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Ceremony and Submission: The Symbolic Representation and Recognition of Legitimacy inTenth-Century al-AndalusAuthor(s): Janina M. SafranReviewed work(s):Source: Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 58, No. 3 (Jul., 1999), pp. 191-201Published by: The University of Chicago PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/545516 .

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CEREMONY AND SUBMISSION: THE SYMBOLIC REPRESENTATION

AND RECOGNITIONOF LEGITIMACYIN TENTH-CENTURYAL-ANDALUS*

JANINA M. SAFRAN, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park

I

THE occasion of the surrenderof an enemy, especially a renegade, provides a regimewith an opportunityto assert its authorityand legitimacy. This is particularlytrue for a

regime seeking to establish its credentials.Whenthe Umayyadcommander n North Africaforced the recalcitrantHasan ibn Qanntinto surrenderhis mountain fortress in 974, the

caliph requiredthat his defeated enemy travel acrossthe straits of Gibraltar o the seat of

the Umayyad caliphatein C6rdobaand personally submit to him.1 We can recognize the

design of the caliph's requirement.HIasan'sourney to the caliph's gate compelled him toleave his stateof opposition and enter the domainof the caliph. The caliph requiredan actof physical submission and subordinationto impose his authorityand redefine HIasan'sposition and status. At the sametime, Hasan's arrival n the capitalin a stateof submissionallowed the caliph to demonstrate the fulfillment of his responsibilities as Amir al-

Mu'minin,the "Commanderof the Faithful,"morebroadly.We will see how he used cer-

emony to enact his legitimacy, translatinginto visual and symbolic form the claims hestated andrepeatedin the texts of letters, announcements,andproclamations.Examiningthis use of ceremony will provide a distinct perspective on the political culture of tenth-

centuryal-Andalus(Islamic SpainandPortugal)and a new dimension to ourunderstandingof the ideology of the Andalusi-Umayyad caliphate.

This articlewill investigate the cases of three former enemies of theUmayyad caliphateof al-Andaluswho came to C6rdoba rom North Africa assupplicants n the periodbetween971 and 974. Each underwent a ceremonial progress defined by distinct stages: (1) anescort from the point of arrivalby boat on the southerncoast to a camp outside C6rdoba;(2) a parade throughC6rdoba;(3) a paradeto Madinatal-ZahrfD he next day and an au-

dience with the caliph;and(4) participation n the next Cid religious festival). While eachsupplicantarrived in the caliphal capitalunder differentcircumstances,we shall see howthis series of ceremoniesconveyed the outsiderthrougha ritualprocess of submissionand

* I thank Dan Beaver, BrannonWheeler, and Paul

Harvey for reading this article in draft.1The caliph wrote to his commanders that, given

Hasan'shistoryof treachery,he would demand an ex-plicit demonstrationof sincerity before accepting any

declaration of allegiance; see Abil Marwin ibn

Hayyin al-Qurtubi, Al-Muqtabis ft Akhbar Balad al-Andalus, ed. CAbd al-Rahman CAli al-Hajji (Beirut,

1965), pp. 100, 131; see also the Spanish translation

of the original manuscript by Emilio Garcia Gomez,Anales palatinos del califa de Cdrdoba al-Hakam II,

por cisa Ibn Ahmad al-Rdzi (360-364 H. = 971-975

J.C.) (Madrid, 1967), pp. 128, 165. The citationsthat follow will refer to both the Arabic and Spanisheditions.

[JNES 58 no. 3 (1999)]

? 1999 by The University of Chicago.All rights reserved.

0022-2968/99/5803-0002$2.00.

191



192 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES

incorporation nto the body politic and,in so doing, affirmedexisting ties of loyalty. Theseceremonies served as a symbolic medium for the articulationand acknowledgementof

caliphal legitimacy that involved notonly caliph andsupplicant,but a rangeof participants

andaudiences.Grandlystaged, these events thenpersistedin memoryandcommemorationas testimonials to the caliph's right to rule.

Information about the ceremonies of the caliphal court of al-Andalus can be derivedfrom descriptions of particularoccasions, but the record is limited. This article is basedon the fullest descriptionsavailableto us, those of the contemporaryhistorianCIsaal-Razi

(d. 989), as redactedby IbnI.Hayyan

d. 1076), in the extant portionof his history of the

reign of the second Umayyad caliph, al-Hakam (II) al-Mustansir Billah (r. 961-76).2Most likely, al-MustansirBillah'spredecessor,CAbd l-Rahman(III) al-Nasir li-Din Allah(r. 912-61), began to elaboratecourt ceremony andprotocol as one of the insignia of his

caliphateafter his adoptionof caliphalprerogativesand assertionof exclusive rightsto the

title of Ameral-Mu'minin in 929;3however, the extant accounts of his reign provide nodetailed descriptions.4We can surmise thatjust as al-Nisir began constructionof a new

caliphalseat, thepalace city of Madinatal-ZahraD,ndhis son completedit, so al-Mustansirelaborated the protocol institutedby his fatherthatgoverned all communications with the

caliph and the ceremony of his more public receptions.As detailed as al-Razi'sdescriptionsof ceremonial occasions canbe, they do not afford

us enough information to visualize fully what took place.5He does not reportwhat mayhave been obvious to his immediate audience or what typically occurred in all ceremo-nies-what the caliph wore, for example, or the words and gesturesof the customarysal-utation. We see only what he found remarkableand worthyof recording,but this can be

a useful perspectivefor ourunderstanding f the ceremonies as articulationsof legitimacy,since al-Razi was a partisanof the Umayyad dynasty.Al-Razi is not our only guide to interpretingthe ceremonies of al-Mustansir'scourt.

Ceremonywas one way to "make visible" the caliph'sclaims to legitimacy, claims he also

expressed in words.6Excerptsand summariesof caliphalcorrespondenceandpublic proc-lamations, preserved in what survives of Ibn IHayyan's istory of al-Andalus, frame our

understanding,as the originals did for contemporaries.Finally, qasi'id (panegyric odes)celebrating the caliph, and recited for the ceremonial occasions we will examine, con-firmed anddeveloped the significanceof these occasions forthe expression andpromotionof caliphal legitimacy.

2 Most of the extant portion of Ibn Hayyin's his-tory of the reign of al-Hakam II al-MustansirBillih(partof a ten-volume history of al-Andalus that sur-vives in only a few volumes and fragments)is attrib-uted to al-Rgzi. Where Ibn Hayyln excerpts from al-Rgzi, I refer to al-Razi as our source, but the citationwill refer to Ibn Hayyin's text, Al-Muqtabis i Akhbiral-Andalus,as cited in n. 1 above.

3 For a discussion of ceremony andprotocol as in-signia of caliphal rule in the tenth century,see PaulaSanders, "The CeremonialIdiom,"in Ritual, Politics,and the City in FatimidCairo (Albany, 1994), chap. 2,

pp.413-37.4Miguel Barcel6, "El califa patente:El ceremonialomeya de C6rdoba o la enscentificaci6n del poder," n

Reyna Pastor et al., eds., Estructurasy formas delpoder en la historia (Salamanca, 1991), pp. 53-56,discusses the problemof the sources and draws simi-lar conclusions.

5 See Michael McCormick, "Analyzing ImperialCeremonies,"Jahrbuch der isterreichischen Byzan-tinistik 35 (1985): 1-20, for a discussion of these

methodological problems with regard to Byzantineceremonies.

6 See Sally E Moore and BarbaraG. Myerhoff,eds., Secular Ritual (Assen and Amsterdam, 1977),chap. 1, pp. 3-24, for their discussion of how rituals

can demonstrate deas or values by objectifying them,by displaying symbols of their existence and enactingtheir reality.



CEREMONY AND SUBMISSION IN TENTH-CENTURY AL-ANDALUS 193

The letters and proclamations embedded and described in the historical chroniclesindicate that the Umayyadcaliphs of al-Andalus articulated heirlegitimacy in termsof a

dynastic inheritancethey claimed stretchedback to the firstgenerationof Muslims andin

terms of their evident commitment to the mandateof the caliph as the khalifa (deputy)ofGod. Specifically, the caliphs emphasized their active protection and promotion of thefaith and the umma (Community) throughforce of arms. In a period when the Islamicworld was riven by political fragmentationandreligious schism, describedasfitna (a cri-sis in the Communitythreateningchaos), the Umayyad caliphs pointed to their ability toexercise effective political authorityover al-Andalus and to maintain the purity of thefaith thereas evidence of theirlegitimacy. They represented heirinvolvement in NorthAf-rica against the Shici Fatimids in terms of their continued struggle to combat what theysaw as a deviant interpretationof Islam and the need to restore unity to the Communityof Muslims.7

In the strugglesbetween the Umayyads andthe Fatimids for political influence in NorthAfrica, sectarianaffiliationshifted with political allegiance.The signs of such a shift, suchas the name pronounced in the khutba (Friday sermon) or the phrasing of the call to

prayer,may not always or often have representeda heartfeltconversion, but in the ideo-

logical terms of the rivalrybetween the two caliphates, these signs markedthe differencebetween salvation and despair, adherence to the true religion and deviance from it. The

Umayyad caliphs strove to treatgenerously those who submitted to them-in fulfillment,they claimed, of theirultimateobjective of guidingthose who were lost back to the straightpath, therebyrestoring the religion of the Qur'an and the Sunna to regions where it hadbeen perverted.8

This is the ideological context for the interpretationof the ceremonies that attendedthreeformeropponentsof Umayyadrule who came to the Bib al-Sudda(nameof the main

gate of the caliphal palace in both C6rdoba andMadinatal-Zahra~')eeking an audiencewith the caliph in demonstrationof their formal submission to his authority.The arrivalof each supplicantmarkeda military success for the Umayyad regime, and each formerenemy approached he caliphal capitalas partof the celebrationof thatsuccess. Given the

emphasisthatthe Umayyads placedon theiraggressive defense of the faith andrestorationof the community,these ceremonies became emblematic of Umayyad legitimacy.

Al-Razi's account of Jacfar bn CAlial-Andalusi'sceremonial submission and incorpo-ration into the Umayyad state in 971 is the first, chronologically, and provides the most

complete description of the stages involved. Tracing Jacfar'sexperience will provide abasis for comparisonand a model for the reconstructionof the ceremonial experience ofboth Hasanibn Qannunand the IdrisidshaykhHannun,where the accountsof theirarrivalbefore the caliph are incomplete.

II

Jacfar bn CAli's atheremigratedfrom al-Andalus to NorthAfrica afterhaving gone onpilgrimage.He marrieda woman fromthe Kutamatribeandfell under the influence of an

7 See my article "The Commandof the Faithful in

al-Andalus: A Study in the Articulation of CaliphalLegitimacy," International Journal of Middle EastStudies 30 (1998): 183-98.

8 See al-Mustansir'sinstructions to his command-

ers in Ibn Hayy~n,Al-Muqtabis t Akhbaral-Andalus,pp. 79-80/Spanish trans., pp. 102-3; pp. 135-36/Spanishtrans.,p. 170.




IsmaciliddCi missionary)who promotedthe cause of the first Fatimidimam or caliph. In

time, he became Fatimidgovernorof the city of Masila. Jacfar ucceededhis father in this

position but became alienatedfrom the Fatimidcaliph al-MuCizz i-Din Allah (r. 953-73)

througha rivalrywith his Sanh~ijineighbor, Ziri ibn Manid. Seeking supportagainstZiri,Jacfar allied himself with the Bani Khazar of the Zanata tribe, who recognized the

Umayyadcaliph, andopenly renouncedhis allegianceto the Fatimid mam.Together,Jacfarand the Bani Khazarconfronted Ziri in battle and killed him and a number of his men.9

A1-Razitells us that Jacfar hen sent a letter to the Umayyad caliph throughhis personal

secretary,beseeching him to accept his "return" o obedience and asking to be treatedassomeone who recognized the caliph's haqq (legitimacy); the caliph responded favorably.When the Bani Khazar set out to deliver Ziri's head to the caliph and to ask for his sup-port against Ziri's son, Jacfarsent his brotherYahya with them to confirm his reconcilia-tion. Not long after theirdeparture,however, he decided to go himself to seek an audience

with the caliph.10Once ashorein al-Andalus,Yahya and the Bani Khazarwere alreadybeing escortedto

C6rdoba when news reached the caliph of Jacfar's anding."11l-Mustansir despatchedMuhammad bn Abi cAmir,who held a numberof offices at the time, to meet Jacfarwith a

gift of horses from the caliphal stables, equippedwith bridles and saddles, enoughmountsto carryhis men and all their belongings, as well as tents and furnishingsto house themin comfort and style. He made special arrangementsfor the women, out of respect for

Jacfar'shonor,providingthemwith coveredlitters.12 hortlythereafter,Jacfarand his escort

caught up with Yahya and the Bani Khazarand all proceededto the campgroundof Fahsal-Suradiq,outside C6rdoba, n anticipationof theirceremonial entrance nto the capital.13

Jacfar'sdecision to join the original delegation to the caliph elevated the status of thegroup and transformedthe occasion of their arrival. WithoutJacfar,Yahya, as his dele-

gate, would have participated n a military parade bearingthe trophiesof Ziri'shead andthose of his companionsto the Bdbal-Sudda, attended an officialaudience with the caliphin the companyof his ministers, and returnedhome with news of al-Mustansir's avorand

gifts, following the experience of other NorthAfricandelegations. Jacfar'spresence, how-ever, called for a more public ceremonial treatment hat could address the circumstancesof a formerFatimidgovernorseeking to serve the Sunni caliph-a lost sheep returning othe fold.

Jacfar's tatus as victor over Ziri, an enemy of the Umayyadcaliphate,was temperedby

the fact thathe himself was a formerenemy of the caliphatewho arrived n al-Andalusina state of submission. We canunderstand he ambiguityof his positionfromthe descriptionof his escort up the peninsula:Jacfarwas the caliph'shonoredguest, but once he crossedthe Straitsof Gibraltar,he was also subjectto the caliph'spower. The subsequentceremo-nial stages thatbroughthim before the caliph would continue to impress this ambiguousstatus upon him and upon all who saw him.

Al-Razi emphasizesthe formalqualityof the ceremonies he describes,always comment-ing on the perfection of the formationand the completeness of the arrangementsandtak-

ing care to present a pictureof a ceremony'sstructureand staging. Thus we learnthat the

9 Ibid., pp. 32-38/Spanish trans.,pp. 54-59.10Ibid., p. 41/Spanish trans., pp. 61-62.

11Ibid., pp. 39-40/Spanish trans.,pp. 60-61.

12 Ibid., pp. 41-42/Spanish trans., pp. 62-63.13 Ibid., pp. 42-43/Spanish trans., pp. 63-64.




caliph designatedthe sdhib al-shurta al-culya (chief of police), Ahmadibn Sacd,to orga-nize the escort and paradethroughC6rdoba to the munya(estate) where Jacfarand com-

pany were to wait while preparationswere made to receive them in the palace city of

Madinatal-Zahra'several miles away.Ibn Sacd rode with a group composed of men cho-sen from various divisions of the army and the caliphal guardto the camp at Fahs al-

Suradiq. They raised the heads of Ziri and his companions, which had been planted onlances outside the tents, and arranged hem in formation,with Ziri's in front. This grislydisplay led the procession, while Jacfar,Yahya, and the Bani Khazar,and their men, sur-roundedby theiroriginalmilitaryescort, followed corps aftercorps of caliphaltroops.All

passed by the Bab al-Sudda of the caliphal palace in C6rdoba,where another chief of

police sat in his official capacity and supervisedas additionalcorps from the palace guardand the men of C6rdoba oined the parade.14

Al-Razi tells us that as Jacfarand Yahyaprogressed throughthe city andpassed by the

Bab al-Sudda, the symbol of the caliph's reign in C6rdoba andvisible reminderof his om-nipresent authority,"theirheartspounded."'15e thus tells us that the parade nspiredaweand describes the submissive status of Jacfar and his brother.The paradeand receptionthat followed the next day, which surpassedthis one in planning and scale, displayed, instill greaterglory, the caliph's military strengthand ability to impose order.

Again, al-Razi describes the procession in detail, this time from the munyato the hallin the Dar al-Jund(militaryresidence) of Madinatal-Zahra',whereJacfar,Yahya,and theBanti Khazarwaited to be received, emphasizing the caliph's supervisionof the event.16His account describes the organizationof the paradebut also relates in detail the compo-sition of the humanpassageway that stretched miles and had to be arrangedby night in

preparation or the spectacle of the next day. The lines of men defining this passagewayincluded 16,000 men from C6rdoba, who were supplied with arms, and representativesfromallbranchesof the armyandthecaliphal guard n paradedress and also bearingarms.17

Jacfarand the otherswere escorted throughthese ranks and into the city to the mainpal-ace gate, where they were made to dismountand to walk to the Dar al-Jund.They sat andwaited until the caliph'seunuchs arrivedto lead them throughanotherhumanpassagewayto the caliph'sreceptionhall. There the stagefor theirentrancehadalreadybeen set accord-

ing to a patternthat is repeatedin al-Razi'sdescriptionsof the caliphal receptions for thetwo annualreligious festivals.18The caliph, sittingon his sarir (throne) n the recess of thehall and flankedby his chamberlains,had alreadyreceived his brothersand the wuzarad

(ministers), as well as the most importantof the ahl al-khidma(men in his service), whoall sat or stood in their designated places. The caliph had also received individuals fromcertain sectors of thecivilian population: he Quraysh membersof the Prophet's ribe);the

mawali (clients) of the dynasty;and thejudges, jurisconsults, andnotaries,who all stood

waiting to witness Jacfar'sentrance with Yahya and the Bani Khazar.19

Al-Razi tells us that Jacfar followed in turnby the others) kissed the threshold of thehall andwas led forward to kiss the caliph'sextendedhand. He paid homage,pronouncingthe taslim (salutation),and was then invited to sit. Once everyone was seated, the caliph

14Ibid., pp. 44-46/Spanish trans.,pp. 64-66.

15Ibid., p. 46/Spanish trans.,p. 66.16Ibid., pp. 46-47/Spanish trans.,pp. 66-67.17 Ibid., pp. 47-50/Spanish trans.,pp. 67-69.

18See Barcel6, "El califa patente," pp. 56-62,

66-71.19 Ibn Hayy~n, Al-Muqtabis fi Akhbar al-Andalus,

pp. 50-52/Spanish trans., pp. 69-70.




addressed each of them. After Jacfarand his brotherexplicitly renouncedtheirpast asso-ciation with the Fatimids andShici Islam and affirmed heir commitmentto theCommander

of the Faithful and to al-sunna w-al-jamdCa the principles of Sunni Islam), the caliph

acceptedtheir return o the fold andpromisedthey would be satisfiedwith theirdecision.20Jacfarand Yahya thus formallyrenounced their earlierpolitical allegiance andreligious

orientation,and the caliph, as God'sagent, pardoned hem. The salutationof the caliphwasin itself a ritual act of submission for those who enjoyed the privilege of entry into the

caliph's presence, one performedby all those in the reception hall. The verbal exchangeof mutualcommitment between the caliph andthe supplicantsthat followed the salutationreminded each person in the room of his contractwith the caliph and of the significanceof his attendance.

The

qas.did

recited praising the caliph on this occasion completed the ceremonial

acknowledgement of his legitimacy. As al-Razi tells us, the poets recorded Jacfarand

Yahya'sbreak with the Fatimidcaliph's governmentandrenunciationof his dacwa (cause)and theirrecognition of the caliph al-Mustansir'shaqq.21 The text he provides of a qasidaby MuhammadIbn Shukhaysdescribes Ziri's defeat as an indication of the divine favor

enjoyed by the caliph and warns of what befalls the caliph's enemies. CelebratingJacfarand Yahya'sreturnto the fold as an example of the caliph'sbeneficence, the poem invitesothers likewise to seek theirsalvation.22The

qas.~~idverbalized the significanceof the cer-

emony; later,when repeatedand circulated,they continued to validate the caliph's regimeand promotehis cause.23

The ceremonial treatmentof Jacfar'sarrival made manifest the caliph'sclaim to be thesource of order and stability in the world, the championof the faith andthe glory of the

Muslims, and the force behindthe unity of the Community-to the supplicants,the wideraudienceof participants ndspectators,andthose who learnedaboutthe event subsequently.The supplicants, n turn,formallysubmittedto the caliph's authorityandpublicly acknowl-

edged his legitimacy. This ritual actcreateda context for a broadreaffirmation f loyaltieswithin the court and beyond. It is not coincidental that two days after the receptiondescribed above, the caliph held a reception for the military and civilian representativesof the provinces who hadbeen commanded to attendJacfar'sarrivalso thatthey too could

performthe obligationof taslim.24Morebroadly, he spectacle of Jacfar'sarrival mpressedthe populationof C6rdobaandrenewed theirrespectfor the caliph;at least, al-Razireportsthat the people spoke about the perfection and grandeurof the event for a long time, con-

sidering it "a wonder of Majesty."25The final stage in the ceremonial sequence, Jacfar'sobligatory participation in thereception for cId al-Adhd(the Festival of the Sacrifice) two weeks later, markedhis inte-

gration into the community of true believers and into the service of the caliph (we learnthat Yahyawas apparently oo ill to attend).26Offeringthe customarysalutation andfelic-

20 Ibid., p. 52/Spanish trans.,pp. 70-71.21 Ibid., p. 54/Spanish trans., p. 72.22 Ibid., pp. 54-56/Spanish trans., pp. 72-74.23 See Suzanne Pinckney Stetkevych, "The Qasi-

dah and the Poetics of Ceremony:Three cid Panegy-

rics to the CordobanCaliphate," n Ross Brann, ed.,Languages of Power in Islamic Spain (Ithaca, NewYork,1997), pp. 1-48, for her illuminatingdiscussionof the ceremonial function of qasd3id and how they

served as insignia of power. See also E. Garcia Go-mez, "Lapo6sie politique sous le califat de Cordoue,"Revue des itudes islamiques, 1949, pp. 5-11, for hisdiscussion of thepropagandalike ualitiesof thepoetryof the Andalusi court.

24 Ibn Hayyan, Al-Muqtabis t Akhbaral-Andalus,pp. 56-57/Spanish trans.,pp. 74-75.25 Ibid., p. 57/Spanish trans., p. 75.26 Ibid., pp. 59-62/Spanish trans., pp. 80-84.




itations for the festival, along with the others who enjoyed this privilege, he ritually re-confirmed his recognition of the caliph's legitimacy and submitted to the political andsocial hierarchythe caliph defined. Jacfarand the Banl Khazar entered the receptionhall

with the mawall, afterthe caliph'sbrothers,the wuzara", he prominentmen of the ahl al-khidma and the Qurayshhad alreadygreeted the caliph and taken theirdesignated placesaccording to their status. Al-Razi tells us the caliph then honored Jacfarby commandinghim to standwith the hujjab(chamberlainsor attendants) rom the ahl al-khidma until theend of the reception, placing him in a clear position of service. Thus he stood as the del-

egations fromC6rdoba and the provinces as well as fromthe provincialarmies enteredthehall to salute the caliph.

The order of the reception of individuals and groupsreflected their political and social

status, as did theirproximityto the caliph in the receptionhall, the most privileged beingallowed to sit near him or to minister to him to his immediateright andleft.27The caliph's

commandthat Jacfaroin the ranksof theh.ujjab

in line after the treasurerof Madinatal-ZahraDwas a symbolic act of incorporation.For the next cid, Cidal-Fitr (Festival of the

Breaking of the Fast), in 972, Jacfarwas accorded a still more privileged position, a seat

just below the seated wuzarad,while YahyBandJacfar's on Ibrahimwere assigned stand-

ing positions in the ranks of the

h.ujjab.28he caliphalreceptionsfor the annualcycle of Cid elebrations markedthe continuityof

Umayyad rule, season after season, and served as a context for the regularrenewal of al-

legiance to the caliph.29Jacfar'sprescribedattendanceexpressed and imposed his contin-ued commitmentto the caliphate and dynasty. In a context where the official declarationof the end of the fast of Ramadan and the celebrationof the Cidal-Fitr was a matterof

sectariansignificance, Jacfar'spresence at the caliphalcelebration of the religious festivalmade clear his acknowledgementof the caliph's authority n defining the true faith.30

III

The circumstances of the Idrisid rulerHasanibn Qannin's arrivalin the caliphal courtdifferedsignificantlyfrom those of Jacfar. Hasan ad been an aggravationto the Umayyadcause in North Africa, switching allegiance from the Umayyads to the Fatimids as he ex-tendedIdrisidrule overnorthwesternMorocco, includingthe cities of TangiersandTetuan.After defeating andkilling one Umayyadcommander, n 973, Hasan was forced to submitto another and to acknowledge the Umayyad caliph's legitimacy in exchange for his life.

He enteredC6rdoba moreclearly as the trophyof a militarytriumphandthusmore obvi-ously as a supplicantfor the caliph's mercy.

Ibn LHayyan'sext does not provide us with informationaboutHasan'sarrivalor initialaudience with the caliph (he ascribes this deficiency to a lacuna in his version of al-R~zi's

27 See Barcel6, "El califa patente,"pp. 57-65.28 Ibn Hayyan, Al-Muqtabis i Akhbar al-Andalus,

pp. 81-82/Spanish trans.,p. 105.29 See Stetkevych, "The Qasidah and the Poetics

of Ceremony,"pp. 15-23, for a discussion of the cer-emonial significance of Cidreceptions.

30 TheShicis determinedthe end of Ramadanbyastronomicalcalculationrather hanby the sighting of

the new moon. One of the formal requirements or allof the North African chiefs or rulers who renounced

loyalty to the Fatimidsandrecognized al-Mustansirascaliph was to wait until the new moon was sighted tobreak the fast. See the text of a document(sijill) con-ferringauthorityover the Kutamato Abfial-CAyshbnAyyfb in Ibn Hayyan's Al-Muqtabisfi Akhbar al-Andalus, pp. 111-14/Spanish trans.,pp. 142-45. For

examples of clashes between Fatimid authorities andtheir Sunni subjects over this matter,see Heinz Halm,The Empire of the Mahdi, trans. Michael Bonner(Leiden, 1996), pp. 373, 415.




chronicle), but we do get a pictureof the caliph'streatmentof.Hasan

in al-Razi'saccountof the celebrationof the Cid hatfollowed, the CId l-Fitr of the year 974 (25 June).31The

way Ibn Shukhays'sqasida for the occasion depicts

.Hasan's

arrival n the capital suggests

he was escorted in a militaryparadesimilar to Jacfar's.Without the equivalentof the tro-phy heads that indicatedJacfar's ole in the defeatof the caliph'senemies, however,Hasan'sescort must have emphasized more strongly his status as supplicant. In Ibn Shukhays'srendering, Hasansounds very much like a prisoner hoping for a chance to beg for mercy:

When Hasan] ameto thepeninsulahereencircledhis retinue quadronswhoseangercaused heveryearth o tremble. . . Every ime he traversedhe backof the earth tshighlands nd owlandscounteredhim with cavalryand infantry ... Nothing prevented hem from bringing[Hasan]everyharm hat eads to deathexceptobedienceandawe[of theCaliph]. . . [Hasan]keptcrying,"There s no godbutGod!" n anguish,as do seafarers n thevergeof shipwreck.... Hoping orlife, fearingdeath,he was in twooppositestates:elationanddejection.32

We know thataftermakinghis plea,.Hasan

was delivered: "the star of good fortune [i.e.,the Caliph] . . . interceded for him."33Hasanprobablyrenounced his past and received the

caliph's pardon in an audience immediately after his arrival, in a ritual similar to thatdescribed in Jacfar'scase. His requiredattendanceat the reception for the CIdal-Fi.trthatfollowed demonstratedhis obedience as he submitted to the protocol. He, his brother,hissons, and the rest of the Banti Idris who came with them waited in the D~aral-Jund to

receive permission to enter the caliph'spresence in the easternhall of Madinat al-Zahra.

They enteredwith the Quraysh,being members of the tribethemselves, after the caliph'sbrothers, the wuzaraD, and the ahl al-khidma had already performed the salutation andtaken their places. They greeted the caliph in turn,then waited while the mawali, judgesof the provinces, jurisprudents,notaries, and the ranks from the caliph's personal guardwere received.34

Once again, inclusion in the reception indicated the caliph's pardon and symbolized

IHasan nd his company's integration nto the Communityand returnto the truefaith, thisafter he had earlier been identified with transgressionand heresy.35The qasida by Tahiribn Muhammadal-Baghdadi(al-Muhannad)extrapolatedfrom Hasan'scase to celebratemoregenerallythe caliph's forgiveness of his enemies as an actof purification hat "erasedtheir evil deeds."36The poetry al-Razi records for the occasion, however, also suggeststhatthe tone of the reception emphasizedthe caliph'striumph,with verses anticipatinghisfuture successes furthereast, warningthe "errant"n North Africa andIraq, and promis-

ing the vindication of the Umayyaddynasty,which had been forced out of Syriaover twocenturies earlier.37The Idrisidsmay have found refuge in the embrace of the caliphatebut

31 IbnHayyan explains the discontinuityof the textin Al-Muqtabisfi Akhbaral-Andalus, p. 155/Spanishtrans., p. 196. Stetkevych, "The Qasidah and thePoetics of Ceremony," pp. 2-10, 15-32, discusses

HIasan's articipation n the Cidal-Fitr and two of theqasd"idrecited on the occasion in some detail.

*32 bid., pp. 160-61/Spanish trans.,p. 201; see thetranslation from Stetkevych, "The Qasidah and thePoetics of Ceremony,"p. 8.

33 Ibid.34Ibn Hayyan, Al-Muqtabis i Akhbaral-Andalus,

pp. 155-56/Spanish trans.,pp. 196-97.

35 Al-Mustansir and his commanders consistentlyrefer to Hasan as al-mulhid(the heretic), al-fasiq (thetransgressor), al-mariq (the deviant), and al-ghawi(the errant)in their correspondence;see Ibn Ijayyan,Al-Muqtabis Akhbair l-Andalus, pp. 79, 89, 90, 97,98, 141, 180, for examples.

36 Ibid., pp. 156-58/Spanish trans., pp. 198-99;for an English translation,see Stetkevych,"The Qasi-dah and the Poetics of Ceremony,"p. 5.

37 Ibn Hayyan, Al-Muqtabis i Akhbaral-Andalus,p. 163/Spanish trans.,p. 203.




not withoutenduringhumiliation.IbnShukhays'sqasida disparaged.Hasan

and his familyin terms even al-Razi found offensive.38

Hasan'shistory of resistanceagainstUmayyad sovereigntyinformedthe significance of

his arrival in the Umayyad capitaland how it reflected the caliph'slegitimacy. Hasan hadpreviously become a symbol of the caliph's unyielding commitment to the holy war

against heresy (ilhad). Al-Razi tells us al-Mustansirsent a letter to his governors, to be

read in all the congregationalmosques of the provinces, remindingthem of his commit-ment andreportinghis success in forcing the worst of the "deviants,"Hasanibn Qanntin,to surrenderhis fortress and come to the capital. He reminded his governors thatnow allthe rulers of the northwesternregion of North Africa had submitted to him.39

Al-Razi providesthe text of the letteritself, which readslike a manifesto of the caliph's

legitimacy, recalling the inheritance of his office and describing his dedication to the

fulfillment of his divinely charged responsibilities. In form, the letter begins by briefly

recapitulatingthe history of God'sagency on earth,with a distinctionbetween the age ofthe prophets (culminatingwith the seal of the prophets,Muhammad)and the age of the

caliphs. The letter goes on to portraythe caliphs as God's deputies, those responsible forthe preservationof His sharica (law) and religion against any innovation or doubt, and it

describes their role as shepherdsfor His creatures. It then establishes al-Mustansiras thelatest in the chain of caliphs, each of whom had inheritedhis role from his predecessor.40

After this preamble,the letter describes al-Mustansir'srule, presentinghis strengthand

will as the means for the revival of the faith and the unificationof the Community,empha-sizing his triumphover the enemies of Islam: the "polytheists"(Christians)of the northand the "deviants"(Fatimids)of the south, who corrupted he faith.41The balance of the

letter focuses more specifically on the caliph'sinvolvement in NorthAfrica, clearly iden-tifying his cause with the "correction"of those who have deviated from the pathdefined

by the Sunnaof the Prophetand thejudgmentsof the rashidfin(the "rightly-guided" irst

four caliphs), furtheridentifying his success with God's support.42The final paragraphsreportthe submission of various lordsof the region to the caliph'sauthorityandassociateGod's beneficence with the caliph's forgiveness. In the end, victory bringsconciliation or,in the words of the text:obedience to the Commanderof the Faithfulremoved theirmalice

and "joined their hearts together."43This letter contributes to our understandingof the ceremonial arrival andreception of

the Idrisids, since both the letter and the ceremony reflected the caliph's efforts to make

the specific event of Hasan's surrender nto an occasion to articulate, and confirm, hislegitimacy. We can see this again in the celebration of the next cid.

Shortlyafterthe proclamationdescribed above was readin the mosques, the caliph heldthe reception for the cid

al-Adh.(1 September 974), and Hasan, his brother,and their

families were ordered to attend and fulfill the obligation of taslim to the caliph and theheir apparent,Hisham, at his firstpublic reception.44 oiningthe members of the Quraysh,they were followed by the clients, the prominent men of C6rdoba, the leaders of thebranches of the military,and the most importantmen of the CulamiPwhen they offered

38 Ibid., p. 159/Spanishtrans., p. 200.

39 Ibid., p. 178/Spanishtrans.,p. 217.40 Ibid., pp. 178-80/Spanish trans., pp. 217-19.41 Ibid., p. 180/Spanishtrans., p. 219.

42 Ibid., pp. 180-81/Spanish trans.,pp. 219-20.

43 Ibid., pp. 181-82/Spanish trans.,pp. 220-21.44 For the account of the Cd, see ibid., pp. 184-87/

Spanishtrans.,pp. 222-26.




their salutations first to the caliph and then moved on to the western hall to salute Hisham

in an act meant to secure recognition of the dynastic succession.45Thus the Idrisidsvisibly boundthemselves to the Umayyad dynasty in its next genera-

tion andreminded all who witnessed this of the caliph's supremacy.Al-Razi's descriptionexpresses this clearly: he speaks of the Idrisidsas one of the greatest"adornments" f the

Cid,for their presence demonstrated how the "insolent" were now clearly submissivebefore the authorityof the caliph.46By his account, the Idrisidsexperiencedthe ceremony"with their hearts in their throats," eeling distressed and overwhelmed by its splendor,and we see them as trophies of the caliph's strengthand determination-bearing in mindthat they have also been visibly incorporated into his domain as members of the

Quraysh.47

IV

The final example of submission and ceremony brings the shaykh, or "elder,"of theBantiIdris, called Hanniln,to the caliph'scourt as partof the entourageof the victorious,returningUmayyadcommander,Ghalib Ibn CAbd l-Rahman.48Ghalib's arrivalat the cap-ital, barelya monthafterthe Cidal-Adhah, as the occasion for a grand paradeto C6rdoba.The next day, he paradedfrom his camp west of the city to Madinatal-Zahra> hrougha

passageway of men dressed in finery and sporting arms (all described in detail by al-

Razi), ending the celebration with an audience with the caliph in one of his more publicreceptions.49

The sequence of ceremonies celebrating Ghalib's arrivalis familiar, even though the

circumstances are different from those surroundingJacfar'sarrival;for Ghalib rode intothe city unambiguouslyas a returninghero with his huge army,an entourageof North Af-ricanchiefs who hadjoined his ranks,and fourprominentIdrisids who soughtthe securityof obedience to the caliph.50 n the receptionthatfollowed, the caliph accorded him prideof place as the hifjib(attendant), he one who stood immediatelyto his right-thus visiblyidentifying him as the caliph'sright-handman.51

45 Cfd

al-Adh.d

celebrates the patriarch and prophetIbrahim'swillingness to sacrifice his son Ismcil in

submission (islam) to God and God's acceptance ofthe sacrificeof a raminstead. The festival, with its fo-cus on the father-sonrelationshipandcommemorationof the ancestryof the Muslims (Ibrahim s consideredthe first Muslim) and the Arabs (descended from Is-macil), was an appropriateoccasion for the caliph tocall for allegiance to his son and successor. See M. E.Combs-Schilling, Sacred Performances (New York,1989), pp. 56-58, for her discussion of how the mythof Ibrahim'ssacrifice and the Festival of the Sacrificereinforcepatrilineality.

46 Ibid., p. 186/Spanish trans.,p. 224.47 Ibid.

48 Ibn CIdhri, Kitdb al-Baydn al-Mughrib fi Akhbiir

al-Andalus wa'l-Maghrib, new ed. by E. L6vi-Provengal and G. S. Colin (after R. Dozy's 1849 edi-tion) (Leiden, 1948-51), vol. 2, p. 248, reports that

Ghalib brought Hasan ibn Qanniin and his party ofIdrisids, including their shaykh, Hanntin,with him to

C6rdoba.As we have seen, however,Ibn.Hayyin'shis-tory of the reign of

al-.Hakam(II) al-MustansirBillah

(based on al-Razi's text) indicates that Hasan'sarrival

precededGhalib'sreturn o the capitalwith the shaykh.49 Ibn HIayyan,Al-Muqtabis i Akhbaral-Andalus,

pp. 194-202/Spanish trans.,pp. 235-42.50 Ghilib hadpreviouslyordered he Idrisidshaykh

and his companions to go to the caliphal court, andthey reportedlyarrived n Algeciras in August974. Atthis moment,al-MustansirorderedGhalib to return oal-Andalus. The Idrisidnotables, met in Algeciras byofficials sent from the capital with tents and furnish-ings to house them in comfort, must have been keptwaiting in the southernportfor Ghalib'sescort. All ar-

rived togetherin C6rdoba on 24 September974 (ibid.,pp. 176-77/Spanish trans.,pp. 214-15).

51Ibid., p. 198/Spanish trans., p. 239.




Al-Razi tells us Hannin, and his brother and two cousins, enjoyed the greatest hospi-tality, and we can see thatthey were honored in a numberof ways, in partdue to theirde-scent from the Prophet.Hannfn (who was never the militarythreat to the Umayyads that

Hasan ibn Qanntn hadbeen) had alreadybeen granteda treatyof security (amin) beforeHasan'ssurrender,along with a gift of 7,000 dinars,a gilded sword, cloth, three colored

turbans,and a thoroughbredhorse from the caliph'sstables with an ornamentedbridle andsaddle.52Nevertheless, his status before the caliph was still that of a formerenemy and

supplicant,and his participation n the caliph's receptionfor Ghalib in this role enhancedthe significance of the occasion. At the center of the reception, we see the exchange ofmutual commitment that expressed the relationshipbetween the caliph and all his sub-

jects. Hanntn led the Idrisids in offering the salutation andhumblinghimself. The caliphinvited each to sit down, honoring the shaykh in the seating arrangement, hankedthemfor their obedience, and promised them his beneficence.53This act, with Ghalib standing

beside al-Mustansiras symbol of his will and strength,demonstrated o all that the caliphwas what he claimed to be.

The recognition of caliphal legitimacy, expressed by the act of taslim, was extended tothe next generation. Al-Mustansir ordered that the oldest sons of the four Idrisids be

broughtbefore him; each gave the salutation andwas seated near his father.54 n addition,al-Razi tells us that while the caliph held his reception,his son Hishim held a similar onein the western hall, and those who saluted the father then went to salute the son. This

included the leaders of the militarydistricts (after the departureof the Idrisids),who hadbeen asked to attendGhalib'sceremonious arrival.55

This account of the celebrationof Ghilib's triumphant eturnto the capital throws into

relief how the Umayyad caliphs of al-Andalusmade the formal submissionof former en-emies an occasion to express their legitimacy ceremonially,as partof their largereffort tosecure allegiances. Ghilib's arrival n C6rdobawas certainlycause for celebrationin itself,and a paradeto C6rdobaandprocession to Madinatal-Zahra'alone would have displayedthe caliph's military might, projected his role as the source of order and stability, andattested to his defense of the faith and the Community.The integrationof the Idrisid

shaykh'ssalutationof the caliph (i.e., the formalenactmentof his submission)into the cer-

emony of Ghalib'sarrival,at its very heart,allowed the caliph to demonstratehis declareddedication to the restorationof the unityof the Muslims moreimmediatelyand morefully.The caliph thus provedhimself to be the deputyof God as a vigilant warrioragainstene-

mies of the Communityandthe true faith and, as a good shepherd,merciful to those whosubmitted to him and renouncedthe error of theirways, now ready to returnto the fold.

52 Ibid., p. 132/Spanish trans.,p. 166.

53 Ibid., p. 199/Spanishtrans.,p. 240.54 Ibid., pp. 199-200/Spanish trans.,pp. 240-41.55 Ibid., p. 200-202/Spanish trans.,pp. 241-42.

ceremony and submission the symbolic representation and recognition of legitimacy in tenth century...

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