Chapter 2

COPÁN ARCHAEOLOGY

A goal of archaeological research at Copán since 1975 has been to develop a detailed

culture history of the region from the earliest farmers through the period of dynastic rule

(ca. A.D. 400–800) until its dissolution. Key archaeological research and social insights

come from the works of the recent Copán Archaeological Project directed by William

Sanders and David Webster, the Copán Acropolis Archaeological Project directed by

William Fash, and the Early Copán Acropolis Program directed by Robert Sharer (Fash

1991, Webster, Freter, and Gonlin 1998). Central to understanding dietary variability within

ancient Copán society is research into domestic and political economy, ecology, natural

resources, social organization, and development history inferred from settlement survey,

demographic reconstructions, agricultural models, and household archaeology of elites and

sub–elites.

Ecological Setting and Agricultural Potential

The Copán Valley is defined by the Copán River drainage, an area of approximately

400 km2 in western Honduras (Figure 2.1). The river flows in a westerly direction from the

Sierra Gallinero divide, 36 km east of the border with Guatemala, to the Gulf of Honduras.

The zone of ancient Maya settlement and agricultural exploitation was about 200 km2 of

which an estimated 70 km2 was high quality land. Approximately, 330 km2 consists of

compacted volcanic ash–based sierra. Five alluvial pockets or bolsas, units of flat

floodplain at elevations from 590 m to 700 m AMSL, compose the prime agricultural soils

13

of the region. Steep bluffs separate pockets from one another. Additional tributaries and

intramontane valleys have small alluvial pockets. The majority of soils lie on greater than

8% slopes and thus are susceptible to erosion (Webster 1992, Wingard 1992).

Essentially, a pattern of bottomlands or vega of active alluvium and older, higher

terraces on the floor of the valley, surrounded by gently sloping piedmont zones and low

foothills, behind which rise sierra, is replicated for each pocket with some individual

differences (Figure 2.2). Largest of all pockets, the Copán pocket holds nearly half (about

12 km2) of the total bottomland. The gradient of the Copán River is too steep for transport,

but its main and tributary valleys provide terrestrial communication routes to the

Guatemalan highlands and the Petén.

Like the Maya Lowlands, the Copán region has a tropical wet–dry climate, with an

annual rainfall average of 1200 mm. Rainfall varies from a dry season monthly low of less

than 60 mm, to a wet season high of 300 mm, with greater amounts at higher elevations

(Wingard 1992: 92–96). Average monthly temperatures range from 18 to 28 ∞C (Wingard

1992: 97).

14

Figure 2.1: Location of Mesoamerican sites discussed in the text. Copán 1, Altar de Sacrificios 2, Dos Pilas 3, Seibal 4, Aguateca 5, Itzán 6, Pacbitun 7,

Barton Ramie 8, Baking Pot 9, Holmul bk, Lamanai bl, Uaxactun bm, and

Monte Alban bn (located 400 km west of the map’s edge). Zones were defined by Hammond and Ashmore (1981: 26).

90∞ 89∞ 88∞91∞92∞ 87∞

20∞

19∞

18∞

17∞

16∞

Gulf ofMexico

CaribbeanSea

Pacific Ocean

100 kmN

Northern Plains

Central Yucatan

Campeche

East Coast

Northwestern Central

Usumacinta

SouthwesternPasion

Belize

South

easter

n

15

Figure 2.2: Topography and distribution of alluvial pockets in the Copán study area. The urban core of Copán was built on largest pocket of alluvial soil (after Freter 1994).

alluvial pocket

foothills

intermontane pocketsierra

Guatemala Honduras

3 km N

Upper RioAmarillo

Lower RioAmarillo

El Jaral

SantaRita

CopanPocket

LlanoGrande

HaciendaGrande

Sese

smil

Llanetillo

16

Other Natural Resources

Plant and mineral resources provided raw materials for building construction, food

processing, pottery production, and domestic activities. Floral and faunal food items are

listed and discussed in Chapter 4.

Tropical and pine forest types throughout the valley included mahogany, cedar, ceiba,

and oak, which were suitable for house construction, utensils, or fuel (Gonlin 1993: 35–36).

Outcrops of basalts and rhyolite, used for manos, metates, and other ground stone

implements, as well as jasper and chert for cutting tools, are available, most notably in the

Petapilla area. Limestone and volcanic tuff for structure construction and plaster are found

throughout the region, while clay sources for ceramic production are found in several areas

(Gonlin 1993: 35–36). Two pottery clay sources were identified during a geological survey.

One source contained fine gray clay weathered from white volcanic tuff located near Planes

de la Brea. The second deposit, a light gray clay found near Llanetillo resulted from the

same weathering process (Turner et al., 1983). Because of similar characteristics, Llano

Grande and Buena Vista probably also contained clay deposits. Additional sources

identified include a light brown clay in El Caliche, a fine white clay in Carrizalito, and a

red–brown clay source southeast of Ostuman (Webster, Freter, and Gonlin 1998). While no

clay deposits were observed in the Rio Jila, El Limon, or Rio Amarillo pockets, inference

from geological surveys suggest that they contain patches of weathered, tuff–based clays

(Webster, Freter, and Gonlin 1998).

Imported materials, including obsidian from Ixtepeque, Guatemala and jade from the

Montagua River Valley, have been found in deposits from all social statuses (Gonlin 1993:

35–36). Such a distribution of nonlocal materials indicates that access to exotic items was

available to people of all ranks. Highly ranked people tended to have more of these nonlocal

objects than the lower ranked populace.

17

Archaeological Dating

Direct association between burials (or material remains) and written dates are rare. For

that reason ceramic chronologies combined with radiocarbon dating and obsidian hydration

dating were developed. Debate continues in some quarters regarding the dating sequence

of the ceramic phases for the Copán Valley (Webster, Freter, and Rue 1993). The two

commonly used chronologies essentially differ in the dating of the later phases, particularly

the ending date of the Coner phase and the position of the Ejar phase. Figure 2.1 shows the

temporal ranges for Viel’s sequence, based on his discussion of inferred ceramic cross–

dating, in comparison with Freter’s sequence, as developed from obsidian hydration dates

(Freter 1992: Table 1, Viel 1993). Results of a radiocarbon concordance experiment

unquestionably demonstrate late occupation in the Copán Valley and reinforce the

chronology established by the obsidian hydration dating results (Webster, Freter, and

Storey 1997). The crucial difference is in the dating and duration of the latest time period

– the Coner phase.

The Coner ceramic phase begins circa A.D. 600–650 with the appearance of Copador

polychromes and ends circa A.D. 1250. Obsidian hydration and radiocarbon dates support

an Acbi–to–Coner transition at A.D. 600–650. Both methods indicate that Coner ceramics,

or Coner–derived ones, were used long after A.D. 900 and occupation of the valley

continued until the thirteenth century (Webster, Freter, and Rue 1993, Webster, Freter, and

Gonlin 1998). The Ejar ceramic phase starts circa A.D. 800 with the arrival of foreign

pottery types such as Plumbate and Fine Orange. Skeletal materials examined here are

considered to date to the Coner phase (Table A.2).

18

Figure 2.3: Copán ceramic chronology. The two major interpretations for the timing of the Copán ceramic phases are shown relative to the broader Maya chronology. Coner ceramics occur after A.D. 600 encompassing the Late Classic, Terminal Classic, and possibly the Early Post Classic periods.

1400

1200

1000

800

600

400

200

200

400

600

800

1000

1200

A. D.

Rayo

Rayo

UirUir

Viel (1993) Freter (1992)

Gordonsubphase

Chabij

Bijac

Acbi

Coner

Ejar

Bijac

Chabij(unknown span)

Acbi

early Coner

late Coner(and Ejar)

Gordonsubphase

BrujoCueva

Coe (1993)

Early Preclassic

Middle Preclassic

B. C.Late Preclassic

Early Classic

Late Classic

Terminal Classic

Early Post Classic

19

The Maya left written records, often in the form of dates for political or religious events,

which provides the basis for reconstructing their political history. Epigraphic dates can

serve as an alternative to ceramic sequences or archaeometric dates. Reconstructions of the

political history of Copán indicate that six to eight individuals ruled during the Coner

period (Table 2.1).

Ruler 12 took power in A.D. 628, reigned for 67 years, and died in his eighties. He

participated in rituals at nearby Quiriguá, Guatemala and may have assisted in instituting

their dynasty. By A.D. 652 he had commissioned and erected seven boundary stelae across

the Copán pocket to signal his territory. Inscriptions at Rio Amarillo in the upper valley

acknowledged his authority. Most importantly for chronology were the changes in the local

ceramic tradition which occurred. Copador polychromes became widespread along with

other distinctive forms which define the Coner ceramic complex. Even though a few Coner

pottery types and imports are related to those of the lowland Maya, Copador polychromes

are considered to have originated at Copán and are found in western El Salvador, central

Honduras, and Quiriguá, but virtually absent elsewhere (Webster, Freter, and Gonlin 1998,

Willey et al. 1994).

Possibly the most powerful ruler of Copán, Ruler 13, finalized the layout of the Great

Plaza in the Main Group with his stelae and altars. He finished several construction

projects, including ball court renovation, began the final construction on the Hieroglyphic

Stairway in A.D. 709, and had part of Temple 22 erected. His rulership ended with his

capture and beheading by Cauac Sky of Quiriguá on May 3, A.D. 738 (Fash and Stuart

1991). Thereafter, the Quiriguá polity experienced growth and prosperity, while the Copán

polity continued on its course seemingly unaffected, though with a weakened rulership

(Webster, Freter, and Gonlin 1998). The reign of Ruler 14 was short and undistinguished.

The Hieroglyphic Stairway remained incomplete until the tome of the fifteenth ruler.

Inscriptions and sculpture on the stairway relate a sanitized history of Copán, depicting the

20

kings as warriors, giving accounts of the power and origins of the dynasty, while avoiding

mention of the fate of Ruler 13.

Ruler 16, probably the last to reign, repaired relations with Quiriguá and participated in

rituals there. Although royal power appears to have recovered — large constructions

occurred in the Main Group and Altar Q was carved to show the previous leaders and the

passing of a scepter from the founder to the current ruler — it may have become diluted.

Although the households of sub–elites became larger and more elaborate indicating

increased wealth and power, and inscriptions tell of increased political power during Ruler

16’s reign, centralized dynastic rule ended with his death in A.D. 820 (Webster, Freter, and

Gonlin 1998).

21

a. After Fash and Stuart 1991. b. Founder. c. Not in line of ordered succession. d. February 20 from unfinished sculpture.

Table 2.1: Proposed Copán dynastic sequencea.

Ruler Name Reign (year A.D.)

Beginning End

1. K’inich Yax–K’uk–Mo’b 426 437

2. – mid–fifth century

3. Mat Head 445 485

4. Cu–Ix 485 495

5. – end of fifth century

6. – end of fifth century

7. Waterlily Jaguar 505 544

8. – mid–sixth century

9. – mid–sixth century

10. Moon Jaguar 553 578

11. Butz’ Chan 578 628

12. Smoke Imix(Smoke–Imix–God K, Smoke Jaguar)

628 695

13. Waxaklahun Ubah K’awil(18 Rabbit, 18 Jog)

695 738

14. Smoke Monkey 738 749

15. Smoke Shell(Smoke Squirrel)

749 763

16. Yax Pac(Rising Sun, Yax Sun–at–Horizon, New Sun–at–Horizon, New Horizon, Madrugada, New Dawn, First Dawn, Yax Pasah)

763 820

17.c U Cit Tok’ (Caretaker of Flint) 822d –

22

Social Organization

Systematic settlement mapping and excavation at Copán have produced a detailed

picture of Maya social organization there. Energetic calculations of site construction

measure socioeconomic differences represented by the social hierarchy (Abrams 1994,

Gonlin 1993: 437–449, 643–645). From these observations a classification of social

ranking has been inferred for the Classic period. The most recent classification scheme

provides the social categories for organizing this dietary study while grave type provides

some indication of an individual’s social rank.

Site typology

One measure of social rank and wealth is variation in household arrangements. In

ancient Maya polities hierarchies of households, from the fabulous residences of ruling

families to the small, modest dwellings of common, rural farmers provide us valuable data

about the organization of basic social units. In a Maya household, activities were segregated

among separate buildings. Commoner compounds consisted of areas for eating, sleeping,

and socializing, surrounded by detached kitchens, work spaces, storage facilities, and

possibly sweat baths and ritual places.

Residential architecture1 in the Copán Valley is classified into seven divisions other

than the royal residential and ritual area—the Main Group2. They are, from highest rank

Type IV to lowest Type I and the smaller aggregate mound sites, single structure sites, and

1. People in ancient Copán built their residences, kitchens, storehouses, and domestic facilities on platforms. Substructures in the urban core were often most of the structure remains and could be several meters tall. At rural sites the platforms were much smaller and less than 1.5 m high, with rough stone retaining walls containing earth and rubble fill (Webster, Freter, and Gonlin 1998).2. The Main Group refers to the accretion of superimposed buildings including temples, a ball court, courtyards, carved monuments, and royal residences from a 400-year dynasty.

23

non–mound sites (Table 2.2). This typology was modified from the one devised by the

Willey–Baudez Phase I projects. The Phase I surveys, between 1975 and 1980, covered an

area of approximately 24 km2 encompassing the Copán Pocket and largely based on sites

within the urban core (Willey and Leventhal 1979). Phase II and later surveys expanded

coverage to 63 km2 and more than 1400 sites (Table 2.3; Webster 1985, Webster and Freter

1990).The most recent scheme added the aggregate mound and non–mound categories

missing from the Phase I research. Two or more mounds of Type 1 scale which lay close

together, but lacked a courtyard layout were classified as aggregate mound sites. Non–

mound sites include caves and artifact scatters unassociated with construction remains. The

most critical defining factor of the typology is mound height, with taller mounds indicative

of higher ranked people.

24

a. The Main Group represents its own category as the highest ranked site, above type IV.

Table 2.2: Defining characteristics of the Copán site typologya.

sitecategory nu

mbe

r o

f co

urty

ards

num

ber

of m

oun

ds

mo

und

heig

ht (

m)

dres

sed

sto

ne c

ons

truc

tio

n

cobb

le c

ons

truc

tio

n

scul

ptur

e

vaul

t st

one

s

type IV 3+ 8-100 > 5C c C Ctype III 1-3 6-20 < 5C c C Ctype II 1-2 6-8 < 3™ C c ctype I 1 3-5 < 1™ C c caggregate 0 2-3 < 1c C c csingle mound 0 1 < 1c ™ c cnon-mound 0 0 0 c c c c

C most™ somec rare or none

25

Energetic costs for elite structures were considerably higher than lower status

residential structures (Abrams 1994: 81–91). A complex composition of social statuses was

represented within elite courtyards indicating shared residential space by high and low

status individuals. The energetic expenditures and social status of lower ranking residents

was higher for those attached to the highest ranking sites relative to those attached to lower

ranking sites or unattached commoners (Abrams 1994: 85). This shared wealth leads to the

possibility that commoners attached to elites shared similar diets.

Although commoner site artifact assemblages lack status objects found at elite

compounds, residential assemblages for all social levels are similar (Gonlin 1993; Webster,

Gonlin, and Sheets 1997). People at all ranks in the social hierarchy performed the same

daily domestic activities. Therefore, domestic artifacts alone are poor discriminators of

status variation at Copán.

The urban core includes the Main Group and adjacent enclaves, El Bosque and Las

Sepulturas, most of which lies within 800 m of the Main Group. Household archaeology in

Las Sepulturas supports the hypothesis that the urban core was a residential zone dominated

a. After Webster and Freter 1990.

Table 2.3: Frequency of site type by location from the settlement surveya.

sitecategory

urban core (1 km2)

ruralCopán pocket

(23 km2)

outsideCopán pocket

(38 km2) totals

Type IV 11 6 2 19

Type III 12 13 5 30

Type II 33 78 25 136

Type I 61 386 196 643

single mound 21 250 174 445

other 1 3 148 152

totals 139 736 550 1425

26

by the compounds, houselots, and plazas of elite groups, whose privileged rank and wealth

became most evident with the start of the Coner phase. Between A.D. 750 and 900, an

estimate 9,000 to 12,000 people occupied the urban core (Webster, Sanders, van Rossum

1992). Since the core area measures 1–1.5 km2, the population densities were of urban

proportions and the highest for any known Maya center.

Grave type and offerings

Six types of graves have been identified at Copán and include simple earthen pit, cobble

stone, capstone, cist, rough stone tomb, and dressed stone tomb (Diamanti 1991). Pit type

graves are indistinguishable from the surrounding soil without evidence of additional

elaboration. They are the simplest kind of interment. It is assumed that burials were placed

these pits and then simply filled. Cobble stone graves have river rocks laid over a burial in

an earthen pit or an edging of stones forming rough walls of a constructed grave. When an

earthen pit had a covering of stones other than river cobbles it is classified as a capstone.

Angular chunks of tuff, limestone flagstones, building blocks, or metates were found laid

over a capstone type of burial. Cists are burials with two or more walls built of stone. They

were found in sizes from barely large enough to hold a tightly flexed body with walls one

and two courses high to spacious chambers. A burial chamber with four clearly defined

walls, each over one course high is classified as a tomb. Rough stone tombs had stone

masonry similar in quality to cists, but were often larger and had stone floors. Dressed stone

tombs represent the most elaborate type of grave. Well–dressed tuff blocks were laid in

regular courses and the tombs often had stone floors, wall niches, and large capstones

supported by the top wall course or beveled vault stones.

27

Diamanti (1991) observed that middle–aged and old adult males were the most frequent

individuals found in tombs. Although some female adults and children were found in

tombs, they were more often interred in simpler graves.

Grave offerings included ceramic vessels, whistles, beads, pendants, ear spools, faunal

bones, and tools. Additional ornaments of status were inlaid teeth. Locally produced fine

wares tended to be the most frequent funerary vessels found in graves. In a few instances,

plain wares and imported vessels occurred as burial offerings. Ornaments constructed of

jade, shell, or bone appear in several graves. Tools including needles, awls, metates, manos,

and obsidian blades were found with several burials.

The majority (148/237 or 62%) of the graves analyzed by Diamanti had no offerings.

Pit burials were most likely to lack associated offerings. Of the pit burials 43 of 161 (27%)

contained offerings, while 9 of 24 (38%) cobble stone graves, 5/12 (42%) capstone graves,

17/23 (74%) cist graves, and 15/17 (88%) of the tombs had grave artifacts.

A ranking of grave types determined by Diamanti (1991) from burial location, grave

offerings, grave type, age and sex gives tombs the highest rank; cists, capstone, and cobble

stone graves are associated with a middle rank; and pit burials are lowest ranked.

Demographic History

Chronological control over settlement features was derived from stratigraphy,

monument dates, ceramic seriation, radiocarbon dates, archaeomagnetic dates, and, most

importantly, obsidian hydration dates. More than 2200 obsidian hydration dates have been

made by Freter (1988, 1992, 1994) for about 15% of known residential sites.

The earliest valley settlers arrived before 1100 B.C. No large–scale architecture or

hierarchical social organization has been observed for the Middle Preclassic period at

28

Copán, although a few burials provided evidence of differential wealth. Population has

been estimated below 1500 people (Webster, Sanders, and van Rossum 1992). While the

Lowlands were experiencing a population explosion, the Copán Valley remained sparsely

settled. In the Early Classic (ca. A.D. 100–200) population remained small. Archaeological

evidence for valley occupation is more abundant after A.D. 400. By A.D. 600 population had

risen to 4000–5000 inhabitants and evidence for a ruling elite and complex sociopolitical

hierarchy becomes indicated in the archaeological remains. During the Late Classic,

population increased dramatically and peaked at 25,000 – 28,000 people, with regional

densities in excess of 100 people/km2. Upland zones, areas previously almost vacant, show

evidence of settlement by this time. The urban core residential zone contained the majority

of elite individuals with lower ranking dependents and co–residential populations. Pollen

core evidence shows considerable deforestation after A.D. 900 and little regrowth until A.D.

1200 (Rue 1986, 1987). The demographic history of Copán consisted of a single phase of

growth and decline, which placed intense demands on productive lands that created

erosion, deforestation, and soil fertility decline.

Summary

The Copán Valley provide the raw materials for a long cycle of cultural development.

Though, by the middle of the Coner phase (A.D. 600–1250), when population size and

density had reached its maximum, systemic stresses reached their failure point and the

sociopolitical system irrevocably declined.