independent
States (CIS)," Margilov told Russian channel NTV in the wake
of the forum's summit that began Thursday.23
Terrorist attacks of 11th September 2001 on World
Trade Centre in United States of America reoriented
international relations. Cross-border terrorism became main
plank in international politics now. Russia regarded this
incident as a challenge to pluralistic and democratic nation
states and urged the world community to fight collectively
against this challenge. President Putin spoke strongly in
favour of uniting world community to fight against this
menace. Regarding terrorism as plague he said, "today's
events once again underscore the urgency of Russia's
proposals to unite the efforts of the international community
in the fight against terror: the plague of 21st century'' .24 There
was convergence in the views of Russia and India on the
question of terrorism because both countries were facing
terrorism in Chechnya and Kashmir respectively. Therefore,
23 The Pioneer (New Delhi), 16 June 2001. 24 Gail W. Lapidus, "Putin's War on Terrorism: Lessons From Chechnya", Post
Soviet Affairs, vol. 18, no. 1, January-March 2002, p. 4.
182
India also asserted her stand against cross-border terrorism
at international level. Addressing the nation on 14th
September 2001, Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee asserted
that "the international community must come forward to take
concerted effort against the evil".2S Apart from this he also
urged world community to setup an international convention
to fight against terrorism under the leadership of United
Nations. Thus, both Russia and India were trying to make
global consensus against terrorism because the interests of
both converged on this issue.
During this phase of goodwill and cooperation, Indian
Prime Minister visited Russia in November 2001 to enhance
the degree of closeness and to bring the dynamism in the
bilateral relations. Both the countries committed themselves
to cooperate bilaterally and at the multi-lateral level on
strategic issues.26 Both the countries wanted to establish a
multi-polar world based on new cooperative security order.
This visit reflected collective will of Russia and India to fight
against the menace of the cross-border terrorism. For the
first time in the history, two countries signed 'Moscow
Declaration on International Terrorism' affirming the position
of the two countries that international terrorism is a threat to
world peace and international security. International
terrorism was regarded as gross violation of human rights
and as a cruel crime against whole human civilization. Both
25 The detailed text of this address can be seen in Strategic Digest (New Delhi), vol. 31, no. 40, p. 1375.
26 Joint Statement of India and the Russian Federation on Strategic Issues Signed on 6 November 2001, published in Strategic Digest (New Delhi), vol. 31, no. 11, p. 1472.
183
Russia and India supported the proposal of the Security
Council to sign an international conference to eliminate
nuclear danger effectively. "Moscow Declaration on
International Terrorism" mentioned that " .. .in multi-ethnic
and democratic societies such as India and Russian
federation, violent actions being perpetuated under the
slogan of self determination, in reality represent acts of
terrorism." .27
Both sides emphasized that decisive measures on the
basis of international law should be taken against all the
states, individuals and entities which support, harbor,
finance, instigate or train terrorists anywhere in the world.
All terrorist activities irrespective of their motives- political,
racial, religious, ethnic, ideologies or individual, were
regarded as unjustified in the declaration. Both the sides
recognized the existence of close nexus of terrorism and
illegal arms supply and resolved to cooperate in fighting
against the new challenges of the possible links between
terrorists and nuclear, chemical, biological arms weapons
trafficking. Infact, both the countries called for the creation of
'a new cooperative security order' as the launch-pad for the
development of "a multi- polar world" .2s
As far as the question of Afghanistan is concerned, two
countries were on the similar views and agreed to extend
support to American policy of wiping out the terrorism 1n
27
28
See the text of the Moscow Declaration signed between India and the Russian Federation on International Terrorism on 6 November 200 1 published in Strategic Digest (New Delhi), val. 31, no. 11, November 2001. pp. 1474-1475. P.S. Suryanarayana, "India Russia Sign declaration to Combat Global terrorism," published in The Hindu (New Delhi), 7 November, 2001.
184
Afghanistan but on the condition that there should not be
double standard in identifying and treating terrorism. Thus,
Russian and Indian viewpoints were unambiguous on the
question of international terrorism and leaders of both the
countries insisted that "one good terrorist or bad terrorist,
our terrorists or their terrorist" should be dealt with the same
eyes.29 Infact, spread of terrorism in Afghanistan is very
critical for the security of Russia as well as for the security of
India because of Afghanistan's role as a buffer state between
Russia and India. According to Sovietologists like Thomas
Withington Russia is afraid of spread of radical Islam through
Afghanistan in the 'Soft undervalley' of Russia- Uzbekistan,
Tajikistan and Turkrnenistan.30
On 13th December 2001 terrorists attacked Indian
parliament which shocked the world community. This event
not only enhanced tensions between India and Pakistan but
also evoked strong condemnation of Pakistan by many
countries including Russia. Russian foreign ministry strictly
warned Pakistan to stop cross-border terrorism.
Authoritative statement of the Russian foreign ministry over
the heightened tensions Between India and Pakistan read,
"main reason .. .is unending anti national activities of the
extremist groups ... under Pakistani control" .31 However,
despite the American Secretary of State, Colin Powell's
recognition of India's right to take action in self defense,
29
30
31
The Pioneer (New Delhi), 8 November, 2001. Thomas Withington, "The Other Allies: Russia, India, and Afghanistan's United Front", Current History (Philadelphia), vol. 101, no. 651, January 2002, p. 41. See the Russian Foreign Ministry Statement of 24 May 2002, published in Strategic Digest (New Delhi), vol. 32, no. 5, p. 737.
185
Russian position was very diplomatic. Infact, Russia's public
advice to India to maintain restraint and Russian diplomatic
efforts to diffuse the crisis did not make a favorable
impression in both the official and non-official circles in
India.32
President Putin himself talked to Indian president after
attacks on telephone and sought no retaliatory strikes at
Pakistan and also told him that the attack could have been
masterminded by Osama Bin Laden to provoke an India
Pakistan conflict and to facilitate his escape from the
region.33 However, both Russia and India were agree on the
view that the commitment of the Pakistani President
Musharraf to fight against terrorism in his public speech of
12th January must be seen on the ground. There seemed to
have emerged a common position on the question of
terrorism in Chechnya and Kashmir between Russia and
India.
Both Russia and India signed a Joint statement on 3rd
February 2002 and stressed in this statement for "a
comprehensive, long-term, multi-dimensional cooperation" to
combat the ties of Al Quida and Taliban with the terrorist
organizations in Chechnya and Kashmir. 34 India also received
clear Russian endorsement for its position on Pakistan
during the visit of Russian foreign minister Igor Ivanov. A
32
33
34
Devendra Kaushik, "Islamabad-Moscow-New Delhi", World Focus (New Delhi), October-December 2001, pp. 58-60. See Vladimir Kadyahin's article titled "Putin Urges India to Maintain restraint", published in The Hindu (New Delhi), 16 December, 2001. See the Joint Statement of India and the Russian Federation on 3 February 2002 during the visit of Russian Foreign Minister, Ivanov to New Delhi, published in Strategic Digest vol. 32, no. 2, February 2002, p. 235.
186
joint statement issued after the meeting between Ivanov and
external affairs minister Jaswant Singh exhibited Russia's
willingness to clearly side with India in the Indo-Pak stand
off. Russia supported India's position saying Pakistan would
have to stop infiltration and take steps to end terrorist
violence in India. While Russia extended full support to the
Indian position mandating resumption of Indo-Pak dialogue
on the basis of concrete steps by Pakistan on the ground,
Ivanov said there would be discussions on "settlement of
regional conflicts". 35
After the terrorist attack on the Indian Parlia.11-ent in
Decmber 2001, the Kaluchak Massacre of 14th May 2002
took place in which more than thirty people were killed by the
terrorists. This event again vitiated the atmosphere and
escalated the already protracted offensive deployment in the
border.36 India indicated a military action against Pakistan by
placing large number of paramilitary forces on the border and
along the line of control under the operational command of
the Army and Coast Guard under the Navy. 37 This issue
became one of the main subjects of discussion at the summit
between Russian President Vladimir Putin and United States
President George W. Bush in Moscow in the last week of the
May 2002.38 Both the leaders urged India and Pakistan to
settle the dispute amicably and stressed in a joint press
conference in St. Petersburg, that their countries would take
35 The Times of India (New Delhi), 4 February, 2002. 36 The Hindu (New Delhi}, 15 May, 2002. 37 Saurabh Shukla, "India put forces in action mode", in The Hindustan
Times, 20 May, 2002. 38 John Cherian, "Active Interventions", Frontline (Chennai}, 21 June, 2002. ·
187
steps together to prevent the escalation of the Indo-Pak
conflict. Infact, Russia supported western countries in
advising India "to keep emotions under control."39
Russian President Vladimir Putin also planned to meet
Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and Pakistani
President Pervez Musharraf next month in the Conference on
Cooperation and Confidence Measures in Asia in Almaty,
Kazakhstan. He said, "I hope to meet them both early next
month to discuss the conflict". He also criticised Pakistan's
missile tests of Saturday saying "conducting tests 1n
conditions of a conflict leads to escalation, we -1regret the
tests". 40 However Russia accepted India's position and
unambiguously told the Pakistan to stop cross-border
infiltration permanently. Russia also made it clear that if
need arises it will exercise it's veto in India's favour at the
United Nation Security Council.41 Russian Foreign Ministry
also offcially condemned Pakistan's missile tests and urged
Islamabad to refrain from taking any steps that might
escalate tension in South Asia. Foreign Ministry of Moscow
also condemned "the incessant anti-Indian activity of
extremist groups based on Pakistan controlled territory ... we
view as baseless attempts to justify the crimes (committed by
the extremists), including the Killings of civilians, by invoking
the Kashmir freedom fight".42
39
40
41
42
Further, according to Kremlin official spokes person "we
The Hindustan Times (New Delhi), 16 May, 2002. The Hindu (New Delhi}, 26 May, 2002. See the article wrtten by Saurabh Shukla titled "Russia Opens Military Supply line for India," in The Hindustan Times (New Delhi), 27 May, 2002. The Hindu (New Delhi}, 26 May, 2002.
188
have told India that war should be avoided but in case
Pakistan does not respond to India's demands and a military
operations happens, Moscow will play it's role as New Delhi's
strategic partner". 43 It is also to be noted here that even the
Russian ambassador to Pakistan Eduard Sevehenko has said
in Islamabad that his country was always interested in seeing
peace and stability in South Asia... . 44 When Indian and
Pakistani ambassadors to Russia conveyed to Russian
Deputy Foreign Minister, Alexander Losyukov, the willingness
of there leaders, the Prime Minister, A.B. Vajpayee, and the
President, Pervez Musharraf, to meet the RussiQ.n President, I
President Putin also offered to mediate between India and
Pakistan during a Regional Security Conference 1n
Kazakhstan. 45
In Almaty, signifying the intense international concern
over the Indo-Pak military tensions, Russian President
Vladimir Putin compared the situation in South Asia to the
Cuban missile crisis that nearly led to a nuclear clash
between the former Soviet Union and the United States in
1962. During his 'wrap-up' remarks at the Conference on
Interaction and Confidence Building in Asia (CICA}, President
Putin pointed out that the entire world was following the
situation in South Asia with great concern. He said the
European Union, NATO and the US President, George Bush,
were gravely concerned about the situation. He observed that
this was the first occasion after the "Caribbean crisis" that
43
45
Ibid. See the article, "Russia wants negotiated settlement of Kashmir," available on website, www.google.com., accessed on 14th October 2002. The Hindu (New Delhi), 30 May, 2002.
189
such a dangerous situation had developed anywhere in the
world. President Putin also appealed "to the wisdom of the
two leaders (Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Bajpayee and
Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf) to apply political
means to resolve there differences".46 Thus, Russia's main
concern was to avert Indo-Pak war which could have become
a nuclear catastrophe in South Asian region.
When Chechen terrorist seized Moscow theatre in
October 2002. Russia and India once again got opportunity to
open a front against international terrorism as both the
countries were suffering from the menace pf cross-border
terrorism. Chechen terrorist demanded immediate call back
of the Russian Army from Chechnya otherwise they
threatened to massacre all the hostages captured in the
theatre by blowing up the theatre. President Putin rejected
any demand for any kind of political dialogue and declined
any kind of compromise with the Chechen separatists. He
again compered the situation in Chechnya and Kashmir and
said that Osama Bin Laden, Mullah Omar ... are calling shots
in Kashmir ... Chchnya and elswhere in the world ... any body
at home or abroad urging for talks with the terrorist
leadership in Chechnya would be seen by Kremlin as an
accomplice of terrorists.47 Thus, interests of both Russia and
India converged on the question of cross-border terrorism
and Russian Foreign Ministry had already regarded the "the
killing of innocent people in the name of freedom struggle in
46 Ibid., 5 June, 2002. 47 The Times of India (New Delhi), 10 November, 2002.
190
Kashmir are unpardonable". 48
In the beginning of Decmber 2002, Russian President
Vladimir Putin paid a crucial visit to India. During his visit to
New Delhi Russia and India signed Delhi Declaration on
Further Consolidation of Strategic Partnership "to widen and
strengthen the framework of the existing cooperation between
India and the Russian Federation in different areas". 49
During this visit both Russia and India agreed to intensify
their cooperation against terrorism bilaterally and 1n
multilateral fora. Both countries exchanged views on terrorist
activity which threatens the stability of..1their region. Recent
terrorist acts in various parts of India, in Moscow, Bali,
Mombasa and elsewhere have show that terrorism is seeking
ever-newer targets.
In an opening statement during a joint press interaction
of President Putin and Prime minister Bajpayee, Vladimir
Putin stated, "I would like to say a couple of words about the
results of our work. First of all, the declaration on the further
strengthening of strategic partnership between Russia and
India has been signed. This is a political document which
lays a solid basis for our interaction in all aspects of
international and other activities. We have also singed the
joint Declaration on strengthening and developing economic,
scientific and technological cooperation, and a number of
48 See the statement of 24 May, 2002 of the Russian Foreign Ministry on the question of rise of tensions between India and Paki~tan. This statement was published in the Strategic Digest (New Delhi), vol.32, no. 5, May 2002, p. 738.
49 Quoted in Delhi Declaration on further consolidation of Strategic Partnership between India and Rusia, signed on 4th December 2002 published in Strategic Digest (New Delhi),Vol.32, No.2, December 2002, pp. 1427-30.
191
other documents. By strengthening the legal framework of
our bilateral relations, we made yet another step towards the
developments of strategic partnership between our states" .so
He further said, "we have a joint objective to make the world
in which we live more just, democratic and secure. I think
that in the environment of a complex international situation,
our constant dialogue is of special importance. And our
multi-faceted cooperation 1s an important factor of the
international policy. On a whole number of issues our
positions are close or coincide. This pertains, in the first
instance, to the issues of provid~i.ng strategic stability and
security, combating international terrorism, extremism and
separatism as well as international and trans-national
crime.s1
Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Pakistani
counterpart, Pervez Musharraf, held talks in Moscow on 5th
February 2003. Both leaders were pleased with the results,
although for different reasons. The Pakistani leader managed
to stir Russian interest in his initiatives, while the Russian
leader managed to keep a certain distance, since reducing
that distance would have greatly irritated India, Russia's·
main strategic partner in South Asia. 52 On the eve of his
departure for Moscow, Pervez Musharraf has said repeatedly
that he had great hopes from his trip to Moscow. The
50 Excerpts of joint press interaction of H.E.Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Prime minister of India and H.E. Mr. Vladimir Putin, President of The Russian federation on 4th December2002, held during the visit of President Putin to India in December 2002 availed from the website ,www.google.com. on lOth December, 2002.
51 Ibid. 52 The Current Digest of Post-Soviet Press (Ohio), vol. 55, no. 5 (2003), pp. 17-
18.
192
problem was that the brief surge of interest in Islamabad that
arose in the initial stage of the anti-terrorist operation in
Afghanistan is now coming to an end. Moreover, the
Pakistani leadership failed to make skillful use of the moment
to confirm the country's status as a full and, more
importantly, permanent member of anti-terrorist coalition. As
a result, lately Pakistan has been drifting once more toward
the backwaters of international politics. Pervez Musharraf
hopes to enhance the international status of Pakistan, which
the world powers notice only at times in world history when
events demand it. And Pervez -\Yiusharraf sees Vladimir Putin
as ideally suited for the role of locomotive to pull Pakistan
back from the periphery of international politics.
Infact, General Pervez Musharraf has carefully devised
his strategy to attract Moscow's interest in Islamabad.
Therefore, Pervez Musharraf suggested that Vladimir Putin
try on the laurels of peacemaker by resolving the long
standing India-Pakistan conflict. In addition Pakistan
expressed a desire to JOin the Sanghai Cooperation
Organisation that Russia has nurtured. At the same time, the
Pakistani side studiously avoided the question of potential
military-technical cooperation with Russia because
Islamabad knew that under no circumsta..11.ces would Russia
do anything that might strain its relations with New Delhi
and thus jeopardise military contracts worth billions of
dollars. Further, Islamabad also urged Russia to forget past
grievances and to put the emphasis on economic cooperation
193
and shake off the influence of a "third party"- i.e., India.s3
Officials in Moscow only appreciated Pakistani proposals to
cooperate in different fields with Russia and to help resolve
conflict with India but they made it very clear that they do
not intend to rush events.
Overall, the three day visit of Pakistani President
General Pervez Musharraf was an exercise in futility. New
Delhi shouted that it was a failure, and a number of Russian
commentators, who saw no tangible results from the trip,
concurred. However, it has been nearly two decades since a
Pakistani President visitll:d Moscow. It is itself an indicator
that this was not an ordinary visit. 54 These two decades were
particularly tumultous for the whole South Asian region.
During this period the Soviet Union as a nation came to end
and muslim-majority central Asian nations emerged and
began developing their own foreign policy to engage the major
nations of the region - Rus,sia, India and China as well as
us.ss
During this visit Pakistan and Russia stressed the need
for continuous sincere efforts by the parties conc_emed of
South Asia to create conditions for resuming the dialogue
between Pakistan and India 1n order to resolve all
outstanding issues between them on the basis of equity and
justice. Moscow appreciated the withdrawal of Pakistani and
Indian troops from the border to peacetime locations. Moscow
53 Ibid., p. 18. 54 See the article, "Putin and Musharraf look to the Future", accessed
from the website www.atimes.com. Februry lOth 2003. 55 Ibid.
194
also welcomed the fulfilment by Pakistan and India of their
obligations to exchange the list of nuclear facilities within the
framework of 1988 bilateral agreement on the prohibition of
attack against nuclear installations and facilities of each
other. 56 Two counties also agreed that a comprehensive
approach was needed to combat terrorism and "this should
include firm measures against manifestations of ethnic and
religious extremism, trafficking of illicit nuclear materials and
drugs .... " The successful launch of the "Badr-2" satellite of
Pakistan with the use of Russian launch vehicle was cited as
an example of frui.(-ful cooperation between Pakistan and
Russia in using space technologies for peaceful purposes.
The two sides affirmed their desire to further develop
cooperation in this sphere. 57
In March 2003, Indian defence Minister, George
Fernandes, visited Russia and signed a bilateral agreement
between the two countries' defence industries. According to
Fernandes, the bilateral agreement includes provisions for
the joint research and development of a next generation, as
yet unspecified, weapons projects. During his trip the Indian
visited the Sukhoi Design Bureau in Moscow to discuss
collaborative work of a new generation, fighter. He also visited
the MIG Corp facilities for a more detailed review of the MiG-
29 K/ KUB naval fighter programmes. The MiG - 29 K was to
be produced as part of the Gorshkov package. The MiG-29 K
and its combat trainer version, the two-seated MiG-29 KUB,
56
57
Dawn (Karachi), 7th February 2003 availed from the website www.dawan.com. Ibid.
195
were further developments of the original MiG-29 K basic
version, developed in the mid - 80s for the Russian Navy. 58
The upgraded fighter was equipped with fly-by-open
architecture avionics suit. Thus, this visit proves that Indian
government wanted to "possess the preponderance of
conventional military strength in South Asia". 59
Further, India announced that it intends to finalize
acquisition of the partially gutted Russian Kiev-class aircraft
carrier 'Admiral Gorshkov' and the related lease - purchase
of two Akula (Bars) - class type 971 nuclear-powered
submarines aAd four Tu-22 M strategic bomber/maritime
strike aircraft by the end of its fiscal year 2002-03 in March.
The value of the package was estimated at $ 2.5 billion.6o
According to Indian version, "we have agreed that all efforts
will be made to complete all three contracts by the end of
March". Indian defence Minister, Fernandes said in Moscow
at the end of the third meeting of the Indo-Russian Inter
Governmental Commission (IRIGC) for military-technical
cooperation.6I
Russia and India confirmed a fuel supply agreement for
the Koodankulam nuclear power plant in March 2003. Work
on the two 1000 MW plants, which started in March 2002,
58
59
60
61
See "India and Russia Move to expand Collaborative Defence efforts", in Defence Disarmament Review Colum of Strategic Digests (New Delhi), vol. 33, no. 3, March 2003, p. 246. Steven A. Hoffman, "The International Politics of Sou then Asia", Journal of Asian and Affican Studies (Leiden), Vol. XXXIII, no. 1, February 1998, p. 45. See "India Signals Closure of Gorshkov package" in the Defence and Disarmament Review Column of Strategic Digest (New Delhi), vol. 33, no. 3, March 2003, p. 247. Ibid.
196
/
was expected to be completed by 2007. At the present rate of
progress, the work was likely to be completed in six months
in advance. According to the official version, "the best part of
the_ agreement is that the Russian Federation will supply fuel
_to the plant for its entire lifespan, be it 30 yeas or 60 years.
Also the agreement is between two governments, not merely a
commercial contract".62 An intergovernmental agreement is
much more stronger than a commercial agreement. The deal
also said that there will be no cost variable for the first five
yeas. In, effect, the price from 2006 to 20 11 will be constant.
No other1country would offer this. Further, the spent fuel will
be under the international atomic energy associations
safeguards and could be an input for the fast breeder
reactors, proposed to be set up at Kalpakkam.63
Infact, Russia's arms sales 1n South Asia are
concentrated in the Indian market and cover a wide range of
weapon types. Currently, 80% of India's military equipment is
of Russian origin. 64 The potential for renewed arms sales to
Pakistan prompted the Indian government to sign a new ten
year arms agreement with Russia, worth $ 3 billion. In the
first year Russia was to supply a number of weapons,
including 150 Su-MKI fighter aircraft, 40 Mi-17 helicopters,
and upto T-90 main battle tanks.65 Because of the potential
62
63
64
65
See the "Fuel Supply agreement with Russia for Koodankulam" published in Strategic Digest, (New Delhi), vol. 33, no. 4, April 2003, pp. 327-28. Ibid., p. 328. Report on "Arms sale major field of Russia - India Cooperation: Interfax Military News Agency, 2nd October 2001. Vivek Raghuvanshi, "India Plans Board Arms Deal with Russia, Worth$ 3 Billion", Defence News, 22nd October 2001 p. 6.
197
US competition, Russia has sought to secure as many
agreements with India as possible. In particular, Russia has
endeavoured to steam live the acquisition process for parts
and to expand the lease option for equipment. 66 Russian
arms manufacture also hope to utilise the lower costs of their
products as a marketing tool against the more expensive US
weapons. Russia has also offered to export highly
sophisticated technology to India, including non-lethal
microwave - beam weapons, and to sell advanced air-defence
system as a 'non-strategic missile shield'. Thus, Russia's
efforts to retain and expand market access in India and in
the region in general reflect the need for it's the beleaguered
arms industry to maintain market share. This is especially
true as more US equipment becomes available for ~xport.
Arms sales are also seen by Moscow as the optimum means
of preserving influence in both India and the potentially
economically important regions of Central Asia. This
influence in necessary if Moscow hopes to be a part of new
energy development in the region. 67 Although Russian arms
sales are concentrated in India, it has also limited markets in
other South Asian nations. However, Russia has specifically
avoided arms sales to Pakistan in order to not to alienate its
most profitable customer in the region - India.68 But,
according to the news of INTER-FAX news agency of 24th
September 2001, in the aftermath of the 11 September
66
67
68
Vladimir Radyuhin, "Russia to Vie with US for India arms market", The Hindu (New Delhi), 7 November 2001, p. 14. Tom Lansford, "The great game renewed? US - Russain rivalry in the arms trade of South Asia", Seurity Dialogue, vol. 33, no. 2, June 2002, p. 135. Ibid.
198
''i'
attacks, Russia announced that it would sell 16 Mi-17
helicopters to Pakistan and reopen military cooperation.69
On 7th May 2003, Russia opposed Pakistan's move to
rake up the Kashmir issue in the United Nations Security
Council saying the council President can not impose any
issue as the majority of its members were against it. Visiting
Deputy Foreign Minister, Yuri V. Fedotov, said that "this
issue is not on agenda of the world body". Mr. Fedotov also
said, "the Security Council President cannot impose any
issue and the majority of the council members were against
raising of the Kashmir issue ... central problem was not
Kashmir but that of terrorism and training camps for
terrorists operating 1n Pakistan. 70 He also mentioned that
Russia was trying its best to "encourage and stimulate" this
trend.7 1
According to a report of 14th June 2003, Russia's
Deputy Foreign Minister Alexander Losyukov said that
Russia shares India's view that for a dialogue with Pakistan
to take off, Islamabad must fully honour its commitment to
stop cross - border terrorism. According to him, "we favour
resumption of dialogue. We believe this would serve interest
of India and Pakistan and advance the cause of peace and
security on the sub-continent".72 He further, said that, "at the
same time we are in solidarity with our Indian friends that
69
70
71
72
See "Pakistan Announces Purchase of Russian Hellicopters", INTERFAX neww agency report, 24 September 2001. The Hindu, (New Delhi), 7th May 2003. Ibid. See Defence and Disarmament Review Reports in Strategic Digest (New Delhi), val. 33, no. 7, July 2003, p. 656.
199
the maJ.n condition for Indo-Pakistani dialogue to make
progress 1n full implementation by Islamabad of its
obligations to stop infiltration of terrorists across the LOC
into Jammu and Kashmir, as well as elimination ·of all
terrorist infrastructure on Pakistan - controlled territory". 73
Both Russia and India voiced 'mounting concern' over
the regrouping of the Taliban and Al-Queda activities on
Pakistani land in September 2003. According to India and
Pakistan, "our principal concern in the resurgence of the
Taliban activities from Pakistani soi1."74
The fallouts of Russo-Indian Strategic Partnership in
the new millennium are far reaching. New vigour in Russia
India relations in the new millennium was a painful
experience for Pakistani foreign policy circles particularly
when Pakistani leaders were hopeful of bringing Russo
Pakistani relations at par with Russo-India relations in the
changed international scenario. Pakistani leaders were
confident that change of leadership in Russia, upperhand of
the United States of America in internatonal politics and
unavoidable Russian economic dependence on the West will
weaken Russo-India ties in the new millennium and Russo
Pakistani relations will grow up. However, President Putin
adopted a balanced approach between the East and the West.
He realised that India is a time-tested partner of Russia
in international politics since the cold war era and Pakistan
has a track-record of hobnobbing with The United States of
73 Ibid. 74 The Hindu, (New Delhi), 18 September, 2003.
200
America throughout the history. Therefore, Pakistan cannot
be trusted beyond a limit. In a globalised world when nation
states were interested in improving there bilateral relations
sheding cold war legacies, Pakistan was also trying to
improve its relations with Russia. But, India factor in Russia
Pakistan relations has ever been crucial and Russian policy
towards Indian sub-continent has ever reflected a traditional
tilt towards India. It is also well known to Pakistan that it is a
remote possibility to nurture Russia-Pakistan ties at the cost
of Indo-Russian bilateral relations.
201