AP United States History2050 Free-Response QuestionsThe College BoardThe College Board is a not-for-profit membership association whose mission is to connect students to college success andopportunity. Founded in 1900, the College Board is composed of more than 5,700 schools, colleges, universities and othereducational organizations. Each year, the College Board serves seven million students and their parents, 23,000 high schools, and3,800 colleges through major programs and services in college readiness, college admission, guidance, assessment, financial aidand enrollment. Among its widely recognized programs are the SAT, the PSAT/NMSQT, the Advanced Placement Program(AP), SpringBoard and ACCUPLACER. The College Board is committed to the principles of excellence and equity, and thatcommitment is embodied in all of its programs, services, activities and concerns. 2010 The College Board. College Board, ACCUPLACER, Advanced Placement Program, AP, AP Central, SAT, SpringBoardand the acorn logo are registered trademarks of the College Board. Admitted Class Evaluation Service is a trademark owned bythe College Board. PSAT/NMSQT is a registered trademark of the College Board and National Merit Scholarship Corporation.All other products and services may be trademarks of their respective owners. Permission to use copyrighted College Boardmaterials may be requested online at: www.collegeboard.com/inquiry/cbpermit.html.Visit the College Board on the Web: www.collegeboard.com.AP Central is the official online home for the AP Program: apcentral.collegeboard.com.And help from Ms.Macaulays 5th period :)2050 AP UNITED STATES HISTORY FREE-RESPONSE QUESTIONSUNITED STATES HISTORY SECTION II Part A(Suggested writing time45 minutes) Percent of Section II score45Directions: The following question requires you to construct a coherent essay that integrates your interpretationof Documents A-I and your knowledge of the period referred to in the question. High scores will be earned onlyby essays that both cite key pieces of evidence from the documents and draw on outside knowledge of the period.

To what extent could the 1850s be considered a time of attempted compromise when compromise was no longer possible?Document A

Daniel Webster's speech in the Senate, March 7, 1850."Sir, there are those abolition societies, of which I am unwilling to speak, but in regard to which I have very clear notions and opinions. I do not think them useful. I think their operations of the last twenty years have produced nothing good or valuable. I do not mean to impute gross motives even to the leaders of these societies, but I am not blind to the consequences. I cannot but see what mischiefs their interference with the South has produced These abolition societies commenced their course of action in 1835. It is saidI do not know how true it may bethat they sent incendiary publications into the slave states. At any event, they attempted to arouse, and did arouse, a very strong feeling. In other words, they created great agitation in the North against Southern slavery GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE.-2-2050 AP UNITED STATES HISTORY FREE-RESPONSE QUESTIONSDocument B 2010 The College Board.Visit the College Board on the Web: www.collegeboard.com.GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE.-3-The Compromise of 1850.

2050 AP UNITED STATES HISTORY FREE-RESPONSE QUESTIONSDocument CDocument DStephen Douglas' speech at Alton, Illinois (October 15, 1858).In my opinion our government can endure forever, divided into free and slave States as our fathers made it, --each State having the right to prohibit, abolish, or sustain slavery, just as it pleases. This government was made upon the great basis of the sovereignty of the states, the right of each State to regulate its own domestic institutions to suit itself; and that right was conferred with the understanding and expectation that, inasmuch as each locality had separate interests, each locality must have different and distinct local and domestic institutions, corresponding to its wants and interests. Our fathers knew, when they made the government, that the laws and institutions which were well adapted to the green mountains of Vermont, were unsuited to the rice plantations of South Carolina GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE.-4-

The Kansas Nebraska Act Crisis (1854).2050 AP UNITED STATES HISTORY FREE-RESPONSE QUESTIONSDocument EJoshua Giddings in his speech in Congress, 1850

Document F Lincoln's speech given at the Republican state convention in Springfield, Illinois (June 17, 1858 2010 The College Board.Visit the College Board on the Web: www.collegeboard.com.GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE.-5-A house divided against itself can not stand. I believe this Government can not endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolvedI do not expect the house to fallbut I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South."Sir, what protection does this law lend to the poor, weak, oppressed, degraded slave whose flesh had often quivered under the lash of his inhuman owner? whose youth had been spent in labor for another? whose intellect has been nearly blotted out? When he seeks an asylum in a land of freedom, this worse than barbarous law sends the officers of government to chase him down. The people are constrained to become his pursuers Sir, there is not a man in this bodythere is not an intelligent man in the free statesbut knows if he delivers a fugitive into the custody of his pursuers, that he will be carried to the South and sold to the sugar and cotton plantations. And his life will be sacrificed in five years if employed on the sugar plantations, and in seven years on the cotton plantations. The common law, sir, holds him who aids in a murder as guilty as he who strikes the knife to the heart of the victim. Under our law, a man is hanged if he fails to prevent a murder when it is plainly in his power to do so. Such man is held guilty of the act, and he is hanged accordingly. The man who should assist in the capture of a fugitive would be regarded by us as guilty as he under whose lash the victim expires. To capture a slave and send him to the South, to die under a torture of five years, is far more criminal than ordinary murder. Sir, we will not commit this crime. Let me say to the President, no power of government can compel us to involve ourselves in such guilt. No! The freemen of Ohio will never turn out to chase the panting fugitivethey will never be metamorphosed into bloodhounds, to track him to his hiding-place, and seize and drag him out, and deliver him to his tormentors. Rely upon it, they will die first. Let no man tell me there is no higher law than this fugitive bill. We feel there is a law of right, of justice, of freedom, implanted in the breast of every intelligent human being that bids him look with scorn upon this libel upon all that is called law.2050 AP UNITED STATES HISTORY FREE-RESPONSE QUESTIONSDocument GHarriet Beecher Stowe and "Uncle Tom's Cabin" published in 1852

"Tom spoke in a mild voice, but with a decision that could not be mistaken. Legree shook with anger; his greenish eyes glared fiercely, and his very whiskers seemed to curl with passion. But, like some ferocious beast, that plays with its victim before he devours it, he kept back his strong impulse to proceed to immediate violence, and broke into bitter raillery... An't I yer master? Didn't I pay down twelve hundred dollars, cash, for all there is inside yer old cussed black shell? An't yer mine now body and soul?" he said, giving Tom a violent kick with his heavy boot; "tell me!"Document HSupreme Court decision from Chief Justice Roger B. Taney on the Dred Scott v. Sanford case (1857) 2010 The College Board.Visit the College Board on the Web: www.collegeboard.com.GO ON TO THE NEXT PAGE.-6-"The question is simply this: can a negro whose ancestors were imported into this country and sold as slaves, become a member of the political community formed and brought into existence by the Constitution of the United States, and as such become entitled to all the rights, and privileges, and immunities, guarantied by that instrument to the citizen. One of these rights is the privilege of suing in a court of the United States in the cases specified in the Constitution. . . . The words 'people of the United States' and 'citizens' are synonymous terms, and mean the same thing. They both describe the political body who, according to our republican institutions, form the sovereignty, and who hold the power and conduct the government through their representatives. They are what we familiarly call the 'sovereign people,' and every citizen is one of this people, and a constituent member of this sovereignty. The question before us is, whether the class of persons described in the plea of abatement compose a portion of this people, and are constituent members of this sovereignty. We think they are not, and that they are not included, and were not intended to be included, under the word 'citizens' in the Constitution, and can, therefore, claim none of the rights and privileges which that instrument provides for an secures to citizens of the United States. On the contrary, they were at that time considered as a subordinate and inferior class of beings, who had been subjugated by the dominant race, and whether emancipated or not, yet remained subject to their authority, and had no rights or privileges but such as those who held the power and the government might choose to grant them. . . . But in considering the question before us, it must be borne in mind that there is no law of nations standing between the people of the United States and their government and interfering with their relation to each other. The powers of the government and the rights of the citizen under it, are positive and practical regulations plainly written down. If the Constitution recognizes the right of property of the master in a slave, and makes no distinction between that description of property and other property owned by a citizen, no tribunal, acting under the authority of the United States, whether it be legislative, executive, or judicial, has a right to draw such a distinction, or deny to it the benefit of the provisions and guarantees which have been provided for the protection of private property against the encroachments of the government."2050 AP UNITED STATES HISTORY FREE-RESPONSE QUESTIONSDocument IJoshua Giddings in his speech in Congress, 1850. 2010 The College Board.Visit the College Board on the Web: www.collegeboard.com.STOP-7-Sir, what protection does this law lend to the poor, weak, oppressed, degraded slave whose flesh had often quivered under the lash of his inhuman owner? whose youth had been spent in labor for another? whose intellect has been nearly blotted out? When he seeks an asylum in a land of freedom, this worse than barbarous law sends the officers of government to chase him down. The people are constrained to become his pursuers Sir, there is not a man in this bodythere is not an intelligent man in the free statesbut knows if he delivers a fugitive into the custody of his pursuers, that he will be carried to the South and sold to the sugar and cotton plantations. And his life will be sacrificed in five years if employed on the sugar plantations, and in seven years on the cotton plantations. The common law, sir, holds him who aids in a murder as guilty as he who strikes the knife to the heart of the victim. Under our law, a man is hanged if he fails to prevent a murder when it is plainly in his power to do so. Such man is held guilty of the act, and he is hanged accordingly. The man who should assist in the capture of a fugitive would be regarded by us as guilty as he under whose lash the victim expires. To capture a slave and send him to the South, to die under a torture of five years, is far more criminal than ordinary murder. Sir, we will not commit this crime. Let me say to the President, no power of government can compel us to involve ourselves in such guilt. No! The freemen of Ohio will never turn out to chase the panting fugitivethey will never be metamorphosed into bloodhounds, to track him to his hiding-place, and seize and drag him out, and deliver him to his tormentors. Rely upon it, they will die first. Let no man tell me there is no higher law than this fugitive bill. We feel there is a law of right, of justice, of freedom, implanted in the breast of every intelligent human being that bids him look with scorn upon this libel upon all that is called law.