IN SEARCH OF A PARADIGM FOR UNDERSTANDING THE DIALECTICS OF

POVERTY AND CONFLICT IN NIGERIA’S NIGER DELTA REGION:

EVIDENCES FROM OGONI

BY

NEKABARI JOHNSON NNA Ph.D

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND ADMIN. STUDIES

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

UNIVERSITY OF PORT HARCOURT

P.M.B. 5323

PORT HARCOURT

NIGERIA

Abstract

This paper attempts to identify a theoretical paradigm to understanding the deepening poverty, conflict and underdevelopment in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. Using the Ogoni experience, the paper examines the theory of internal colonialism that has been applied by many scholars. It maintains that those who apply the theory tend to put the blame on domination and exploitation by elements within the major ethnic groups in Nigeria, while ignoring the class character of the Ogoni society. It maintains that the poverty and conflict in Ogoni has been accentuated by the elites within the Ogoni society who act in concert with their partners from other groups. Key words: Conflict, Niger Delta, Internal Colonialism, Political Elites and Poverty.

INTRODUCTION

The Ogoni people inhabit an area between longitudes 7o 101 and 70 30E and

latitudes 4o 301 and 4o 50H along the Coast plains terraces to the north-east of the Niger

Delta region of South Eastern Nigeria. The population of the area, according to the 2006

Nigerian National Census is 934,878 with a density of 771 (NPC, 2006). According to

Saro-Wiwa (1994:29), this translates to 1,200 per square mile, making it one of the

highest in the world and five times the Nigerian national average of 250. There is

therefore severe land scarcity and land hunger, a situation which is further exacerbated by

the fact that the Ogoni area accommodates a large number of agro-chemical, petroleum

and gas industries because of the enormous agricultural and petroleum and gas resources

found in the area. Interestingly therefore the Ogoni area is prone to a high level of

industrial pollution.

In spite of the enormous resources and the large number of industrial

establishments, the Ogoni area has experienced a very high level of youth unemployment,

Saro-Wiwa (1994:26) in his reaction to the deplorable economic condition of the youths

observed that over seventy percent of Ogoni youths are unemployed and those in

employment only find normal jobs, which abound in companies in Ogoni, such as

NAFCON, the two refineries, the petro-chemical complex, even the Eleme people who

have lost almost all their land to the companies do not find employment at a level

commensurate with the sacrifices they have made as hosts of the companies.

This has become a sore point in the relationship between the companies and the

host communities. Added to the problem of unemployment is the issue of environmental

pollution and degradation. In a statement attached to the Ogoni Bill of Rights (1990). Dr.

G. B. Leton, one of Nigeria’s foremost natural scientists and first President of the

Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) expressed deep concern about the

adverse environmental and ecological consequences of oil exploration and exploitation

which the Ogoni has suffered and continues to suffer.

The Lands, streams and creeks are totally and continually polluted. The atmosphere

is for ever charged with hydrocarbons; carbon monoxide and carbon dioxide; many

villages experience the informal quaking of the wrath of gas flares which have been

burning 24 hours a day for 33 years; acid rains, oil spillages and blow outs are common.

The result of such unchecked environmental pollution and degradation is that the Ogoni

people can no longer farm successfully. An environment that was once the food basket of

the Eastern Niger Delta, the Ogoni now buy food (when they can afford it). Fish which is

a common source of protein is now rare in the area yet they have the capacity and all it

takes to produce it. Owing to the constant and continued pollution of our stream and

creeks, fish can only be caught in deeper and offshore waters for which the Ogoni are not

equipped. The Ecology is changing fast, the mangrove tree, the aerial roots of which

normally provide a natural and welcome habitat for many a sea food – crabs, periwinkles,

1

muds kipper, crockies, mussels, shrimp’s and all – is now being gradually replaced by

unknown and otherwise useless palms. The health hazards generated by an atmosphere

charged with hydrocarbon vapour, carbon monoxide and carbon dioxide are innumerable.

Interestingly, this view has been supported by many natural scientists in Nigeria.

For instance a Report on Page 3 of the Punch Newspapers of 15 July 2011 and attributed

to some experts at the Ohio State University’s Department of Geosciences, states that

although air pollution is often linked with some heart and lung-related illnesses, it can

also have a negative effect on the brain. The Report revealed that exposure to air

pollution has both short and long term toxic effects that insure the heart and blood vessels

and increase rates of hospitalization for cardiac illness.

The worsening economic situation in Ogoni, manifesting in high rate of

emigration and rural poverty has great consequences on the development of the area.

Naanen (2003:72) observed that the economic situation in Ogoni since the 1950s has led

to the migration of farm labourers to other parts of South-Eastern Nigeria and the Niger

Delta. A significant number traveled to the former Spanish Colony of Fernando Po (now

Equatorial Guinea) as contract labourers. Similarly, Cameroon has attracted a significant

number of Ogoni migrants since the 1950s, most of who were involved in fishing. But the

hostility of Cameroonian Law Enforcement Agencies and the decline of the local fishing

industry have in recent years, considerably reduced the number of Ogoni migrants. Some

of the migrants to other parts of the Niger Delta and across Niger Delta as far as field in

Lagos and Ondo claim to pursue occupations such as palm wine tapping for which the

Ogoni remain famous.

A significant percentage of the agricultural labourers have been boys of school age,

some of whom took to such occupations for an income either to pay their ways through

school or to provide for themselves some money for survival. Naanen, (ibid) also

maintained that majority of these child labourers, never had the opportunity of going to

school and simply had to find a way of earning an income early in life either to help

themselves or support their parent and siblings.

2

This sort of development, for sure accounts for the disadvantaged position of the

Ogoni in the Niger Delta. Indeed, Naanen (1995:10) has observed that the Ogoni area is

underdeveloped in all ramifications. Thus it does not only lack basic social infrastructure

but human capital as well. He argued that as at 1969, the Ogonis had only a secondary

school enrolment of less than 400 and approximately 10 university graduates and an

overall in literacy rate of about 15 percent. He reveals that by the late 1950s, the Ogoni

had lost most political rights as part of Biafra. He was referring here to a population of

more than 450,000 cutting across more than 200 village communities.

Naanen (2003:651) maintained that the Ogonis find themselves very much in this

context of national poverty. However, consideration has to be given to the country,

political peculiarities, which tend to be weighed heavily against minorities and

indigenous groups. Control or access to power in Nigeria and to state-centred economy

can make a lot of difference between poverty and progress, group such as the Ogoni have

largely remained marginal in the distribution of power hence the entrenched

discrimination they suffer. Such socio-economic inequality affects access to jobs, the

provision of social facilities, the development of infrastructure and other economic

opportunities.

No wonder, many scholars of Ogoni extraction such as Saro-Wiwa (1994), Naanen

(1995) and Nna (1999) have attempted to analyze the Ogoni condition within the context

of the theory of internal colonialism. In doing so however, they tend to ignore the role of

internal class forces within the Ogoni society and thus failed to follow the theory of

internal colonialism to its logical conclusion. This paper attempts to focus attention on

the nature and character of the class division within the Ogoni society, particularly the

role of political elites as internal agent or collaborators in the deepening of the poverty

condition within the Ogoni society and the competition between them for access to such

and resources through the state.

Theoretical Framework

The dominant theoretical explanation for the Ogoni condition attributes the

poverty situation to the relationship of domination and exploitation by the major or

dominant groups in Nigeria and small ethnic groups such as the Ogoni. This perspective

draws largely on the theory of “Internal Colonialism” adapted from the works of Russian

3

scholar and revolutionary, V. I. Lenin. According to Levinson (1994:44), internal

colonialism is a form of majority – group-minority group relations in which the minority

group is treated much the same as a colonized group under exploitative colonialism.

Accordingly, internally colonized groups perform a disproportionately high share of low-

paid, unskilled labour, subject to control by the majority, viewed and treated

ethnocentrically in accordance with dominant culture values.

To Marger (1997:131) it is a type of inequalitarian pluralism which is

characteristic of societies like the United States where ethnic relations otherwise follow a

pattern of assimilation. He reveals that in such cases, racial ethnic groups are treated in a

colonial fashion.

Wolpe (1975:230) has identified two major characteristics of the internal

colonialism model.

(i) The colonial relationship is conceived of as occurring between different countries

total population, nation’s geographical areas or between different races, colours or

cultures.

(ii) The colonial relationship is characterized in a general way as involving

domination, oppression and exploitation

McRoberts (1979:294) reports that the perspective assumes that for various reasons

(economic, political or military) a stronger, more developed core region imposes itself

upon a peripheral region whose subsequent development is geared to the needs of the

core. He posited that out of this colonial relationship between regions, there develops a

cultural division of labour in which high status positions are reserved for members of the

core region and periphery populations are relegated to lower level position.

This perspective thus assumes that resources from the periphery regions that is,

areas inhabited by internally colonized populations are used for the development of the

regions of the dominant groups and this tends to engender in those internally colonized,

feelings of resistance and rebelling and therefore leading to the formation of secessionist

movements (Nna, 1999). Paloni (1979:363) has therefore revealed that under the theory

of internal colonialism, the existence of strong secessionist movement or the persistence

of conflict emerging from religious affiliations, language distinctions or other primordial

4

attachment can be expected and would be explained as in the case of the Celtic Fringe,

Belgium or Quebec.

Naanen (1995:19) is a major exponent of this perspective with regard to the Ogoni

condition. He maintains that Internal colonialism in Ogoni land is broadly characterized

by certain fundamental developments. First, ethnic based political domination, which is

used to expropriate Ogoni resources; especially oil and gas for the development of the

power-controlling group while the Ogoni remain underdeveloped and impoverished.

Second, the alliance between these dominant groups – the multinational oil companies

and state enterprises (which are controlled by the dominant groups) operating in Ogoni-

land, which restrict the Ogoni’s access to the modern and more rewarding sectors of the

Nigerian oil economy, establishing a pattern of economic discrimination against the

Ogoni people. Third, oil based environmental degradation which gravely undermines the

traditional peasant and fishing economy of the Ogoni, leaving the people without a

dependable alternative means of livelihood and fourth, gross land widespread human

rights violation in Ogoni land.

Furthermore, Naanen submits that Ogoni-land, which has produced more than 30

billion dollars worth of oil for Nigeria, has virtually nothing to show for the prodigious

wealth and that Ogoni land continues to exist in its original condition: no potable water,

no dependable health facilities, few usable roads, no electricity, no telecommunications,

and for the past three years, the schools have not been functioning because teachers have

not been paid. Poverty and social deprivation are conspicuous, the mortality rate is high.

Paloni (1979:360) has argued that this sort of use of the internal colonialism

model is incomplete at the theoretical level because it leaves aside the consideration

value that the expansion of the core responds to the interests of a class. He thus maintains

that the character of this expansion depends in part on the strength of this class and in

part on the strength of ruling classes in the periphery. Consequently, he submits that the

nature of the process of the expansion of the core is at least a function of the relation

between both dominant classes. He reveals that a variety of strategies can be adopted,

depending on the historical conditions determining the limit of action of these classes.

They include the following:

5

(i) The core’s ruling class is sufficiently powerful (economically and militarily) to

completely eliminate the basis of power of the periphery’s ruling classes.

(ii) The completion of the core’s expansion depends on the ability of the core’s

ruling classes to enlist the support of the periphery ruling class. He observes that under

these circumstances, the alliance between both sets of ruling classes is crucial to seal the

process of expansion. He further notes that if the realization of the first strategy could

permanently cripple the basis or authority of the ruling classes in the periphery it could

facilitate the implementation of centralized administration. However, the coalescence of

an alliance, he says, may operate in the opposite direction. Consequently being

recognized as parties in the common enterprise, the ruling classes in the periphery may

strengthen their local influence and maintains the conditions of their legitimacy. Paloni

cautions however, that in most cases, the situation would produce a system of loyalties

gained by the distribution of personal production or other materials of symbolic

advantage. Furthermore, he makes it clear that the relation in which the core and

periphery stand after a certain period of time will depend not only on which of these two

strategies have been implemented but also on the degree to which peripheral regions are

culturally and ethnically homogenous. He nevertheless stresses that regardless of how

distinctive the peripheral regions are when compared with the core regions, the presence

of internal heterogeneity will prevent the crystallization of an ethnic or other segmental

based reaction against the centre in forms other than sporadic outbursts of discontent. He

thus maintains that the alliance of both ruling classes will eventually favour the

maintenance of a system of personal loyalties as the dominant factor behind political

alignments in the periphery.

He however explains that the establishment of this system of alliances can be

traced back to the predominance of feudal relations or some of its variants. He further

explains that the backwardness of the periphery before its contact with the core is both an

effect and a condition of the maintenance of these relations and identifies the two main

characteristics of the relationship as follows:

(i) The existence of personal relations between individuals occupying positions with

unequal control of resources,

6

(ii) The existence of systemic instability in which mutable loyalties may be

transferred or displaced or simply withdrawn if resources became scarce or if

alternative resources enter the situation.

In conclusion, therefore, Paloni maintains that in a situation of clientelistic relations

governed by the principle of maximizing immediate personal advantages, there is a

common identification with symbols and no possibility of communal action. It strongly

resembles an aggregate of contractual link, subject to permanent alteration. It is therefore

imperative to unravel and analyze the class relations in Ogoni and the relationship

between the dominant classes, particularly the political class and the state structures.

Political Elites and the Dialectics of Poverty and Conflict: Evidence from Ogoni-

Land.

There is no consensus among historians on when exactly the Ogoni people settled

in their present location or from where they came there. What appears common in some

sources is that they were a relatively egalitarian and well ordered society except for the

position of priests to deities such as the Gbenebeka who were well respected and proud

for by the people. It is also suggested in those sources that the Ogoni build in relative

isolation from the outside world before the advert of British colonialism and this perhaps,

account for why they escaped European sources (Nnanen, 2003:15). Naanen (2003:16)

attributes this relative isolation to the refusal of the Ogoni to engage in inter-marriage

with any groups apart from their Ibibio neighbours to the North-East and their refusal to

participate in the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade. Saro-Wiwa (1994:3) on his part attributes it

to the fierce and independent character of the Ogoni people. He asserts that historically,

the Ogoni people have always been fierce and independent. This is the reason they have

never been colonized by other people and were not sold as slaves in the course of the

notorious Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade. They were known to their neighbours as cannibals

and were able to preserve for themselves the most fertile and most healthy parts of the

coastal plain terraces North of the Niger Delta.

He reveals that the refusal of the Ogoni people to engage in inter-marriage with

other ethnic groups except the Ibibio, was as a result of the law passed by their ancestors

in order to preserve the purity of the Ogoni, preserve their language and culture and to

7

stop their absorption or dilution by any of the neighbouring larger groups. Within this

content, it may not necessary be the cause of their isolation. However, Naanen (2007:16)

also has further revealed that the Ogoni people refused to sign any treaty of protection

with the British and had to resist the imposition of British rule by force of arms resulting

in battles of resistance in 1901, 1905 and 1907 when a protectorate was declared over in

Ogoni and in which the Gbenebeka deity served as the major rallying point for the

Ogonis. This resistance was ended in 1914 when one Major G. H. Led a military

expedition which burnt down the Gbenebeka shrine at Gwara, and signaled the eventual

end of Ogonis sovereignty.

Saro-Wiwa (1994:4) attributes the problems of the Ogoni people to the advent of

British colonialism which shatter the Ogoni society and inflict on them a backwardness

from which we are still struggling to escape. It was British colonialism which forced us

into the domestic colonialism of Nigeria, he asserted. Right from 1908 when Ogonis were

administered as a part of Opobo Division, they were made part of the Rivers Province of

the Eastern Region in 1951 and Rivers State in 1967, the Ogoni people have struggled to

resist colonialism and return to their much-cherished autonomy and self-determination.

Saro-Wiwa traced the struggle of the Ogoni people to the 1930s through to the

1950s as organized by Paul Birabi under the Ogoni Central Union and the Ogoni State

Representative Assembly. He lamented that the efforts of Ogoni people have been made

difficult by Nigeria’s domestic colonialism, which is cruel, unfeeling and monstrous; its

method has been an outrageous denial of rights, a usurpation of our economic resources,

a dehumanization which has sought to demoralize our people by characterizing them as

meek, obscure and foolish.

He concluded that this development has made the Ogoni people to lose pride in

themselves and their ability and compelled them to “vote for a multiplicity of parties or

election regard themselves as perpetual clients of other groups and come to think “that

there is nowhere else to go but down.” This perspective has some short-comings: top of

which is that it sees the Ogoni people as a monolithic group devoid of social divisions. It

therefore ignores the actual social impact of colonialism on the structure of Ogoni

society.

8

The introduction of British rule over Ogonis was accompanied by same things

which altered the structure and basis of social relationship. For instance, the introduction

of the common law and the subsequent establishment of courts for the dispensation of

justice led to the appointment of warrant chiefs, court clerks, bailiffs and interpreters

among others. These positions were filled with people who had had some form of access

to the colonial institutions in long distance trades and thus had an idea of how to

communicate with representatives of colonial authorities. The introduction of Christianity

and through the western education gave rise to the appointment of catechists’ interpreters

and Sunday school teachers among others. These positions put these individuals in a

vantage position in the new order and thus transformed their position in society vis-à-vis

the rest of the society. They began to serve as clients to those who represented the

dominant political authority at the time and in the process not only sustained their control

of Ogoni political affairs but their own livelihood as well (Nna, 1986:62). It was therefore

possible for the emerging political elites in Ogoni therefore to consolidate their position

in the society by sending their children to patrons and friends in the coastal cities to learn

the ways of the white man by acquiring western education. Indeed Naanen (2003:15) has

revealed that until the second decade of the 20 th century, formal western education was

virtually unknown among the Ogonis, who produced their first university graduate in

1943. This is markedly different from other parts of the country such as Lagos and certain

coastal areas of the Niger Delta where western education had impacted on society much

earlier.

Naanen attributes this development to what he calls the “historically insular

nature” of Ogoni society which was forced by a fierce determination by the group to

defend its cultural identity. He maintained that the Ogoni were isolated from broader

social forces found in the Coastal region, stimulated by European trade, which carried

western education in Nigeria due to the Christian missionaries who followed the trade

route. Ogoni’s capacity to embrace Western education, when it did enter the area was

limited by poverty and customary practices. The trend was not helped by government

policy, which not unexpectedly, tended to favour the power-controlling groups.

9

For sure, all government policies were transmitted through warrant chiefs. These,

of course, included policies on education and community development. These people

used this trend to all advantage, denying the poor access to opportunities for education

development. This trend contrasted sharply from other communities in which children of

the warrant chiefs and elites shunned western education and allowed the poor to embrace

it. The implication of this development, of course, was the creation of conditions for

socio-economic disempowerment which reinforced the political domination by the

emergent elites and their patrons.

Naanen (1995:19) locates the historical domination of the Ogoni in the last

decades of the 19th century when Nkwerre traders from the Igbo hinterland, arrived the

area. He premised his analysis on a 1932 Colonial Intelligence Report on Ogoni, which

stated that in its state of (relative) isolation, the only channel of intercourse with the

outside world were the Nkwerre sellers who introduced all the European articles used, did

all the tribe’s blacksmithing, carried on such (internal/slave dealing as there was in the

western side of the area and exploited the Ogoni … (The Nkwerre) settlers remain a

problem in Ogoni affairs to this day.

This is far from the whole truth indeed; the Ogoni also had trade relations with

coastal communities in Okrika, Bonny, Opobo, Andoni and Egwanga (Ikot Abasi).

Again, the Nkwerre traders may have exercised same form of dominance in their

economic, relations with the Ogoni but that did not extend to the exercise of political

authority over the Ogoni people. Naanen (2003:17) stated emphatically that Ogoni’s

fiercely independent disposition in historical times is abundantly attested to by the

traditions of its neighbours and European reward which also emphasize the people’s

reputation for hostility to outsiders. Other sources claimed they were war like and had a

reputation for cannibalism. These were important factors in explaining why Ogoni was

never subjugated by any groups as they successfully defended their independence up to

British conquest.

This position is corroborated by Saro-Wiwa (1999:3). Granted that this was the

situation, it would be near impossible for few Nkwerre traders to have exercised any

meaningful political influence over the Ogoni people in the 1930s. Within this period

10

(1930), political leadership in Ogoni coalescent around Ogoni warrant chiefs and elites

who emerged from the colonial structure and institution. It was these individuals who

formed the Ogoni Central Union in the 1990s. The Union in the preface to its

Constitution Rules and Regulations recognized the relative backwardness of the people

and appealed to Ogoni sons and daughters to take the development of Ogoni-land as a

major challenge.

The only logical conclusion to be drawn from this therefore is that Ogoni political

affairs were in the hands of emergent Ogoni political elites. These elites, however, were

not the autonomous leaders of the pre-colonial period but rather peosuxra of colonial rule

and therefore clients of dominant forces outside of Ogoni. It was these people who

formed the nucleus of the Ogoni Central Union in the 1930s and 1940s.

The Ogoni Central Union appealed to the youths and people in general wherever

they are, reminding them of their backwardness and uneven position among other tribes

of Nigeria and calling them to action. It appeals to those in authority, the Native

Authorities, the District officers, the Resident and Chief Commissioner, Eastern

Provinces for tolerance, sympathy and cooperation.

This challenge was taken up in the 1950s by Paul Birabi and others who

undertook various developments projects, including the establishment of primary schools

and a secondary school, dispensaries, and the award of scholarship, to indigent students.

This dispensation continued during the 1960s under the aegis of the Ogoni Representative

Assembly. It was however short lived by the incessant squabbles among the elites in their

competition for positions with the Native Authority and the political dispensation. These

squabbles came to a head with the Nigerian Civil War which began in 1967. The Civil

War pitched Ogoni political elites into two camps. A few, led by Saro-Wiwa pitched

camp with the Federal side while the vast majority, led by I. S. Kogbara and Dr. G. B.

Leton pitched camp with the rebel Biafran side in which Kogbara served as ambassador

to the United Kingdom and Leton served as head of the scientific unit of the rebel

movement. It was however, made worse when the war ended with the creation of a new

Rivers State.

The creation of the new state came with opportunities that were limited in the

defunct Eastern Region. There emerged many opportunities for recruitment into the civil

11

service and appointment into the Executive Council and membership of boards of

parastatals. The elites played the leadership roles in all these and were the direct

beneficiaries of the new developments. The creation of the new Rivers State also

provided new opportunities for the accumulation of wealth through the award of

contracts. In order to consolidate their position, Ogoni political elites, especially those

who resurrected from the Biafran rebellion and got assimilated into the new state

structures formed on organization called KAGOTE.

KAGOTE is an acronym for Khana, Gokana, Tai and Eleme the six clans that

make up Ogoni land, it emerged as the most powerful social organization in Ogoni after

the Civil War and consisted of the pioneer members of the Rivers State Executive

Council, Traditional Rulers and businessmen. Members of the organization effectively

used their position in government and business to create opportunities for private

accumulation of wealth for themselves and their members and thus continued to

consolidate their stranglehold on Ogoni political affairs. Thus, membership of KAGOTE

provided people with leadership position in Ogoni land, for instance members of

KAGOTE within the Rivers State Executive Council were instrumental to the allocations

of six first class chieftaincy stools to Ogoniland. The highest to a single ethnic group in

Rivers State and determined who occupied such stool. It was members of KAGOTE who

determined chairmanship and membership of local government councils, membership of

the Rivers State Executive Council from Ogoni and top positions in the state civil service.

It also assisted its members to win major contract from multinational corporations and

state enterprises within the area and protect them from security agencies where they went

wrong. It was therefore common to see chief who had connection with the group to use

security agents to full advantage in the intimidation and harassment of dissident members

of their communities. Ogoni people subsequently found themselves under a new form of

domination and exploitation, not from major ethnic groups this time but from their own

leaders, leaders thrown up by their own historical circumstances.

The Nature and Character of Ogoni Political Elite

Many scholars on the post-colonial state formation in Nigeria have described it as

a “Rentier State” because of its near total dependence on oil revenue. According to Graf

(1983:19), the essential features of the Rentier State in the world market is that it serves

12

the link between production and distribution. State revenues accrue from taxes or rents on

production rather than productive activity. This production depends, however, on

techniques, expertise, investment and markets – generated outside the territory controlled

by the state. For this reason, practically all aspects of exploration, production and

marketing are dominated by international capital, typically in the form of transnational

corporation. For the transnationalized state, rents derive from local ownership of the areas

and/or resources of extraction.

There are certain implications of this for the political leadership in Ogoni. One is

that the Nigerian state is not productive and the leadership lacks an effective economic

base. Being dependent on rents from transnational enterprises, its survival to a large

measure, depends on the stability of the local communities from which resources are

extracted. It must therefore groom an equally parasitic petit-bourgeois sector in those

communities who will help maintain stability and for which protection from the state is

paramount. Thus, the more oil flowed uninterrupted from the soil of Ogoni-land, the

more prosperous the oil companies and the state and the better it is for the Ogoni political

elites. There is therefore an unwritten alliance between international capital, the state and

the Ogoni elites represented by members of the KAGOTE. The political elites in Ogoni

therefore are not likely to serve the interest as the people of such interest do not make for

the prosperity of international oil companies and those who manage state affairs in

Nigeria. It is therefore not capable of lifting the people from their conditions of poverty

and deprivation. S.F. Nwika clearly made this point clear in a public lecture delivered to

Ogoni political elites in 1983; He observed that the last three years have been a period

marked by private prosperity in the midst of public poverty for the Ogoni people. While a

few Ogoni leaders have done exceptionally well for themselves and their families, within

the present political system, the nationality is probably worse off today than it was under

military rule.

He therefore concluded that our present-day leadership is prone to confused and

personal with group interest. This weakens the moral base of leadership. It is my strongly

held view that the problem of the Ogoni nationality in can be placed at the door of our

leaders. Most of our leaders faced for the first time by contract with enormous wealth

have forgotten their bearing and their people. A situation such as this is prone to throw up

13

additional challenges; one of such challenges is disunity among the leadership. The

factionalization of leadership may result from the shift competition for state resources,

the type that would pitch one leader against the other(s). Saro-Wiwa (1995:51) makes this

point in the situation in Ojukwu’s rebel Biafra when he reveals that the mentality of the

educated Ogoni was always to keep close to the government of the day in order to pick

up crumbs from the master’s table. Accordingly, although Ojukwu’s rebel Biafran

government was hostile to the Ogoni as a people, the educated few were picking by

groveling off the feet of the administration.

There is thus, a tendency for most of the political elites to lean towards the

government of the day no matter how hostile the policies of that government may be for

the people as a collectivity. This may account for the rather cut throat competition for

government appointments as a means of guaranteeing self aggrandizement. Osaghae

(1995) alludes to the fact that the Ogoni elites are not united, he maintains that, the

Ogonis have fared better than most other minorities (including oil producing minorities in

appointment to top government positions, which is usually the yardstick for measuring

access to state power … since the creation of Rivers State in 1967, every clan in Ogoni

has produced one minister or more at the federal and state levels in addition to other top

political appointment.

It is rather exaggerating to say that every clan in Ogoni has produced one minister

or more at the federal level. The point remains that for the Ogoni political elite,

appointment to government position is not only a measure of one’s status but a

guaranteed access to the means of private accumulation of wealth. It is therefore a major

cause of the factionalization within the elites.

The movement for the Survival of Ogoni People was formed by a fraction of the

Ogoni Political elite in 1990 to establish a broad base approach to Ogoni leadership

question. It emerged as a new strategy to attract the attention of the government and oil

companies to its diminishing access to the means of private primitive accumulation of

wealth. It therefore sought the support of the mass of the people by appealing to their

poverty. As a means of facilitating its access to wealth or state controlled resources.

However, because of the cut-throat competition among the elite, it too became

14

factionalized with one group in strong alliance with the state and the other which did not

have state support radicalized.

In 1990, it had issued a Bill of Rights which demanded among others the

following:

1. Political autonomy to participate in the affairs of the Federal Republic of Nigeria

as a distinct and separate unit by whatever name, whether Ogoni State, province,

etc. through political control of Ogoni affairs by Ogoni people;

2. The right to the control and use of a fair proportion of Ogoni economic resources

for Ogoni development;

3. Adequate and direct representation as a right in all Nigerian national institutions;

4. The use and development of Ogoni language in Ogoni territory;

5. The full development of Ogoni culture;

6. The right to religious freedom;

7. The right to protect the Ogoni environment and ecology from further degradation.

The Ogoni Bill of Rights was presented to the Nigerian people and government under the

dictatorship of General Ibrahim Babangida. Rather than address the issues raised, the

government merely acknowledge receipt a year after the document was received.

MOSOP was then compelled to issue a demand notice to shell to pay compensation for

environmental damages it caused in Ogoni land and pay royalties and mining rents to the

Ogoni people. The total demand involved amounted to 10 million U.S dollars. Shell

refused to pay and respond to MOSOP letters. What it did later was to rely on obnoxious

laws that are detrimental to the interest of Ogoni people. According to Shell, the demands

of the Ogoni people were outside the business scope of oil operating companies and

within the government’s sphere of responsibility. Their campaign is overtly political and

shell is being used to raise the international profile of the campaign through disruption of

oil operations and environmental accusation.

MOSOP followed up with a shopping list of things it expected shell to do for the

Ogoni people; but the company refused to cooperate. This non-compliance compelled

MOSOP to go international in 1992. The movement addressed the United Nations

Commission on Racial Discrimination and registered with the Unrepresented Nations and

Peoples Organization, (the only group in Nigeria to do so) in December 1992. It was

15

within this framework that Ogoni people celebrated the International year of Indigenous

Peoples, otherwise called the Ogoni Day, on the 4th of January 1993. The Ogoni struggle

was thus internationalized.

The Nigerian government responded with the arrest and detention of Ogoni

leaders and promulgated the treasonable offences Decrees 1993, outlawing the demand

for self-determination and propagation of sub-national ideas aimed at creating “a state

within a state”. Excerpts of the decree published in Newswatch May 24 define offences

that constitute treason as:

A person who levies a war against Nigeria in order to intimidate; or overawe the President and Commander-in Chief of the Armed forces or the Governor of the state is guilty of treason and liable on conviction to death sentence. A person, who utters any word, displays anything or publishes any material, which is capable of causing a community or section to engage in violence against a section of that community or another community is also guilty of treason. A Person, who unlawfully displays anything or publishes any material, which gives or creates the impression that a particular country, state or local government has been located or is being created or established out of Nigeria is guilty of treason. Similarly, guilty of treason is a ‘person, who files or exhibits in any open or public place in that part of Nigeria, state, local government, a flag whether or not the flag is of a national flag or is similar to the flag and represents that such a flag of the country, state or local government.

The Rivers State Government followed up with a similar edict. The editorial of

Newswatch Magazine of 29 May, 2006 maintained that the decree, which saw such

activities as treason, punishable with death, was aimed at Ogoni leaders and to stifle the

Ogoni struggle. Ogoni people already had a flag following their membership of U.N.P.O.

The Ogoni solidarity song was being sung in most quarters as an anthem and their

campaign for self-determination and demand for royalties were also misconstrued as

creating “a state within a state”. The government followed up with a policy of

encirclement. This included propping neighbours against the Ogoni people. Between

1993 and 1994, the Ogoni people were at war with the Andoni, the Ndoki and the Okirika

people. When this is added to the harassment by the security, fortes, the burden on a

collective struggle was clear. Ake intervened in the Ogoni – Andoni conflict and served

16

as the chairman of the peace conference. While efforts were on to disengage the

combatants, the Rivers State Government under Governor Rufus Ada – George hastily

arranged a peace agreement. As chairman of the peace conference, Claude Ake protested

this seeming haste. In a letter dated October 19, 1993 and addressed to Chief Rufus Ada-

George, Executive Governor of Rivers State on the peace agreement, Ake said he was

writing to express his misgiving about the peace agreement on the above conflict, which

was signed on October 6, 1993. He could have preferred to ignore it except that it raises

important issues and also because, having been publicly identified as the Chairman of the

peace conference, it is popularly assumed that he had something to do with it.

Ake’s concerns were that the ‘Peace Agreement’ was hastily arranged and

signed without consideration to the plight of the refugees or any show of compassion

for the dead and suffering. He added that it is ironic that we proceed with such haste

now when we took so long to disengage the combatants even after they had

unanimously called for peace deployment. It may be that the long delay was due to

circumstances beyond one’s control. But the fact is that most of the dying and

destruction occurred during this long interval. We should, at least, have offered an

explanation and expressed regrets.

This was indicting on the part of the Government. However, what was even more

indicting was Ake’s observation that the reports on the conflict have noted the scale and

systematic nature of the destruction as well as the sophistication of the operations. These

features raised questions about whether the conflict is merely communal and also the

possibility that the two communities might have been victims of some other forces

exploiting a local situation. It was surely in the interest of the communities as well as

national security to have looked more closely at these issues.

Ake further expressed concern that the agreement was signed without the prior

consultation with the people neither was it ratified by them. Even then, the agreement had

hastily added that were no outstanding issues as basis of conflict between the two

communities and proclaimed safe, passage for oil companies to operate in the area. The

implication of this was clear; the place must be made safe for oil activities to go on. It

17

also implied that what was important to government was not the suffering of the people

but the need to have unhindered access to oil. The policy of encirclement was also noted

in the class of the Ndoki where the administration of Dauda Komo appeared not only to

have facilitated the war but also to have rewarded the Ndoki people with amenities.

Although, government denied complicity in the crisis had been demonstrated by

the shooting of unarmed Ogoni farmers protesting the destruction of their farmland and

crops by soldiers who had accompanied Wilbros, an American contracting company to

Ogoni land, it was even clearer in the suppression of the report of the Major Taiwo

Commission of Enquiry into the Ogoni-Okirika water Front Conflict in December, 1993.

The various crises and the internationalization of the Ogoni struggle threw up a major

crisis in the leadership of MOSOP and pitied some moderate politicians and traditional

rulers against the younger, more radical elements in the movement.

The impetus was the 1993 Presidential Election. While a segment of the MOSOP

leadership had favoured a boycott of the election based on certain provisions of the 1979

constitution, which legalized the usurpation of Ogoni rights over their resources, a more

moderate segment was disposed towards participation. This moderate group was made up

with (mainly political elements in MOSOP) mostly members of the KAGOTE. While a

boycott was considered necessary in enhancing the international profile of MOSOP, and

its publicity, it was also needed to emphasize the focus of the Ogoni struggle by drawing

attention to the basic flaws of the constitution as it affects the oil producing minorities.

Fundamentally, the boycott was perceived as humiliation of the petit bourgeois

politicians in Ogoni land, in denying them an avenue for accumulation at the expense of the

Ogoni people. A boycott was advocated by more youthful and dynamic segment under K.

B. Saro-Wiwa. Saro-Wiwa endeared himself to Ogoni youths in his 20s when he opposed

the war of secession in Biafra by joining the Federal side. This was in contrast to the elders

like Chief Kobani, Dr. Leton, Mr. Baddey and Chief Kogbara, among others who were on

the side of Biafra. Again, in his days as a member of the State Executive Council, Saro-

Wiwa, did more than any other Ogoni leader in mobilizing the people for education in line

with the legacy of the Ogoni Central Union. It was even said that as Commissioner for

Education, he awarded scholarships to a lot of Ogoni youths to study in the universities. He

18

therefore facilitated the educational empowerment of the new generation of Ogoni youths.

In the voting that ensued, the Saro-Wiwa group won by 11-16 votes in favour of a boycott.

MOSOP was thus polarized with the resignation of most of the pioneer officials.

This development paved way for the more youthful elements to take over leadership

position in MOSOP and its subsequent reorganization around community-based

democratic structures; thus threatening the old power structure in Ogoni land.

According to I.S Kogbara, most elders of MOSOP felt that such situation would

spell the demise of MOSOP, as they would have no control of its components, not to

mention the unintentional exclusion from membership of many Ogoni who might not fit

into any of the independent organization.

With the emergence of more youths in the decision-making organ of MOSOP (the

steering committee) the organization emerged as a force for those who were hitherto

denied access to power and economic opportunities, including those who were denied

their rightful positions as Chiefs. MOSOP mobilized the people through the affiliate

community-based organizations to the extent that the basis, of the authority of the old

power elites (KAGOTE) was undermined. It was not only the authority of KAGOTE that

was threatened, its means of livelihood, its members were also put in jeopardy following

the harassment of Shell and the stoppage of oil exploration activities. It was of this ‘born

again’ MOSOP that Professor Ake spoke of when he stated that, MOSOP and Ogoni land

must survive and flourish for the sake of us all, for better or for worse; MOSOP and

Ogoni land are the conscience of this country. They have risen above our slave culture of

silence, and have found courage to be free and they have evolved a political

consciousness, which denies power to rogues, hypocrites, fools and bullies.

At the height of the confrontation between the State and oil companies on the one

hand and the Ogoni people represented by the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni

People (MOSOP) on the other, a group of Politicians and Traditional Rulers of Ogoni

extraction put up a paid advertorial in the State government owned newspapers on May 4

1993, not only distanced themselves from the Movement activities but castigated its

leadership. They decided to register their anger and complete disapproval of the lawless

activities of certain elements in Ogoni who claim to be operating under MOSOP or the

19

Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni people and apologized to the then Governor

Chief Rufus Ada George for the insult and disrespect organized and insinuated on him.

Similarly, the apology was extended to the Federal government for any embarrassment

caused to the nation and stated that they appreciated the steps being taken by the federal

government to address the issues of the development of oil producing areas in general

and Ogoni in particular (Saro-Wiwa, 1995:158)

Some of these individual were signatories to the Ogoni Bill of Rights and cannot

claim ignorance of the demands of Ogoni people presented by MOSOP. Saro-Wiwa

(1995:159) reveals that the stipulated cost of the advertorial was beyond the reach of the

advertisers, implying that they were sponsored by the state government which allowed

them free access to the state media. He also reveals that the Shell Petroleum

Development Company, the main target of MOSOP’s environmental campaign used the

same advertisement in international circles to portray Saro-Wiwa as not popular and that

MOSOP was working at cross-purposes with the Ogoni people. This notwithstanding, an

alleged Ogoni person under the false name of Baridan Lekara in a paid advertisement in

the influential Guardian Newspapers, on the 26th of September 1993 castigated the

leadership of MOSOP, saying that Ken-Saro-Wiwa is out to gain cheap popularity and

has brainwashed the people, promising each adult Ogoni 3 Million Naira reparation if the

struggle succeeds.

The same pattern of attack was made on the return to civil rule in 1999 by Ogoni

political elites who claimed to be Ogoni representatives in government. On return to civil

democratic rule in 1999, many had expected that the crisis of development in Ogoni-land

would be resolved. This was particularly so for the fact that many international

development agencies and Human Right groups had anchored the resolution of the crisis

in the return to democratic rule in Nigeria. This expectation was further raised when

President Olusegun Obasanjo and Vice-President Atiku Abubakar paid visit to Ogoni

land on different occasions with the first two years in the life of the administration. Each

of these leaders was given high level civic reception and chieftaincy titles by Ogoni

traditional rulers and political elites. The visits came with a promise to normalize strained

relationship between the Ogoni people and Shell Petroleum Development Company

20

which had been forced out of the area of the height of the Ogoni agitation in 1993. This

promise brought to the fore old rivalries between fractions of the political elites. Those

serving in government who supported reconciliation with Shell and those opposed to

reconciliation, mainly remnants of the radical elements within the Movement for the

Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP).

In 1999, the Obasanjo administration appointed a commission to look into past

Human Right Violations under the military. It was headed by a renowned jurist, Justice

Chudifu Oputa. More than three thousand petitions were received from Ogoni alone,

(about three quarters of the total received by the commission). This was the only

government hoped to assuage the feelings of the people and pave the way for

reconciliation within Ogoni society. The success was limited. Those elected, in

government were not ready to commit class suicide. They kept up their antagonism

against the MOSOP which had now lost much of its potency caused by in-fighting and

desertion. In 2005, the Federal Government appointed Reverend Father Matthew Hassan

Kukah to facilitate reconciliation between Shell Petroleum, the government and Ogoni

people with a view to opening up the area for full economic activities. The whole process

was stalemated because of mistrust between the parties concerned.

The attempt by the Obasanjo administration to push through the commencement

of oil exploration on the eve of its departure was vehemently opposed by the radical

elements in MOSOP but was as expected, supported by the dominant political elites,

particularly those serving at the various levels of government. This pushed Ogoni back to

the brink of disaster. In a release issue by the Ogoni representatives in government on 14th

May, 2007, they applauded the efforts of government in tackling the Ogoni crisis. They

specially listed the following as the achievement of the civilian administration with

regard to the Ogoni crisis.

1. A visit by the President of Federal Republic of Nigeria to Ogoni land on May,

2007. During that visit, the President laid the foundation stone for the monument

of the Ogoni heroes, marking for the first time a concrete expression of the end of

internal hostilities within Ogoni land. The symbolism of this event was not lost on

the Ogoni people, in particular, and the nation in general.

2. Resettlement of the families of the Ogoni 13.

21

3. Incorporation of more Ogonis into Federal and State Government.

4. A visit by a delegation of nearly 100 Ogoni people spread across the length and

breadth of Ogoni land to meet with the President in Abuja.

5. Getting the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) to undertake the

assessment study and subsequent clean up of Ogoni land.

For a people who have sacrificed so much, this is surprisingly an achievement;

particularly so, when put side by side with the demands in the Ogoni Bill of Rights. This

however, goes to show the extent of the division in Ogoni and the trend in loyalty of the

political elites. The situation is critical when seen in the context of the depth of the

bitterness and rivalry within the political class. The press release contained a catalogue of

attack on the more radical elements in the Movements for the Survival of Ogoni People

(MOSOP).

It said among other things that all Ogoni people know the role that MOSOP

played in the struggle against the dictatorship of the military. They claimed of improved

living condition since the return of democracy and maintained that the Rivers State

Government, has, by a succession of policies, exhibited its commitment to ending the

suffering and repositioning the Ogoni people to attain greater heights. They also claimed

that many key positions in the Rivers State Government were held by Ogoni sons and

daughters, and hundreds of kilometer of road networks existed in Ogoni land, not to talk

of the infrastructure that were on ground.

Apparently, a study conducted by Naanen and others on “progress of the Ogoni in

Nigeria towards the attainment of the International Development Targets for Poverty

eradication, education and health” in 2004 does not give room for optimism. Indeed, it

noted that the Ogoni, as an indigenous people, mainly minorities have been marginalized

just like other indigenous people elsewhere. Their powerlessness and exclusion in multi-

ethnic Nigeria has naturally translated into a corresponding magnitude of

underdevelopments.

This view notwithstanding, Ogoni representatives in government accused the

leadership of MOSOP of trading with the plight of Ogoni people, stating that the plight of

the Ogoni people has been turned into an industry ending this situation therefore creates a

22

vacuum for those whose relevance depends on it. We appreciate what the state and

Federal government have done for us in the last seven years. We remain committed to

collaborating with the government agencies, men and women of goodwill in ensuring the

best deal for the people of Ogoni. It accused the leadership of MOSOP of corruption and

lack of accountability and transparency, arguing that this has cost Ogoni people a great

deal.

CONCLUSION

In the foregoing, we were concerned with identifying the most appropriate

theoretical model for dealing with the crisis of development and conflict in Nigeria’s

Niger Delta region. We specially looked at the Ogoni experience. We noted that the most

dominant model applied is the internal colonialism model. We observed, however that

scholars who apply this model do not take cognizance of its inbuilt class analysis and

thus see the situation specifically as a dichotomy between a majority-controlled state

system and a pauperized minority. We suggested that this approach is not adequate and

thus not appropriate. We then suggested the use of clientelism, bearing in mind the fact

that Ogoni is not only sectionally divided but also class divided. In the situation which

existed, the political elites were divided and most of them derive their status and power

from sources outside Ogoni society.

These sources may be related to oil multinational corporations or the state system.

It is these sources, which define the nature and character of the conflict in Ogoni and it is

this link which elites have with these sources that provide their major means of survival.

It is therefore no wonder that Ogoni elites have remained predominantly pawn in the

political system. The conflict between elected representatives and MOSOP at the

inception of democratic politics is a manifestation of the development and it is this too,

which underscored the killing of the four moderate Ogoni leaders on May 21, 1994. Will

history repeat itself? Only time will tell. It is an understatement just to say that there is

sectional and class division in Ogoni. The case is that the ordinary people have lost

power. There must be conscious effort to empower the people and in that process

empower the communities. The way to begin is to recreate the conditions for the

regeneration of the traditional economies of the people. By this, we mean the farming and

23

fishing activities for which the Ogoni people, once the food basket of Rivers State are

known. The ongoing process of environmental audit by the United Nations Environment

programme (UNEP) is welcome. It is the expectation that the environmental clean-up of

the area will also follow. We do hope the issue of gas flaring, oil spillages and other

forms of environmental degradation will be resolved so as not to endanger the flora and

fauna in future. Then, there will be need to follow up with the required injection of

resources into agriculture. To this end, communities should be organized on the basis of

clusters and particular agricultural products for which these clusters are known should be

identified and funded. The cluster communities should then be encouraged to form the

elected representative assemblies, the responsibility of which will be to manage the

cluster communities industries. These companies, specializing in the production,

processing and marketing of products of community industries, oil companies and the

various level of government will be expected to provide funding as well as technical

assistance while the communities provide land and labour. This type of public-private

partnership is expected to relieve the oil companies and governments of the burden of

providing jobs, social amenities and basic infrastructure for the communities and thus

help to minimize the level of conflict and violence in the area.

It is interesting to note that the Nigerian Federal Government has proposed a

Petroleum Industry Bill which is now being considered by the National Assembly. A key

ingredient in that Bill is the proposal to allocate ten percent equity in the oil industry to

the oil bearing communities. This is far from the clamour for resources control by the

communities of the Niger Delta. However, it can provide initial investment into the

cluster community agro-allied industries.

This proposal is expected to engender a period of economic empowerment

revolution in Ogoni. Once peoples are empowered economically, they are expected to

make political demands and seek representation in politics. This will end the dominance

of political clients who derive their power from outside Ogoni and have the political

affairs of the communities for personal aggrandizement. This will however work on two

conditions. First, the human capital base of Ogoni must be developed and expanded

through increase investment in public education. The current effort by the Rivers State

government in building and equipping model primary and secondary schools is

24

commendable. The government must however follow up by instating on the training and

posting of teachers to rural schools in Ogoni. It must also insist on monitoring and

evaluation of the performance of these teachers in partnership with community based

performance monitoring and evaluation committees in this context, government must

encourage the formation of viable civil society/community based organization as part of

its development agenda.

Beyond this, government must revive technical colleges and vocational education,

to pursuer for middle level technical manpower in the area. It must also encourage the

enthronement of community values and institutions and with that, the empowerment of

rural communities. This will give communities a greater say in their own affairs.

REFERENCES

Ake, C. Statement on the Ogoni – Andoni Conflict, April 1994, Port Harcourt.

Ake, C. Interview, Liberty Magazine, 1 April 1993, pg. 32.

Alberto, P. (1970). “Internal Colonialism or Clientelism Politics? The Case of Southern Italy”, Ethnic and Racial Studies. Vol. 2, No. 3, July, 1979.

David, L. (1994). Ethnic Relations: A Cross-Cultural Encyclopedia. California : ABC-CLIO, Santa Barbara.

Draft Press Statement: Report to MOSOP, 14 May 2007.

Eghosa, O. (1995). “The Ogoni Uprising and Oil Politics: Minority Agitation and the Future of the Nigerian State”.

Kenneth, M.C. R. (1979). “Internal Colonialism: The Case of Quebec” Ethnic and Racial Studies. Vol. 2, No. 3, July 1979.

Kogbara, I. S., Interview in Newswatch Magazine, May 24, 1993.

Leton, E.B (1990). “Address at the Launching of the Ogoni Bill of Rights. Lagos: NUJ Light House.

MOSOP (1990). The Ogoni Bill of Rights. Port Harcourt : Saro’s International Publishers.

Naanen, B. (1999). “Nigeria: Ogoni, an Endangered Indigenous Peoples” Indigenous Affairs, April-June 1995.

Martin, N. M. (1997). Race and Ethnic Relations: America and Global Perspective. New York: Wadsworth Publishing Company.

25

Naanen, B. Appendix A, “Progress of the Ogoni people in Nigeria Towards the Attainment of the International Development Targets (IDTs) for Poverty, Education and Health”, in Richard Bourne, Invisible Lives, Undercounted Underrepresented and Underneath. The Socio-economic plight of Indigenous people in the Commonwealth CPS unit, May, 2003.

Naanen, B (2003). “History, Politics and the Niger Delta: A Reply to Bala Usman”, kiabara in the Journal of Humanities. Vol. 9 No 1, pp 13-21.

Newswatch Magazine, May 24, 1993.

Nna, N.J. (1999). Oil and the National Question in Nigeria: The Niger Delta Expreince. Ph.D Dissertation, submitted to the Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political and Administrative Studies, University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria.

Nna, N.J. (1986). The Colonial Impact on the Political Economy of Tai, an Unpublished B.Sc Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Political and Administrative Studies, University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria., June.

Nwika, S.F. (1982). This is not our Finest Hour. Key-note Address at the General Meeting of the Ogoni Nationally, held at Bori on Saturday 15th May 1982.

Saro-Wiwa, K. (1999). A Month and a Day: A Detention Diary. Ibadan: Spectrum Books.

SPDC (1996). People and Environment, Annual Report.

The Guardian, Sept. 26, 1993.

The Ogoni Central Union, Constitution, Rules and Regulations

Wolpe, H. (1975). The Theory of Internal Colonialis’ The South African Case; Ivra Oxaol, Tony Barnett and David Booth (Ed) Beyond the Sociology of Department, Economy and Society, in Latin America. USA: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Dr Nekabari Johnson Nna is a Senior Lecturer in the Department Of Political and Administrative

Studies, Faculty Of Social Sciences, University Of Port Harcourt Port Harcourt, Nigeria. He Has

Published widely in both Local and International Journals in Political Science particularly and Social

Sciences generally.

26

THE READINESS OF ORGANIZATIONS FOR A SUCCESSFUL CHANGE

MANAGEMENT IN A HYPER-COMPETITIVE ENVIRONMENT

BY

NICHOLAS N. IGWE, Ph.D, JP, MIMC, MNIM

DEPARTMENT OF BUSINESS MANAGEMENT

GODFREY OKOYE UNIVERSITY ENUGU,

ENUGU STATE, NIGERIA.

e-mail: ngozinick@yahoo.com

VICTORIA C. CHIBUIKE, Ph.D, MNAE

DEPARTMENT OF TECHNOLOGY AND VOCATIONAL EDUCATION

ENUGU STATE UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY (ESUT) ENUGU,

ENUGU STATE, NIGERIA.

e-mail: victoriachibuike@yahoo.com

AND

FRANCIS C. ALINNO, MNIM

DEPARTMENT OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION AND MANAGEMENT

AKANU IBIAM FEDERAL POLYTECHNIC

UNWANA AFIKPO, EBONYI STATE-NIGERIA

E-mail: alinoy@yahoo.com

Abstract

Successful Nigerian organizations of the future must not only be efficient, effective, competent and competitive within any specific domain, but must be able to adapt, respond, manage change and turbulence in their environment. The paper seeks to identify factors that get managers and employees of manufacturing firms in Anambra and Enugu States ready for change management implementation. It examines equally whether middle managers in these organizations act as dinosaurs or dynamos of change management implementation. The survey research method was adopted. Data was collected from a population of 177 manufacturing organizations from the two states. The Yamane’s statistical formula was employed for sample size determination. Out of the four

27

readiness factors of change content, change context, change process, and individual attributes, individual attributes was ranked highest with a mean of 4.31. The paper reveals that middle managers in the organizations are not dinosaurs but dynamos of change management implementation. It recommends that those who will be affected by change management implementation must be involved in the work of structuring it from the outset with a view to identifying their interests, their knowledge, their attitude toward the change project and their mental state.

Key words: Readiness, Change Management, Hyper-Competitive, Middle

Management, Implementation.

INTRODUCTION

The management literature has claimed that the complexity of business activities

has made firms to confront hyper-competitive or high-velocity environments (D’Aveni

1994; Brown and Esienhardt, 1997) or shaped by jolts (Meyer et al, 1990). The Nigerian

corporate profile has not been spared in these phenomenal changes taking place all over

the world accentuated by the wave of globalization. Since 1990s, we have seen dramatic

changes in this direction, and its impact on business and corporate practice in Nigeria.

The environment for business has changed tremendously and so have the consequences

for business practices (Osisioma, 2004). These environmental features have been

exacerbated by a sudden opening of the markets to free competition accelerated by hyper-

competitivity among the business firms. In these circumstances, rapid adaptive and

organizational processes are essential to a firm’s survival and success. A myriad of

complex and often contradictory factors help determine who wins, who loses and how the

game is played. Moreover, many of these factors change, often abruptly and in

unpredictable ways-over time. Managers therefore must continually be alert to these

changes in the environment, as well as challenges and be prepared to take decisive action

when appropriate.

Ohmae (1999) asserts that the inevitability of globalization cannot be de-

emphasized pointing out that competition is increasing from all quarters and modern

corporations no longer have any place to hide. If they cannot compete globally they run

the risk of becoming extinct due to manufacturing inefficiencies or poor products and

service. Again customers are increasingly demanding more for less. They are putting

28

increased pressure on both the price and the quality of products and services that various

firms offer. This creates increased pressures for efficiency that many firms would prefer

not to face.

This is why managers must be skilled in change management techniques. There are

a number of reasons why managing change becomes inevitable in a hyper competitive

environment:

To change the direction of an organization in order to accelerate growth and

productivity.

To improve the performance of weaker divisions or units, and

To train and develop managers to adapt to changing conditions.

Organizations are designed to accomplish some objectives or functions and to

continue doing so for as long as possible. But change can affect all types of

organizations, from giants to the smallest business. No one can escape change. A change

in one part of the system will have an impact on one or more of the other parts. Drucker

(cited by Herbert (2002:2) succinctly puts it in corporate parlance: “Managers must learn

to build and manage a human group that is capable of anticipating the new, capable of

converting its vision into technology, products, processes and services, willing and able

to accept the new”. The challenge facing Nigerian organizations therefore is not to avoid

change and attain a state of changelessness. It is to manage change. That is seek change,

initiate it, keep looking for something new to do, something old to discard and do all

these with minimum disruption of the status quo, thus attaining a state of profitable

dynamic equilibrium. Organizations that do not change are forced to change from

existence to non-existence (Ejiofor, 1998). Given the prevalent and importance of

organizational change and the difficulty of successfully bringing it about, there has been

much debate over the last two decades in particular as the most appropriate way to

manage change (Pettigrew, 1990; Stacey 2003; and Dawson, 2003). There is a consensus

among academics and practitioners that organizations are facing unprecedented levels of

change and consequently the ability to manage change successfully should be a core

organizational competence (Cooper and Jackson, 1997). From the foregoing, the

following pertinent research questions become imperative:

29

Research Questions

From the foregoing the following research questions, could be deciphered.

What are the readiness factors that get organizational employees for change

management?

What is the level of commitment of the top management for change management

implementation?

To what extent is a middle level manager dinosaur or dynamos of change

management in organizations?

Research Objectives

Using Anambra and Enugu States as research areas, this study sought to investigate

the readiness of organizations for a successful change management. Accordingly, the

following research objectives were set for the study:

To identify factors that get organizational employees ready for change

management.

To examine the commitment of top management in crafting out a successful

change management.

To find out if middle managers in these organizations are dinosaurs or dynamos

of change management.

THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND REVIEW OF RELATED

LITERATURE

Organizational theorists worldwide might agree that readiness for change is often

the crux to any change management strategy (Armenakis, Harris and Mossholder, 1993).

If people are not ready for change, they tend to resist (Lewin, 1945; Prochaska et al,

1994). The key question for change agents appears to be how people get ready for

changes in their environment in such a way that they are eager to implement effective

changes within their organizations. Change is seen as a departure from the status quo. It

implies movement towards a goal, an idealized state or a vision of what should be and a

movement from present conditions, beliefs of attitudes. Readiness can be defined as

prepared mentally and physically for an experience or action (Merriam-Webster, 2005).

30

However, (Walinga, 2008) defines readiness as being at peace, tolerant or open to

change. Thus, change readiness is defined as the state in which one is best prepared to

change intentionally because one is best prepared for change in the environment, and the

challenge of change readiness becomes “getting managers ready to get employees ready

for change”. Readiness is arguably one of the most important factors involved in

employees’ initial support for change initiatives (Armenakis, Harris and Feild, 1999).

The concept of readiness may have been first introduced by Jacobson (1957), the

foundation for readiness as a unique construct has been embedded within several

theoretical models of the process through which change unfolds. Van de, Ven and Poole

(1995) synthesized change theories across several disciplines giving researchers

managers and organizational development professionals a theoretical means to better

understand the phenomenon.

Readiness takes its roots in early research on organizational change (Schein and

Bennis, 1965). Perhaps, the greatest challenge of change lies with the assumption in the

organization change literature that employees needed to “be made ready” for the change

that is imminent within the organization (Armenakis and Harris, 2002). Increasing

employee decisional latitude, participation and power often requires a further change in

managerial approach from authoritative to participative. Perhaps, more important than

facilitating employee readiness for change would be exploring how leaders can get ready

to get employees ready for change.

The theoretical basis for change readiness begins with early studies on creating

readiness “by reducing reassure to change”. Coch and French (1948) illustrated the power

of participation in their experiments involving garment workers. Experiments in creating

readiness involve proactive, attempts by a change agent to influence the beliefs, attitudes,

intentions and ultimately the behaviour of organizational members. At its core, it is

believed that change readiness involves changing individual recognitions (Bandura,

1982). Most change readiness models emphasize the importance of the need for

generating an awareness of the need for change and supporting people’s perceived ability

to change.

31

Defining change management is tough under any circumstances write Holland and

Skarke (2003) especially in the context at a new technology being implemented in an

existing organization. In its simplest sense, change management means the process of

helping an individual, group or organization change. Thus, change management implies a

purposeful effort to bring about change (Rothwell et al, 2009). Contributing, Kudray and

Kleiner (1997) define change management as the continuous process of aligning an

organization with its market place and doing it more responsively and effectively than

competitors. In their own commentary, Anderson and Anderson (2001) define change

management as a set of principles, techniques and prescriptions applied to the human

aspect of exerting major change initiatives in organizational settings. Its focus is not on

what is driving change (technology, reorganization plans, merger and Acquisition (M &

A), globalization etc.) but on how to orchestrate the human infrastructure that surrounds

key projects as that people are better prepared (ready) to absorb the implications affecting

them.

Readiness for Change

The change readiness model explores and elaborates on the gap between

preparation and action by asserting first that effective organizational change begins at the

individual level of analysis. Whereas social information processing models (Griffin,

1987) suggest that an individual's readiness to change may be shaped by the readiness of

others, the present research begins from the assumption that all organizational change

must first be enacted at the individual level and perhaps even more specifically at the

leadership level. Leaders, after all, are individuals. Ultimately, it would seem that all

change, whether organizational, individual, externally, or internally initiated, depends on

the individual's resolve or willingness to change. Edmondson and Woolley (2003)

discovered that variance in interpersonal climate and behavioural norms across different

work groups are likely to affect responses to a change program or other organizational

intervention, even when implementation methods are consistent in their delivery.

Researchers in the area of individual change or “personal transformation” have described

the individual change process in terms of unfreezing, moving, and refreezing (Lewin,

1951). Researchers have identified the “stages of change” (Prochaska et al., 1997), while

32

suggesting a variety of psycho-socio-emotional factors that may contribute to an

individual's movement from one stage to the next, including self efficacy, perceived

behavioral control, and social support (Lazarus and Folkman, 1987).

However, as these purposeful changes are introduced, differences and conflicts

between the organizational leaders and members may be confronted. For change to occur

in the direction that leadership desires, conflicts must be resolved such that organizational

members’ beliefs and cognitions align with those of the leaders (termed dialectical

change by Van de Ven and Poole, 1995). In essence, a state of readiness must be

developed. Therefore, it is not surprising that the assessment of readiness prior to the

introduction of change has been encouraged and several instruments have been developed

to fulfill that gap (Cunningham et al, 2002; Weeks et al, 2004).

These instruments measure readiness from one of several perspectives namely,

change process, change content, change context and individual attributes, (Jones,

Jimmieson and Griffiths, 2005). The change process refers to the steps followed in

implementation. One dimension of process can be the extent to which employee

participation is permitted. A second perspective is the organizational change content

which refers to the particular initiative that is being introduced (and its characteristics).

Content typically is directed toward administrative, procedural, technological or

structural characteristics of the organization. The third perspective is organizational

context. Context here consists of the conditions and environment within which employees

function. For example, a learning organization is one in which employees are likely to

embrace continuous change. The fourth and final perspective is the individual attributes

of the employees. Because of the differences between individuals, some employees are

more inclined to favour organizational changes than others may be. So in this paper;

readiness for change can be seen as a comprehensive attitude that is influenced

simultaneously by the content (i.e. what is being changed), the process (i.e. how the

change is implemented), the context (i.e. circumstances under which the change is

occurring) and the individuals (i.e. characteristics of those being asked to changed

involved. Collectively, it reflects the extent to which an individual or individuals are

cognitively and emotionally inclined to accept, embrace and adopt a particular plan to

purposefully alter the status quo.

33

Middle Management: Dinosaurs or Dynamos of Change Management

A central debate within the literature on middle management is whether the middle

management plays a destructive or productive role through the way it responds to and

tries to influence senior management. A search through the literatures shows that middle

management has more often than not been singled out as the primary locus for resistance

to change management (Biggart, 1977; Dopson and Neumann, 1998; Dopson and

Stewart, 1990). A frequent complaint of senior executives is that middle operating

managers fail to take actions necessary to implement strategy or that they interfere with

the implementation process by trying to manipulate the process. Added to this is the

pressure on organizations on cutting costs, being adaptable and flexible have made

middle management more vulnerable. More often, they are seen as adding costs and

obstructing information flow. And implementation problems connected to change

management issues are often heaped at the door steps of middle managers citing poor

understanding and commitment to strategy (Floyd and Wooldridge, 1992; Guth and Mac

Millan, 1986).

However, recent studies have questioned this notion of “foot-dragging” middle

managers, suggesting that middle management can have an important role promoting and

facilitating change management strategy in organizations (Currie, 1999; and Huy, 2002).

This perspective views middle managers as strategic assets championing new ideas,

facilitating adaptability and synthesizing strategic information for senior managers in

formulating strategies (Floyd and Lane, 2000). Moreover, it argues that middle managers

can have a key role in implementing strategic intents because they are uniquely suited to

communicate the change across different organizational strata and above all, they can

address their employees’ emotions during change management. Leading scholars have

suggested that whether middle management takes a constructive or disruptive role

depends on its commitment to the strategy (Macmillan and Guth, 1985). In general, the

middle management’s strategic commitment depends on: how the contemplated strategy

fits with what the managers perceive as the interest of the organization; how it fits with

the managers’ own personal self-interest. It must be pointed out for middle managers’ to

behave like dynamos in the implementation of change management strategy, the top

34

managers must play their role very well. Huy, (2001) says that the main problem is that

the top managers fail to listen to their middle managers because they view them as

inherently resistant to change. Since senior managers ‘know’ middle managers resist

change, they only pretend to listen to them. Middle management in turn, learns that they

won’t be listened to, so they take the role as “the complaint child”. The above assertion is

in tandem with (Igwe, 2008:158) where it was pointed out that leadership and middle

management commitment were the key drivers to both success and failure toward the

realization of organizational competitive challenges such as productivity, performance

and profitability via organization development.

Whether middle management takes a constructive or destructive role also depends

on how top management defines its role in the implementation process. In studying a top-

down change, (Balogun and Johnson, 2004) find that senior management was largely

absent in operationalizing strategic intent. Rather than being active directors of change,

senior management became “ghosts” in the implementation process. In terms of structural

changes, this implied that top management outlined the new structure and left it to the

middle managers to develop the operational details of this structure in its absence (Meyer,

2006).

METHODOLOGY

The study adopted a survey design in order to facilitate the realization of the

research objectives as earlier stated (Eboh, 2009). The research frame utilized consists of

organizations in Anambra and Enugu States Southeastern Nigeria. The population of the

study was 177 manufacturing organizations. It is made up of 157 organizations registered

with Manufacturers Association of Nigeria and 20 other organizations not registered but

whose amount of capital was more than N20 million. The principal instrument for data

collection was the structured questionnaire. The questionnaire was administered to both

management and non management employees of 372 obtained from a population of 5407

employees using Yamane (1964) for sample size determination. The questionnaire

containing 31 questions with issues raised in the study was divided into two (2) sections:

section A and Section B. section A sought to collect bio-data of the respondents. Section

B dealt with the core subject matter. Structured questionnaire was considered inevitable

because of the population of the target respondents coupled with the technical nature of

35

the information sought. The researchers utilized open ended and check list questions. The

open ended questions were centred on change management readiness, the commitment of

top management and middle management in the implementation process. After

calculating the sample size, this value was allocated proportionally to the two states

depending on the proportion of the employees that came from each state using Kumar

(1976) proportional allocation formula. Again the questions were optioned using a five

point Likert type of responses namely: strongly agree, agree, neutral, disagree and

strongly disagree. In addition to the primary data, secondary data were drawn from

published works and the internet.

Table 1.0: Distribution of Questionnaire among the two states

S/N State Number of

organizations

Number of personnel

in the organizations

Number of

questionnaire

served

1. Anambra MAN members

Non MAN members

135

14

4075

352

305

Total 149 4,427 305

2. Enugu MAN members

Non MAN members

22

6

852

128

67

Total 28 980 67

Grand Total 177 5407 372

Source: Field Survey, 2011.

36

Table 2.0: Distribution of respondents based on organizational level

S/

N

Organizational level Number of

respondents

Percentage

1. Upper management 52 14.0

2. Middle management 110 29.6

3. Lower management

Total management

92

(254)

24.7

4. Operatives 188 31.7

Grand total 372 100.0

Source: Field survey, 2011.

DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

The data collected from the survey were analyzed using frequency and percentages

to provide clues to the problems under investigation. This enabled the researchers come

up with the findings and recommendations. Out of the three hundred and seventy two

copies of questionnaire administered on respondents, (362) three hundred and sixty two

(97.31%) were retrieved in a usable form Eight (2.1%) were not returned and two (0.5%)

were not usable that is badly filled.

The demographic distribution of the respondents (organizations employees) is

shown below on table 3.0. The data on sex 215 or 59.4 percent of the respondents were

male while 147 or 40.6 percent were female. On marital status of the 362 respondents,

162 or 44.8 percent were single, 128 or 35.4 percent were married, 46 or 12.7 percent

were widowed, 18 or 4.9 percent of the respondents have separated from their spouses

while 8 or 2.2 percent claimed that they were divorced. Details on age, religion and

highest education of the respondents are shown on the table.

37

Table 3.0: Demographic characteristics of the 362 respondents

S/

N

Question Response Frequency Percentage

1. Sex? Male

Female

215

147

Total 362 100.0

2. Marital status? Single

Married

Widowed

Separated

divorced

162

128

46

18

8

44.8

35.4

12.7

4.9

2.2

362 100.0

3. Aged? Less than 20

21-30

31-41

41-50

51-60

Above 60

12

120

157

45

16

12

3.3

33.2

43.4

12.4

4.4

3.3

362 100.0

4. Religion? Christianity

Moslem

Other religion

325

30

07

89.8

8.3

1.9

362 100.0

5. Highest educational

qualification?

SSCE

RSA

OND

HND/B.Sc

M.A/M.Sc/MBA

Ph.D

55

-

75

160

72

-

15.2

-

20.7

44.2

19.9

-

362 100.0

Source: From the 362 questionnaire returned 2011.

38

Table 4.0: Ranking of Change Readiness Factor

S/N Factors N Mean ( Χ ) SD Rank

1. Change content 362 4.16 2.05 3

2. Change context 362 4.22 2.08 2

3. Change process 362 3.90 1.87 4

4. Individuals attributes 362 4.31 2.16 1

Source: Field survey, 2011. See Appendix III.

Key: N stands for total number of respondents

Χ stands for mean

SD stands for standard deviation

Table 4.0 shows the respondents’ ranking of the four readiness factors for change

management in the selected organization based on their mean importance. Individual

attributes of the employees ranked highest followed by change context with means of

4.31 and 4.22 respectively. Change context factor was third (4.16) and change process

was ranked least (3.90). This finding collaborates earlier researches by Van de Ven and

Poole, 1995; Weeks et al, 2004 and Jones, Jimmieson and Griffiths, 2005.

These writers assert that assessment of readiness prior to the introduction of change

is very essential for change management success. It has been suggested that a variety of

psycho-emotion factors may contribute to an individual’s readiness for change

management.

These are perceived behavioural control, self efficiency and social support

(Lazarus and Folkman (1987).

39

Table 5.0: Level of commitment of top management

S/N Response Frequency Percent Cumulative frequency

1. Very high 182 50.3 50.3

2. High 80 22.1 72.4

3. No opinion 36 10.1 82.4

4. Low 50 13.8 96.2

5. Very low 14 3.8 100.0

Total 362 100.0

Source: Field survey, 2011.

As shown on table 5, 182 (50.3%) and 80 (22.1%) of the respondents agreed that the

level of commitment of top management was very high and high respectively. However,

36 (10.1%) expressed no opinion. 30 (13.8%) and 14 (3.8%) responded that the level of

commitment by leaders of organization was of low and very low respectively. This result

reveals that change readiness in the part of the employees can be enhanced greatly by the

commitment of the top management/leaders in the organization. Edmondson and

Woolley (2003), discovered that variation in international climate and behavioural norms

across different work groups in organizations are likely to affect response to change

program or organizational intervention, Griffin, (1987) agreed with the above assertion

when he suggested that an individual’s readiness for change can be shaped by the

readiness of others, especially the top leaders.

40

Table 6.0: Middle level managers as Dinosaurs

S/

N

Response Frequency Percent Cumulative

frequency

1 Strongly agree 40 11.0 11.0

2 Agree 43 11.9 22.9

3 No opinion 25 6.9 29.8

4 Disagree 72 19.9 49.x

5 Strongly disagree 182 50.3 100.0

Total 362 100.0

Source: Field survey, 2011.

As evidenced on table 6, 40 (11.0%) and 43 (11.9%) of the respondents agreed that

middle level managers are dinosaurs (that is they ‘foot drag’ on change management

implementation. Only 25 (6.9%) expressed no opinion on the issue. However, there was a

sharp distinction as 72 (19.9%) and 182 (50.3%) of the respondents disagreed and

strongly disagreed respectively. This finding contradicts earlier researches on the issue by

Floyd and Wooldridge, 1992; Gouth and Macmillan, 1986) who submitted that

implementation problems connected with heaped management are often heaped at the

door steps of middle level managers.

Table 7.0: Middle level managers as Dynamos

S/

N

Response Frequency Percent Cumulative frequency

1 Strongly agree 203 56.1 56.1

2 Agree 102 28.2 84.3

3 No opinion 12 3.3 87.6

4 Disagree 30 8.3 95.9

5 Strongly disagree 15 4.1 100.0

41

Total 362 100

Source: Field Survey, 2011.

As indicated on table 7, 203 (56.1%) and 102 (28.2%) of the respondents respectively

strongly agreed and agreed. 12 (3.3%) of the respondents had no opinion on the matter.

However, 30 (8.3%) and 15 (4.1%) of the respondents disagree and strongly disagree

respectively. There are some similarities between the findings of this study and the

findings of earlier researchers on middle level managers in implementing change

management strategy. This is consistent with the findings of (Currie, 1999 and Huy,

2002) who view middle managers as strategic assets, championing new ideas and

facilitation of adaptability of change implementation strategy. However, (Culbert and

McDonough, 1980) emphasized that for middle level managers’ to behave like dynamos

in the implementation of change management process, the top managers must play their

role accordingly too. After all, it takes two to tango.

CONCLUSION

Organizational leaders and managers are regularly faced with challenges in

attempting to effectively steer their organizations or teams through rapidly changing

conditions in the environment. The key drivers of change readiness and management is

an ability to treat as reality the individual attributes on the characteristics of employees

being asked to change and the role of middle managers as dynamos of change

management implementation.

RECOMMENDATIONS/SUGGESTIONS

Without expecting managers to be psycho-analysts, it is useful to realize that

creating organizational readiness for change involve proactive attempts to influence the

beliefs, attitudes, intentions and ultimately the behaviour of organizational member. With

this in mind, the following recommendations become relevant:

Generating an awareness of the need for change is necessary to determining the

extent of the problem at hand. If the people affected by the change do not perceive

genuine awareness, readiness will not be there and implementation resisted.

42

Engagement of top management goals and support are a sine qua non for a

successful change management readiness. A clear innovation goal should be

articulated so that employees will know that they are expected to initiate, and

adopt new ideas. Lack of management genuine support is one of the most frequent

causes of implementation failure.

Need to overcome resistance: No matter how impressive the performance

characteristics of a change management strategy are, its full implementation is

bound to conflict with some entrenched interests and jeopardize some alliances in

the organization. This is because employees may be uncertain about the impact of

the proposed strategy on their careers and thus may not be disposed mentally or

emotionally to support it. This can be reduced with open communication - not

information.

Planners of change management techniques should never treat with kid gloves the

perceived destructive dynamics of middle management. Their early and extensive

participation should be part of the implementation strategy.

Need to foster ideas champions in the organization is one of the most effective in

winning change management battles. The idea champion sees that all technical

activities are correct and ready. Middle management sponsors are also needed to

move the idea through for effective implementation.

Finally employees or even middle managers who are passing through major life

transitions such as bereavement, relocation hassles, redundancy threats, e.t.c. are

never ready for organizational change. This is because such people may view the

new strategy as the ‘last straw’ and consequently their coping mechanisms and

psychological resources may collapse.

43

REFERENCES

Anderson, L.A. and Anderson, D. (2001). The Change Leader’s Roadmap: How to navigate your organizations transformation. San-Francisco: Pfeffer.

Armenakis, A. A., Harris, S.G. and Feild, H.S. (1999). Making change permanent: A Model for Institutionalizing Change Interventions: in W.A. Pasmore and R.W. Woodman (Eds) Research in Organizational Change and Development. New York: JAI.

Balogun, J., and Johnson, G. (2004). Organizational restructuring and middle management sense making. Academy of Management Journal, 47, 523 – 530.

Bandura, A. (1982). Self-efficacy mechanism in human agency. American Psychologist 37, 122 – 142.

Biggart, N.W. (1977). The creative destructive process of organizational change: the case of the post office. Administrative Science Quarterly, 22, 410 – 420.

Brown, S. I. and Eisenhardt, K.M. (1997). The art of continuous change: linking complexity theory and time paced evolution in relentlessly shifting organizations. Administrative Science Quarterly, 42, 125 – 140.

Cooper, C. L. and Jackson, S. E. (1997). Creating tomorrow’s organizations today: A handbook for future research in organization behavior. Chichester: Wiley.

Cunningham, C. E., Woodward, C. A; Shannon, H.S., Maclntosh, J., Lendrum, B., Rosenbloom, D. (2002). Readiness for organizational change: a longitudinal study of workplace, psychological and behavioural correlates. Journal of Occupational and Organizational psychology, 75, 377 – 392.

Currie, G. (1999). The influence of middle managers in business process: A case study of UK NHS, British Journal of Management 10, 141 – 155.

D’Aveni, R. A. (1994). Hyper competitions, (New York: The Free Press Publishers).

Dawson, P. (2003). Reshaping change in processional perspectives. London: Routledge.

44

Dopson, S and Neumann, J.E. (1998). Uncertainty, contrariness and the double-bind: middle managers’ reactions to changing contracts. British Journal of Management, 9, 253 – 271.

Dopson, S. and Stewart R. (1990). What is happening to middle management? British Journal of Management, 1, 3 – 16.

Eboh, E. C. (2009). Social and Economic Research: Principles and Methods (Enugu: African Institute for Applied Economic).

Edmondson, A. C. and Woolley, A. (2003). Understanding outcomes of organizational

learning interventions in M. Easter by –Smith and M. Lyles (Eds.), International handbook on organizational learning of knowledge management. Cambridge, M.A: Blackwell.

Ejiofor, P.N. O. (1998). Management of change in L.O. Onyemelukwe (ed.) Management of Change. Awka: Future Tech. Publishers.

Floyd, S. W. and Lane, P. (2000). Strategizing throughout the Organization: Managing role conflict in strategic renewal Strategic Management Review, 25, 150 – 177.

Floyd, S. W. and Wooldridge, B. (1997). Middle management’s strategic influence and strategic performance, Journal of Management Studies 34, 465 – 485.

Griffin, R.W. (1987) Toward an integrated theory of task design. In L.L. Cummings and B.M. Staw (Eds.) Research in organizational behavior. Greenwich, CT: JAI.

Guth, W. D. and Macmillan, I.C. (1986). Strategy implementation versus middle management self interest. Strategic Management Journal, 7, 313 – 327.

Herbert, W. E. (2002). Change Management and Management, paper presented at Mandatory Continuing Professional Development of Association of National Accountants in Nigeria, ANAN, March 26 – 28, Jos.

Holland, D and Skarke, G. (2002). Change management for big systems. Industrial Management, 45, 24 – 36.

Huy, Q.N. (2002). Emotionally balancing of organizational continuity and radical change: The Contribution of Middle Managers. Administrative Science Quarterly, 47, 31 – 69.

Huy, Q.N. (2001). In praise of middle managers. Harvard Business Review, 79, 72 – 79.

Igwe, N.N. (2008). The impact of organization development interventions on the performance of the manufacturing sector in South Eastern Nigeria, a doctoral thesis, University of Nigeria Nsukka.

45

Jones, R. A., Jimmieson, N.L. and Griffiths, A. (2005). The impact of organizational culture and reshaping capabilities on change implementation success: the mediating role of readiness for change. Journal of Management Studies 42, 361 – 386.

Kudray, L. and Kleiner, B.H. (1997). Global trends in managing change. Industrial Management, 39, 18 – 20.

Kumar, R. S. (1976). A Manual of Sampling Techniques (London: Heinemann Limited).

Lazarus, R. S. and Folkman, S. (1987). Transactional theory and research on emotions and coping. European Journal of Personality, 1, 141 – 169.

Lewin, K. (1945). Conduct, knowledge and acceptance of new values in K. Lewin (Ed.), Resolving social conflicts and field theory in social science. Washington DC: America Psychological Association.

Lewin, K. (1951). Field theory in social science, selected theoretical papers (D. Cartwright, Ed.). New York: Harper and Row.

Macmillan, I.C. and Guth, W. D. (1985). Strategy Implementation and Middle Management Conditions, Strategic Management Journal, 3, 233 – 254.

Merriam – Webster Inc. (2005 - 2006). Merriam – webster’s online. Retrieved April 15, 2006 from http:/www.m-w.com.

Meyer, J.W; Brooks, G. and Goes, J.B. (1990). Environmental jolts and industry revolutions: organizational response to discontinuous change. Strategic Management Journal 11, 261 – 273.

Meyer, D., Mclagan, P and Evans, J.E. (2006). Executive control of cognitive processes in task switching, Journal of Experimental Psychology – Human Perception and Performance, 27, 410 – 425.

Ohmae, K. (1999). The Borderless World: Power and Strategy in the Interlinked Economy. New York: Harper Business.

Osisioma, B.C. (2004). Management of Change: An overview of the Nigerian Corporate Profile Journal of Management in Nigeria, 40, 64 – 68.

Pettigrew, A. M. (1990). Studying strategic choice and strategic change, Organizational

Studies, 11, 6 – 11.Pettigrew, A. M. (1987). Context and action in the transformation of the firm. Journal of

Management Studies 24, 649 – 670.

46

Prochaska, J. O; Redding, C. A. and Evers, K. (1997). The trans theoretical model of change. In K. Glanz, F. M. Lewis and B. K. Rimer (Eds.) Health behaviour and health education: theory, research and practice (San Francisco: Jossey – Bass).

Prochaska, M. G., Marcus, B.H. Rakowski, W. L. (1994). Stages of change and decisional balance for 12 problem behaviours. Health Psychology, 13, 39 – 46.

Rothwell, W. J; Stavros, J. M; Sullivan, A; and Sullivan; R. L (2009). Practicing Organization Development: A guide for Leading change. New York: John Wiley and Sons.

Stacey, R.D (2003). Strategic Management and Organizational Dynamics. The Challenge of Complexity. Harlow: Prentice Hall.

Van de Ven, A. H., and Poole, M.S. (1995) Explaining development and change in organizations. Academy of Management Review 20, 510 – 540.

Walinga, J. (2008). Toward a theory of change readiness: the roles of appraisal, focus and perceived control. Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, 44, 315 – 338.

Weeks, W.A., Roberts, J., Chonko, L.B., and Jones, E. (2004) Organizational readiness for change, individual fear of change and sales managers performance: an empirical investigation Journal of Personal Selling and Sales Management, 24, 7 – 18.

APPENDIX I

DISTRIBUTION OF QUESTIONNAIRE AMONG THE TWO STATES.

S/

N

State Number of

Organizations

No. of Personnel in

the Organizations

No. of Questionnaire

Served

1 Anambra MAN members

135

Non-MAN

members

14

Total

4075

352

4,427 305

47

149

2 Enugu MAN members

22

Non-MAN

members

06

Total

28

852

128

980 67

Grand Total 177 5,407 372

Source: Field Survey, 2011 and Statistical Analysis

Sample size determination

Using Yamane (1964) formula

n =

N1 + N (e2 )

Where

n = Sample size

N = The finite population

e = Level of significance/limit of tolerable error.

I = Unity (a Constant)

Substituting

n =

54071 + 5407 (0 .0025 )

=

54071 + 13 .5175

48

=

540714 . 5175

= 372 . 45

372

APPENDIX II

Questionnaire Distribution Format: Applying Kumar (1976) proportional or allocation

formula for the two states.

nh = n (Nh )

N

Where

nh = Group population from each stratum

n = Overall sample size

N = The overall population

nh = Sample size from each stratum, in this case each state.

For Anambra State:

nh = n (Nh )

N

= 372(4427 )5407

=

16468445407

= 304.58

For Enugu State:

nh = n (Nh )

N

= 372(980 )5407

49

=

3645605407

= 67.42

Checking

Anambra state - 304.58

Enugu state - 76.42

372.00

Computation of 5-point livert state

X = 5 x4 x3 x2 x15

= 3 . 0

APPENDIX III

COMPUTATION OF CHANGE READINESS FACTORS

Change Process Factor

X Respondents

Frequency

(F)

FX

5 170 750

4 100 400

3 60 180

2 30 60

1 22 22

N= 362, X =

Σ FXN =

1412362

= 3 .90

Change Content:

X Respondents FX

50

(F)

5 170 830

4 110 440

3 60 180

2 12 24

1 10 10

1504

X = ∑ Fx

N≈

1504362

= 4 .16

Change Context

X Respondents

(F)

FX

5 173 865

4 120 480

3 50 150

2 15 30

1 4 4

362 1504

X = ∑ Fx

N≈

1529362

= 4 .22

Change Content

X Respondents

(F)

FX

5 183 915

4 130 520

3 30 90

2 15 30

1 4 4

362 1504

51

X = ∑ Fx

N≈

1559362

= 4 .31

Computation of Variance for change process with X = 3.90

S2 =∑ ¿

i = 1

¿

( X i − Xn−1 )

2

¿

S = √∑ ¿

i = 1

¿

( X i − Xn−1 )

2

¿

Substituting:

S =

(5−3. 9 )2+( 4−3. 90 )2+(3−3 .90 )2+(2−3 . 90)2+(1−3 .90 )2

5−1

=

1. 21 + 0 .01 + 0 . 81 + 3 . 61 + 8 . 414

=

14 . 054

= 3.51

SD =√3 .51= 1.87

Standard deviation, SD = 1.87

Change Content, X = 4.16

Substituting in the formula for variance

S =

(5−4 . 16 )2+ (4−4 .16 )2+(3−4 .16 )2+(2−4 .16)2+(1−4 .16)2

5−1

=

0 .7 + 0 .03 + 1 .35 + 4 . 67 + 9. 994

=

16 . 754 = 4.18

SD = √4 .18 = 2.05

52

Change Context:

Substituting in the formula for variance

X = 4.22

S =

(5−4 . 22)2+ (4−4 .22 )2+(3−4 .22)2+(2−4 .22)2+(1−4 .22 )2

5−1

=

0 .61 + 0 . 05 + 1 .49 + 4 . 93 + 10 . 374

=

17 . 454 4.36

SD = √4 . 36 = 2.08

Individual Attributes

X = 4.31

Substituting for S as above

S =

(5−4 . 31)2+ (4−4 .31 )2+(3−4 .31)2+(2−4 . 31)2+(1−4 .31 )2

5−1

=

0 . 48 + 0 . 10 + 1 . 72 + 5 . 34 + 11. 04

=

18 .644 4.66

SD = √4 . 66 = 2.16

Dr NICHOLAS N. IGWE is a Senior Lecturer in the Department Of Department OF Business

Management, Godfrey Okoye University Enugu, Enugu State, Nigeria. He is a voracious writer who

has Published widely in both National and International Journals .

Dr VICTORIA C. CHIBUIKE is a Senior lecturer in the Department Of Technology and Vocational

Education , Enugu State University Of Science And Technology (Esut) Enugu, Enugu State, Nigeria.

53

FRANCIS C. ALINNO is a member of the Nigeria Institute of Management and a Lecturer in the

Department Of Business Administration And Management Akanu Ibiam Federal Polytechnic,

Unwana Afikpo, Ebonyi State-Nigeria

REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA:

CONSTRAINTS AND PROSPECTS IN THE CEMAC REGION.

BY

GODLOVE AKA BINDA

Department of Political Science and Public Administration

University of Buea,P.O.Box 63 Buea

S.W.R. Cameroon.

Nationality: Cameroonian.

E-mail: barrbinda@yahoo.com, Tel: (+237) 75 38 80 78

Abstract

54

This paper seeks to illustrate that CEMAC has witnessed and still witnessing lots of

constraints that delimit the attainment of development in the region. Such constraints

range from political, economical, social, institutional, multiple membership in different

RECs, infrastructural, functional, environmental, threats pose by former colonial masters

and their allies as well as peace and security . It also highlights the fact that, in the midst

of these constraints, CEMAC still have positive prospects should reforms that aimed at

the advancement of CEMAC are made with complete adherence by member states. It

goes further to recommend among other issues that CEMAC member states should be

more committed to the principles of CEMAC if they must attain the objectives of the sub-

region.

INTRODUCTION

Regional integration can be defined as a process in which states enter into a

regional agreement in order to enhance regional cooperation, through regional institutions

and rules. These agreements could range from economic, political, social, cultural and

most recently security issues. Banlilon (2003), defined regional integration as any inter-

state activity with less than universal participation designed to meet some commonly

experienced needs.

According to Todaro (1979), development means the capacity of a national

economy whose initial economic condition has been more or less static to generate and

sustain an annual increase in its Gross National Product (GNP) at rates of 5 to 7 per cent

or more. It is a series of successive stages of transformation. Meier (1989) posits that

development does not just have to do with the acquisition of industries but it goes further

to include ideals of modernization such as, rise in productivity, social and economic

equalization, modern technical know-how, improved institutions and attitudes as well as

rationally coordinated policy apparatus. He further stated that, development does not only

cover the scope of financial and material sides of people lives but it is an instrumental

process of overcoming persistent poverty, absorbing the surplus labour and diminishing

inequality. Walter Rodney (1972), in this vein posits that development implies increased

skills and capacity, greater freedom, creativity, self discipline, responsibility, material

well being and the capacity to regulate both external and internal relations.

55

African countries have had a long history of repeated attempts to link themselves

together so as to bring about development in the continent, both in various sub– groups

and even continent wide, through several broad types of regional integration

arrangements. The vision of an African Economic Community took a full stage in the

early years of the post cold war era in the Abuja treaty of 1991 where five geographical

regions were recommended. Eight Regional Economic communities (RECs) were

identified within these five geographical regions as measures use to attain collective

autonomy and contribute to raising the living standards of the population through the

expansion of the African market and increased trade between Africa and the world

(African Development Bank,2011; Essien, 2006:60). The main aim here has been to

ensure that African states attain development through collective cooperation. In virtually

all cases, these attempts have reflected the desire to deal, in one way or another, with the

perceived growth– retarding problems thought to be associated with a number of key

elements originating from the structure of African countries and external forces that pose

threat to the wellbeing of integration and cooperation in the continent.

The deformation of UDEAC (Union Douainiere de Etats de L’Afrique Centrale)

created in 1964 brought about the signing of the CEMAC Treaty in 1994 which came

into force on 1st January, 1999 with the main objective being, the establishment of a

gradual common market, elimination of obstacles to intra-regional trade and to ensure

unity among member states as well as uplift the living standards of citizens of member

states. All these are aimed at bringing about development in the sub-region.

It should be noted that states in central Africa are grouped in four sub– regional economic

blocs, these are:

- The Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS);

- The Economic Community of Great Lakes Countries (CEPGL);

- The Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC) ; and

- The Economic Monetary Community of Central Africa (CEMAC).

The CEMAC region is in particular an integration scheme that has witnessed and still

witnessing such constraints that delimit the attainment of the goals of the region. This

hinders the development of this region in a great way. Regional integration and

cooperation in the CEMAC zone stands as a very important phenomenon because it has

56

helped to increase the bargaining power of member states within the region in the present

politico–economic world order given that countries within the region have limited

population which do not give them access to large market. However, coming together

under a regional bloc like CEMAC helps to give these states access to larger markets

which increase their bargaining power in the world economy (Oyejide, 2000). States

within the region saw that by cooperating with each other, they will quickly attain

development given that individually, they have limited means to attain this goal. It is in

line with this that integration was embraced in the continent and the Economic Monetary

Community of Central Africa (CEMAC) in particular was formed (Ogwu et al, 2009).

Numerous factors account for the negative trend in Africa’s integration schemes

and most especially the CEMAC integration scheme which is our case study. These

factors range from political, economical, social, institutional, multiple memberships

(identity), infrastructural, functional, environmental, threats pose by former colonial

masters and their allies. There are other factors that come from threats to peace and

security which often lead to internal civil strife with far reaching effects (Africa

Development Bank, 2011).

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

CEMAC has as its main objective to augment the welfare of its citizens through

cooperating with member states on agreed principles that will bring about development to

the region. This goal has come with a mixture of growth and retardation. To better assess

the efforts made by CEMAC towards the attainment of its goals, the statement of the

problem of this work seeks to enquire into the cause of ineffectiveness in this zone and

prospects for CEMAC.

THE ORIGIN OF CEMAC

Integration in the region was at first comprised of Congo, Gabon, the Central

African Republic and Chad under the Equatorial Custom Union formed on 23rd June

1959. Cameroon joined the union in 1961 but formally joined the group in Brazzaville on

8 December 1964 to form the UDEAC. Equatorial Guinea also joined UDEAC on 1st

January, 1985. UDEAC which is the oldest integration scheme in Africa was replaced by

57

CEMAC after the signing of the N’jamena Treaty on 16 March, 1994 which entered in to

force on 1st January 1999 at the Malabo summit (Nkama, 2001). This transformation from

UDEAC to CEMAC was due to the successive economic crises in the 1980s and 1990s

characterised by the inability for states to honour financial commitments with UDEAC;

the rise of the Neo-liberal logic in the Post-Cold war era; the inability for UDEAC to

work effectively with laid down policies; and the speedy up of globalisation and its

corollary regional blocs. Other factors include excessive protectionism by member states

as well as how custom revenue in member states could be harmonised. The regional

distortions in the production of goods and services and low level of trade among the

countries of the organisation also triggered the transformation from UDEAC to CEMAC

(World Bank, 1998).

CEMAC was therefore created to address these problems and bring about reforms

which UDEAC could not initiate in the region.

THE OBJECTIVES OF CEMAC

As a regional economic community, CEMAC has as it main objective as “the

socio-economic development of countries in the region”. It aimed at the collective

drafting of policies for the physical and economic integration of countries in the region.

These objectives seek to build a competitive regional environment in an attempt to attract

substantial private investment in growth areas that will be attained by; the creation of a

common market; effective governance and macroeconomic stability; and the construction

of efficient physical infrastructures and support services. In essence, the CEMAC

objectives aimed at redefining and restoring the policies that UDEAC had failed to

implement and also bring about reforms in the region (African Development Bank, 2011;

African Union, 2009:2).

In addition, CEMAC seeks to encourage the free movement of people in the sub-

region and uplift the living standards of the people. This will help to promote sub-

regional unity, facilitate trade, and ensure closer economic and social cooperation. These

objectives were to be achieved through a custom union and an economic union.

The goals to establish autonomous financial mechanism, maintain peace, security

and stability have also been of primary importance to CEMAC. It goes further to seek for

58

the economic and monetary integration and to developed a culture of human integration

in the sub-region (African Development Bank, 2011).

BRIEF LITERATURE REVIEW

Several scholars have written about the constraints and prospects of CEMAC in

its integration drive. For the sake of this work, we shall be doing a brief review of these

constraints by some scholars.

According to Essien (2006), in his work “ Regional Trade Agreement in Africa: A

historical and Bibliographic Account of ECOWAS and CEMAC”, he holds that

integration efforts in Africa and CEMAC in particular have met with limited success on

account of several variables. Among such challenges are the parallel and often competing

groupings that divert the needed political will to succeed; the conflict with development

objectives and expectations of their development partners usually their former colonial

masters or the associated grouping of states which lead to conflicts between national

structures and policies as well as group objectives and agenda; personality conflict; poor

infrastructural development; institutional and national security constraints.

In this light, he further stated that CEMAC has fallen short of meeting the

objectives of a true common market as trade within the regions total export and import is

generally very low. There is lack of political will on the path of members state to

surrender part of their sovereignty to CEMAC and this has stand to be the origin of the

constraints faced in the sub-region, he further stated. To overcome these challenges, he

advocated for a common market in the region that will be strictly respected by member

states to ensure a better future for the sub-region.

Daniel C. Bach (1999) in his work regional integration in Africa: Integration and

Disintegration, holds that regional integration in central Africa has been highly

influenced by the French government since its inception in the pre-independence era

because the French government has an interest in the region which comprise mostly of its

former colonies that she is not ready yet to lost. He posits that CEMAC has been

considered a total failure because it was not initiated by the member states themselves

e.g. the project reforming UDEAC to CEMAC was initiated by two external sources:

World Bank and the French ministry of cooperation which both have no good mastery of

59

the problems in this sub-region. In this light, he said the way forward CEMAC will be

positive if only member states are given the powers to act autonomously as they interact

with others in the sub-region without any external pressure pose on them.

In the work of Roland Pourtier (1999) where he talked of the “The Renovation of

UDEAC: Sense and Nonsense in African integration”, he posits that CEMAC has so far

failed to create a true common market which was one of its main objectives at the time of

its inception. He further stated that economic growth always come with progress along

side with integration but the case of CEMAC has been the reverse. He proceeds to say

that the sub-region is the most enclaved in the continent due to its lack of infrastructures

coupled to the fact that higher education in the region has lots of structural academic

problems. According to him, France, World Bank and IMF who were initiators of the

transformation from UDEAC to CEMAC are all satisfied with situation of non-

integration in the sub-region because they know that if African countries and more

especially CEMAC Countries come together, it will disrupt their selfish interest of

continous control of Africa and CEMAC in particular. He proceeded to say that for

CEMAC to overcome this problem, they must stop depending from external sources by

improving on; communication technology, culture, infrastructure and also ensure free

movement of people, goods and services in the sub-region.

It should be noted that integration in CEMAC was initiated by external forces that

do not aimed at the growth of countries in the sub-region and this is a very important

source of the constraints CEMAC presently face. So far, this literature review has given

little inside of the constraints found in the CEMAC region as well as prospects for the

sub-region. In the course of this work, detail explanation will be given in this light.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The custom union theory has been used as the analytical tool for this work

because the tenets of this theory tie with the work in question. This theory which was

propounded by Jacob Viner and popularized by Bela Belasa, Meade and R.G. Lipsey;

posits that the formation of custom union by states leads to the abolition of tariffs and

other restrictions which results in the positive change of volume and pattern of trade

within the region (Viner, 1950; Lipsey 1987; and Meade, 1955). This theory holds that it

main rationale is to increase the welfare of people and also bring about the elimination of

60

discriminative tariffs among member states. The theory further states that States should

get involve in regional integration only if its improve on the welfare of their citizens.

Jacob Viner in his pioneering work “The Custom Union Issues” stated that

regional integration can either lead to “trade creation or trade diversion” which both has

effects on the welfare of citizens of member states. He held that trade creation calls for

the abolition of tariffs and other restrictions thereby fostering trade between member

states by reducing the cost of commodities. This helps to improve the welfare of nationals

and the world at large. On the other hand, trade diversions do not foster trade in the

region thereby making states in the region to suffer because the welfare of citizens is not

guaranteed.

As a limitation of this theory, it assumes that all integration schemes with Trade

Creation (the abolition of tariffs and other restrictions) lead to development which is not

the case. There are cases where integration schemes with Trade Creation have failed

simply because member states are not committed to principles of such schemes, such

cases have not led to improved welfare and development as posited by this theory.

Relating this to the CEMAC region, one will notice that CEMAC has had a

growth – retarding phases in its integration efforts, that is, trade creation and trade

diversion phases. CEMAC seeks to improve the welfare of its citizens by the abolition of

tariffs and other restrictions which presently hamper the welfare of citizens in the region.

It main objective seeks to bring about development (growth) in the region which goes in

line with trade creation but this goal has hardly been met due to the fact that this

integration scheme has lots of constraints that hinder the attainment of it goals. Most of

the present constraints that CEMAC face bring about trade diversion and this should be

avoided in the region if CEMAC’s goal must be met.

Constraints to Effective Integration and Development in the CEMAC Region

Political Constraints

The main constraint to development in CEMAC today emanates from the fact that

most member states do not want to surrender part of their sovereignty to the sub-regional

scheme. The lack of political commitment by member states and their leaders act

negatively on the growth of CEMAC. States find it difficult to implement treaties they

61

have agreed on because they do not want to surrender part of the sovereignty to CEMAC.

There is also the problem of corruption, mismanagement, and greed practiced by the

leaders of these states, these leaders go after their individual selfish interests as oppose to

the interest of the entire sub-region and their individual states. These selfish interests

have helped to retard the implementation of integration policies in the sub-region. They

have as well caused bureaucratic hardship for investors’ and generally creating a negative

impression for potential investors (Ntangsi, 2005).

The absence of legitimate political institutions and processes to ensure the transfer

of power from one group of leaders to another has led to political instability, chronic

unrest and uncertainty. Central African Republic, Congo and Chad are clear examples of

this case. Furthermore, the practice of democracy in the sub-region takes on modified

forms, “advantageous democracy”, “gradual and progressive democracy” characterised

by election rigging. All these always lead to conflicts within states in the region (Ntangsi,

2005:85).

Rivalry and lack of solidarity among member states is also an important issue that

hampers the attainment of CEMAC’s objectives. The problem between Cameroon and

Gabon on the location of a regional stock exchange has also impedes the smooth

functioning of the regional scheme.

There is also no clear Hegemonic leader in CEMAC. A Hegemonic leader is a

state that coordinate the affairs of other members in a regional body or international

organisation by providing other members with assistance or aid which they see as very

important; such assistances make these states to give full respect to the provider thereby

subjecting themselves to such leader. The Hegemonic state influences the activities of

such organisation(s) greatly. Of recent, the hegemonic position of CEMAC has been a

struggle between Cameroon, Gabon and Equatorial Guinea as oppose in the past where

only Cameroon and Gabon do struggle for it. This lack of a clear leadership in the region

has delimits the scope of effective implementation of the region’s programme.

Former colonial masters such as France has always been at the fore front of

influencing the decision making process of member states in the CEMAC zone and this

62

has been a huge source of problem in the sub-region (Banlilon, 2003). All these have

hindered development within the CEMAC zone.

Economic Constraints

It should be noted that development will hardly be attained where there is poor

trade relations in a community. The CEMAC share in World trade and the volume of

intra-community trade remains relatively very low. The regions share in world exports

remains very low compared to other regions of the continent. As given by the African

Development Bank statistical Department and the IMF database in 2009, CEMAC is the

only region in Africa with the lowest intra-regional trade between its members. This

statistics shows that intra-regional trade in CEMAC accounts only for 0.8% of trade

carried on by these states. Table 1 below explains this more.

On average, the regions exports accounted only for 0.2% of world exports in

1999-2008 compared to 0.6% for West Africa, 1.2% for Southern and East Africa and

1.3% for North Africa. CEMAC global exports have also been limited by a limited

number of products (oil, cocoa, coffee, rubber, livestock ands cotton). The low intra-

community trade partly reflects the export related difficulties attributed to lack of

infrastructures and limited diversification of national economies (African Development

Bank, 2011).

Table 1: Intra-African trade as percentage of African total per region in 2009

ECCA

S

CEMA

C

AM

U

COMES

A

ECOWA

S

WAEM

U

SAD

C

Afric

a

ECCAS 1.2 0.9 0.5 2.3 1.7 0.8 5 9.4

CEMAC 0.8 0.4 0.2 1.4 0.6 0.4 3.2

AMU 9.4 6 1.5 1.1 0.6 15.4

COMES

A

14.9 0.6 0.3 14.1 30.7

ECOWA

S

19 10.3 5.1 27.9

WAEMU 4.9 0.7 12.9

SADC 28.1 30.1

Africa 100

63

Source: ADB statistics Department: IMF database

Non–tariff barriers are major obstacles to regional trade and development. Such

measures include overtaxing of goods, random checkpoints along roads, highway

rubbers; and the poor state of major high ways. This situation increases factor costs,

hampers the emergence of dynamic private sector and stifles the competitiveness of the

region which hinders the development of the region (ADB, 2011).

Another alarming constraint is the burden of external debts in the sub–region

which could be explained by the fact that, five of the six member countries are classified

as heavily indebted poor countries (HIPC). This debt burden has deviated resources for

development in the region to fuel such debts. It has also made some of these members to

face difficulties in financing their annual contributions with CEMAC (Mbanga, 2005).

Duplication of Membership in Different RECs

The inability for members to fully commit themselves with CEMAC due to the

fact that they belong to other RECs has been a great obstacle to development in the

region. States within the region are fully involved in other integration schemes which

delimit their commitment with CEMAC. All members of CEMAC zone are also

members of ECCAS (Economic Community of Central African States). Cameroon, Chad

and Central African States which are CEMAC members are also members of the

Economic Community of the Great Lake counties (CEPGL). The problem of multiple

subscriptions by member states causes these states to have divided attention towards the

RECs they belong to thereby making them to be unable to be focus and engineer the

expected developmental ideals that CEMAC has always sort to attain.

These states face the problem of not being precise about which integration scheme

they should identify with thereby making the vision of CEMAC not be attained as

expected (Ebode, 2004). The multiplicity of integration schemes also distorts

development in CEMAC in the sense that these different RECs, are at different stages of

integration or implementation of certain programmes that are parallel to each other. This

has produced a number of technical problems and even resulted in inefficiency and

stagnation in some areas of CEMAC objectives owing to dispersion of scarce diplomatic,

economic and human resources. In this light, one is force to observe that CEMAC

identity is yet to be defined (Ebode, 2004).

64

Infrastructural Constraints

Inadequate infrastructure is the greatest obstacle to development in the region.

CEMAC is the least integrated region in the continent with the least infrastructure.

Infrastructural development is crucial to developing CEMAC’s immense potential and

enhancing its integration goals. Infrastructural development is a key requirements to

addressing these structural obstacles causing this region to lag behind in particular in

aspects such as; (i) inadequate productive capacity, (ii) insufficient intra–and inter–

regional trade, (iii) limited diversification of economies, (iv) inadequate circulation of

people and goods, (v) landlocked nature of countries e.g. Chad and the lack of

interconnection of capitals, and finally (vi) inadequate progress in the implementation of

treaties signed by member states (World Bank, 2009).

Furthermore, CEMAC lack roads, drinking water, sanitation and information and

communication technologies as compared to other integration schemes in Africa. This

limited interconnection of national transport and communication networks between

CEMAC member states is a major obstacle to the development of the region (World

Bank, 2009/2010). It should be noted that, like in other regions where there are transport

interconnections between states, in CEMAC, railway systems, maritime transport and

road networks all have very limited inter-state(s) avenue which do not ease movement in

the region. Under this condition, inter-state movement is very expensive as compared else

where in the continent and this also hinder trade relations between member states.

Functional/ Institutional Constraints

There have been discrepancies between the goals; organization, functioning and

resources of the CEMAC integration scheme. Some of these problems results from

threats pose on this integration scheme by globalization. More often than not, government

fail to implement agreed treaties which in turn suggest a lack of political will and

commitment in practice (in contrast to pronouncements in speeches and papers), this

constitute the leading stumbling block to effective integration among CEMAC countries.

Due to these functional problems, the possibility for CEMAC to attain its

objectives is far reached as expected. Multiplicity of RECs commitment by CEMAC

members also add as cumulative effect to such functional problems.

65

Harmonized policies in the region have also come with constraints in the sense

that supra–national institutions created to handle such issues have been powerless due to

lack of political commitment by member states. Due to this, development programmes

are carried out in the region without proper coordination (www.africa-union.org).

Problems have erupted between states in CEMAC because the harmonized policies are

not respected e.g. the case between Cameroon and Equatorial Guinea where the

Equatorial Guinea government always brutalize Cameroonians which is against the

labour–immigration policies they both signed as CEMAC members but the Equatorial

Guinea government has hardly respect it .There is also a problem of adherence when it

comes to the CIMA and OHADA laws. Institutions created to perform particular

functions for the development of the region have hardly performed such functions as

expected of them (Nguini, 2000).

The lack of harmonized tax policies custom procedure, problems related to donor

support as well as lack of common position on major macro–economic policies like the

Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) and disparities in law relating to the operation

of companies and relevant public offices have posed much threat to the growth of

CEMAC (www.WorldBank.org).

The slow implementation of the community vision illustrates the insufficient

institutional capacity of CEMAC to coordinate and ensure the smooth implementation of

regional economic, sectoral and trade policies. This contributes to delaying the effective

economic integration of CEMAC thereby hindering development.

Social Constraints

CEMAC faces vital constraints which have to do with, the inability to feed the

fast growing population in the region, how to achieve the growth of agricultural sector

and make it competitive and also how to reduce poverty in the region. The case of food

insufficiency is still a vital problem in the region. It has been posited that in order for

CEMAC to feed its fast growing population and overcome poverty within the region,

member states should invest more in food production. The steady economic growth that

CEMAC member states do experience has done little to overcome poverty in the region.

In Congo, 70% of the population lives on less than 1 U.S. dollar a day, in Cameroon and

66

Chad, the percentages were 46% and 64 percent respectively in 2002 (Cilliers, 2003).

Poverty still stands as a serious threat to the wellbeing of CEMAC citizens.

In the areas of peace and security CEMAC has no effective security agency that

can overcome the threat to peace and security as seen in ECOWAS where we have

ECOMOG. In this light, whenever there is a security problem in the region, member

states are not always willing to deploy troops to overcome such threats. A clear example

is that of Central Africa Republic in 2002 where Gabon was the only country that

dispatched troops to overcome the instability in the country. This lack of effective

CEMAC support in times of threat could also be seen in the case of Chad where no

support was given by member states to end the strife there. The ineffectiveness of

CEMAC to handle such security issues has been of negative consequences to the

development of the region.

CEMAC is also faced with rapid spread of HIV/AIDS. In 2007, the prevalence

among the sexually active population of the region was 4.6 %, compared to 1.3% in the

developing countries. Malaria is a pandemic that pose serious threat to the region, it is the

most deadly disease in the region. Infant mortality rate in the region is also high as

compared to the rate given for developing countries. Mortality related to both pandemics,

that is, HIV/AIDs and Malaria has significantly affected the regions life expectancy

which is 51.1 years compared to 65.4 years in developing countries and 54.2 years in

Africa as in 2007 (World Health Organization, 2007). This has depopulated the region

thereby weakening economic activities which would have led to the development of the

region.

Environmental Constraints

Apart from the environmental issues related to the preservation of the ecosystem

in central Africa, oil pollution is a particular threat to the development of the region. The

Gulf of Guinea which is located in the CEMAC region is very rich in oil production and

this has worked negatively to the region due to poor management of oil waste. This waste

imperils the region’s marine waters and ecosystems. As a result, it is a threat to

agricultural production such as fisheries; the health of the populations and other habitats.

Prospects

67

So far, CEMAC has had growth-retarding phases in the pursuit of its objectives.

Drawing inspirations from the steering committee of CEMAC’s institutional reform

programme, which examined the reports at meetings in Yaounde on November 2006,

Douala in January 2007 and Bata in February 2007; in collaboration with recent

developments in CEMAC, it shows that CEMAC has the following prospects:

- CEMAC is a pivotal region in Africa and it is the only region sharing boundaries

with all regions of the continent: Western (ECOWAS and CEN-SAD), Northern

(AMU and CEN-SAD), Eastern Northern (AMU and CEN-SAD), Eastern (EAC,

COMESA, IGAD and CEN-SAD) and southern Africa (SADC). The region thus

ensures the physical continuity of African spatial integration. This geo-strategic

position of this sub-region gives it greater economic development potential,

owing especially to oil from the Gulf of Guinea, vast metal and mineral deposits,

enormous water resources in the Congo-Oubangui-Sangha Basin and the Great

Lakes e.g. the Lake Chad Basin. If all these resources are well managed by

CEMAC, it will enable CEMAC to attain its objectives fully;

- The emergence of Equatorial Guinea as an important actor on the regional stage

could progressively erode the powers Gabon and Cameroon play in the region in

the near future;

- CEMAC achievement would vary remarkably once good infrastructures are built

within the region. To booster this, countries within the region need to popularised

CEMAC objectives to their citizens and as well abide to CEMAC principles;

- The future of CEMAC shows that the integration scheme though haven’t been

very successful as intended, it will move on progressively should CEMAC leaders

implement objectives and reforms agreed upon effectively;

- CEMAC should endeavour to popularize it principles and values to the CEMAC

member states. This will help the masses to understand the rationale that CEMAC stands

for and as well help CEMAC attain its goals effectively;

- If CEMAC member states carry on positive political reforms in their individual

countries, it will help give these states good legitimacy as they carry on their activities

with CEMAC. Such genuine democracy would facilitate the realisation of CEMAC goals

since the masses would be involved in the formation and implementation of policies;

68

- CEMAC members should stop depending on their former colonial masters if they

must attain their goals in the integration-scheme. They should adopt ideals of good

governance with the aim of ensuring that intra-trade in the region grows;

- Infrastructural development within CEMAC will foster intra-trade in the region. It

will also make the region to fully utilize all the advantages it has in the continent due to

its geo-strategic positions in the continent; and

- Multiple-membership in different integration schemes by CEMAC members can

turn out to be positive to CEMAC should member states devote full commitment. This is

because they will be able to share good experiences acquired in different schemes while

in CEMAC and it will help advance CEMAC greatly. Due to their poor commitment at

present, duplication of integration should not be encouraged because it hampers the

vision of CEMAC.

Conclusion

The quest for development in the CEMAC sub-region has been the main driving

force behind CEMAC. This goal has hardly been attained in the sub-region because of

numerous problems that member-states face. For CEMAC to fully, attain its development

objectives as seen in its principles, member states need to devote full commitment to the

policies of the sub-region. By doing this, they will be more united to initiate and

implement policies that will lead to development. This will be the first step of

overcoming the other challenges which emanates because member states are not fully

committed to CEMAC. In this light, infrastructural development which foster good trade

relations between countries in regional bloc(s) will be achieved and this will act as spill

over to the acquisition of other better things in the region. CEMAC will use its geo-

strategic position in the continent well if it embarks on reforms that leads to development

as proposed in the recommendations below.

Recommendations

- CEMAC member states should adopt developmental state approach which gives

them power to act independently, this will enable them to effectively work

towards the attainment of development which is the prime goal of CEMAC;

69

- They should invest more on infrastructural development e.g. road networks

linking all the countries in the sub-region, communication networks and many

others that foster socio-economic development;

- Member states should devote full political commitment to the sub-regional body;

- CEMAC values and principles need to be well popularised to its citizens so as to

enable its legal, functional and institutional ideals work smoothly;

- All CEMAC members should respect treaties signed and not respect only those

that are in their favour;

- CEMAC members should devote more of their resources on the improvement of

technical and training sectors (educational sector);

- They should collectively fight against environmental pollution that pose threat to

habitants in the region e.g. oil waste pollution; this will help to improve

agriculture (food production) and the wellbeing of people; and

- CEMAC should work strongly with other regional groupings in Africa to ensure

good intra-trade relations among countries in the continent.

References

African Development Bank (2011). Central Africa: Regional Integration. Strategic Paper (RISP) (2011-2015).

Africa Development Bank (ADB) (2002). Selected Statistics on African Countries. (Central Africa).

Anyang, Nyonge (1990). Regional Integration in Africa. Nairobi, Kenya: The Regal Press.

70

Banliton Victor Tani (2003). Emerging Trends in Global Regional Integration: The Challenges of the EU and African Regionalism in the Journal of Applied Social Sciences, Volume 3, Number 2, pp 66-99.

Carr, Erin (2010). Regional Integration in West Africa: The Evolving Role of the Economic of West African States. In the Journal International Affairs Vol.5 (6)2010.

CEMAC Treaty, Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa 1994. Signed at N’Djamana, Chad, On 16 March.

Cilliers, Jakkie (2003). Peace Keeping, Africa and the Emerging Global Security Architecture in Africa Security Review Vol. 12, No1.

Essien, Victor (2006). Regional Trade Agreement in Africa: A Historical and Bibliography Account of ECOWAS and CEMAC. pp 59-99.

Green R.H. and Kristina K.G.V. (1987). Economic Cooperation in Africa: Retrospect and Prospects. London: Oxford University press.

Harbeson, J.W.e (1995). Africa in World Politics: Post-Cold War Challenges. U.S.A: West View Press.

Jeanne Afrique (2006a). La Lettre de la Guinee Equatoriale, No2356.

Lipsey, Richard (1987). The Theory of Custom Union: A General Journey in J.N. Bhagawati (ed). International Trade: Selected Readings. Cambridge: The Mit Press.

Mead, J.E. (1950). The Theory of Custom Unions. Amsterdam: North- Holland Publishing Company.

Meier Gerald (1989). Leading Issues in Economic Development. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Michael Todaro (1979). Economics for Developing World. London: Longman Group Ltd.Nkama, Arsene H.G. (2005). “Regional Economic Bloc in Central Africa: What Went

Right and What Went Wrong in Central Africa”; Crises, Reform and Construction In E.S.D Formin and J.W. Forje (Ed) Impriment Graphics. Dakar-Senegal: Imprimeric Graphiphus. pp17-30.

Ntangsi, Mefih (2005). The NEPAD Initiative A basic for fostering Economic Recovery in the CEMAC zone in Central Africa. Dakar- Senegal: Imprimeric Graphiphus

Ntuba Ebode J.V.(2004). Geopolitique des Sous-regions Africanes: quell destin pour L’ Afrique medijane Latine? Diplomatic,11.

71

Owona Nguinni E.M. (2006). La Guinee Equatoriale en perspective vues, visees et vision geopolitique.

Oyeijide, T. Ademola ((2000). Policies of Regional Integration in Africa. Abidjan-Cote-D’Ivoire: African Development Bank.

Pourtie Roland (1999)” The Renovation of UDEAC: Sense and Nonsense in Africa integration. In Regional Integration in Africa Bach (ed.) Indianapolis: Indiana, University Press.

The Committee on Regional Cooperation and Integration in Africa fourth Session report (2005), Trade facilitation to promote Intra African Trade. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Viner, Jacob (1950). The Custom Union Issue. London: Stevens and sons Limited.

Walter Rodney(1972). How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. London: Bogle- L’Ouverture Publications.

World Bank (2009). World Bank Report: Reshaping Economic Geography. Washington

www.cemac.com (assessed 16th June, 2012)

www.africa-union.org (assessed 03rd July, 2012)

Godlove Aka Binda Is Of The Department Of Political Science And Public Administration, University Of Buea, Buea S.W.R. Cameroon. Godlove Aka Binda Is A Research Fellow At The University Of Buea.

GOOD GOVERNANCE: THE VITAL INGREDIENT FOR BUSINESS GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA

By

72

1 PROF. A. C. AWUJO2EVELYN NWA-AMAKA AGBAJEOGU (NEE OCHI)

2DESMOND ODOM1DEPARTMENT OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION

IMO STATE UNIVERSITY, OWERRI, IMO STATE

NIGERIA, WEST AFRICA.2 MADONNA UNIVERSITY, OKIJA, NIGERIA, WEST AFRICA

Email: amakaeve72@yahoo.com

Email: desmond02@yahoo.com

Abstract

The 2007 presidential election brought into sharp focus the numerous challenges that Nigeria faces in her quest to achieve sustained growth and development. According to expert observers, the low turnout at polling stations attested to the fact that most Nigerians have over the years become disenchanted with the performance of past administrations in economic development and empowerment. As elsewhere in Africa, people are beginning to realize that the dramatic words and phrases that politicians dole around only provides a platform for temporary crowd pleasing and ego satisfaction, and that they cannot solve any fundamental problems nor satisfy their aspirations for a better life. Some of these pronouncements are, at best sheer demagoguery, and at worst, criminal hypocrisy. There are many like Adebayo Adedeji, who believes that the solution to Nigeria’s problems may remain unresolved, if the country does not get its leadership right. This paper therefore aimed at giving an overview of doing business in Nigeria. The researcher gives the general information about Nigeria, her culture, communication, economy, forms of business in Nigeria and its challenges. We recommend, amongst others  that government should improve on the energy sector of the economy by resorting to the development of alternative source of power like the solar system since it is one the major problems facing business operators in Nigeria

INTRODUCTION

GENERAL INFORMATION ABOUT NIGERIA

Nigeria is situated in West Africa. It borders the Gulf of Guinea and lies between

Benin and Cameroon. Nigeria is also bordered by Chad and Niger in the North. Its

capital(s) is Abuja, and has a population of 152 000 000 according to 2010 census. Her

area is 923768Km2, Coastline: 853Km, Language(s): English, Hausa, Ibo, Fulani and

Yoruba, ISO Code: NG, her currency is 1 naira = 100 kobo, her time zone is

UTC/GMT+01:00 and her dialing Code is +234.

73

Nigerian Culture

There are more than 250 ethnic groups with different languages and cultural

costumes in Nigeria. The largest ethnic groups are the Hausa and Fulani, which stick to

Islam and the Yoruba and Igbo (Ibo), which hold on to Christianity. Traditional religious

beliefs often mix within the two big religious groups. Family relations play a very

important role in Nigerian culture. Normally, families in Nigeria have a high dignitary

structure. Polygamy amongst members of the Muslim community is not rare. Family

bonds help to achieve social status while preferential treatment is a major issue in Nigeria

even though it is illegal. The perception of time in Nigeria differs from that in the West.

Usually, everything moves at a more relaxed pace. An individual’s needs are considered

more important than sticking to a schedule. Bear this in mind and be supple when doing

business in Nigeria. ((MBendi 2012).

Communication

Communication styles in Nigeria may vary significantly depending on the

individual’s cultural lineage. Nigerians from the south usually speak in a direct way and

use a louder voice. Many of the people from the South-Western part of Nigeria make use

of proverbs and sayings, thus their communication style is more indirect. In general,

Nigerians are a friendly and outgoing people. Inquiring about a person’s health and

wellbeing is essential. A lot of gestures and facial expressions of understanding are used

amongst Nigerians. (MBendi 2012)

Economy

The Nigerian economy is the third largest in Africa and the largest in the West

African region. Despite the global downturn, Nigeria’s stock market performance is

considered one of the strongest in the world in 2010. These factors are key indicators of

a robust economy that is good for business. (http://www.eho.com).

DOING BUSINESS IN NIGERIA

Many national and international experts, and indeed true friends of Nigeria, say

that the real impediment to sustained economic growth and development in the country

has more to do with her leadership and the absence of good governance than with

74

economic plans or reforms. Research has established a relationship between leadership

and governance and economic growth. For instance, the World Bank has made it clear in

its studies that good governance is a significant determinant of economic progress. Two

economists, Prof. Benno Ndulu and Prof. Stephen O’Connell, in a study on governance

and growth in sub-Saharan Africa, noted that Africa’s under-development could be linked

primarily to the governance models practiced in most parts of the continent.

In the same vein, the former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Prof.

Charles Soludo, quoting from a study conducted by two researchers, Daniel Kaufmann

and Aart Kraa, in a paper titled, “Creating effective governance and leadership for

sustained national prosperity,” said that per capita incomes and the quality of governance

were strongly positively correlated across countries. Two other scholars, Benjamin F.

Jones and Benjamin A. Olken, writing on growth, leadership and political institutions,

also revealed that countries experienced persistent changes in growth rates across

leadership transitions. They noted that leaders had a large causative influence on the

economic outcomes of their nations.

However, on the whole, there was no plan that was incapable of moving the

country forward considerably. Rather, it was poor implementation, selfishness, gross

misconduct and corruption on the part of those entrusted with the powers of state, so-

called leaders, who have always spoilt the chances of such plans to make any big

difference. As is well noted, it is not the name of the plan that matters; neither can the

plan in itself transform the country. It is the leaders into whose hands the plan falls that

are required and expected to keep the ball rolling for the plan to succeed. Economic

plans, foreign investment and overseas development aid, for instance, will only succeed

in boosting economic development if they are orchestrated and directed by competent

leadership underpinned by good governance in recipient economies.”

To showcase the importance of good governance to economic development, the

United Nations Development Programme has been at the forefront of the growing

international consensus that good governance and sustainable human development are

indivisible, and that the development of the capacity for good governance is the primary

way to eliminate poverty. If good governance, through good leadership, is so important

for sustained economic development and prosperity, then Nigerians and other sub-Sahara

75

African countries have no choice but to make good governance the cornerstone of

development.

Pieces of information about Nigeria are typically unenthusiastic. In spite of the

country's problems, it has proven to be an attraction for companies and investors. Its

natural resources, skilled workforce and healthy economy make it ideal for investment. It

is quite unfortunate that underdeveloped infrastructure and corruption make doing

business in Nigeria very difficult. But never the less, investors continue to see profits in

Nigeria. Nigeria is a country blessed with human, mineral and natural resources. When it

comes to starting a business in Nigeria; the potentials are so great that any investor or

entrepreneur will be tempted to jump in with both feet without first testing the waters.

(Ajaero, 2010).

Conceptualizing Good Governance

Governance is being increasingly recognized as an essential component of

sustainable and equitable development. There are many ways in which good governance

contributes to economic development. Governments make decisions on macroeconomic

and social policy that have a direct impact on the long-term health of the economy.

Governments provide critical goods and services, such as infrastructure, health and

education that determine the competitiveness of the economy. Governments foster an

enabling environment for private sector growth and regulatory structures that balance

objectives of growth and equity. The experience of East Asia shows that good

governance is an essential component of dynamic private sector growth.

So what is Governance? Governance is defined as "the manner in which power is

exercised in the management of a country's social and economic resources for

development". Governance can be seen, therefore, as the exercise of economic, political

and administrative authority to manage a country's affairs at all levels. It comprises the

mechanisms, processes and institutions through which citizens and groups articulate their

interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations and mediate their differences.

Good governance is, among other things, participatory, transparent and

accountable. It is also effective and equitable. And it promotes the rule of law. Good

governance ensures that political, social and economic priorities are based on broad

76

consensus in society and that the voices of the poorest and the most vulnerable are heard

in decision-making over the allocation of development resources.

Governance has three legs: economic, political and administrative. Economic

governance includes decision-making processes that affect a country's economic

activities and its relationships with other economies. It clearly has major implications for

equity, poverty and quality of life. Political governance is the process of decision-making

to formulate policy. Administrative governance is the system of policy implementation.

Encompassing all three, good governance defines the processes and structures that guide

political and socio-economic relationships.

Governance encompasses the state, but it transcends the state by including the

private sector and civil society organizations. What constitutes the state is widely

debated. Here, the state is defined to include political and public sector institutions. The

private sector covers private enterprises (manufacturing, trade, banking, cooperatives and

so on) and the informal sector in the marketplace. Some say that the private sector is part

of civil society. But the private sector is separate to the extent that private sector players

influence social, economic and political policies in ways that create a more conducive

environment for the marketplace and enterprises.

Civil society, lying between the individual and the state, comprises individuals and

groups (organized or unorganized) interacting socially, politically and economically -

regulated by formal and informal rules and laws. Civil society organizations are the host

of associations around which society voluntarily organizes. They include trade unions;

non-governmental organizations; gender, language, cultural and religious groups;

charities; business associations; social and sports clubs; cooperatives and community

development organizations; environmental groups; professional associations; academic

and policy institutions; and media outlets. Political parties are also included, although

they straddle civil society and the state if they are represented in parliament.

The institutions of governance in the three domains (state, civil society and the

private sector) must be designed to contribute to sustainable human development by

establishing the political, legal, economic and social circumstances for poverty reduction,

job creation, environmental protection and the advancement of women. The challenge for

77

all societies is to create a system of governance that promotes, supports and sustains

human development - especially for the poorest and most marginal

Conceptualizing Business

The word business is defined by different writers’ in accordance with their own

needs and purposes. Therefore, there is no simple definition of business. Its accurate

definition can depends on one’s skill in the subject acquired over a long period including

its important interest and continuous current of the knowledge of the subject.

Fubara (1985) states that business is the sum of all activities involved in the

production and distribution of goods and services for the wage of entrepreneurship.

While Effiong (1991) asserts that business is the total of all human activities involves in

the production and distribution of goods and services for the purpose of satisfying human

wants. Anuku (2004) defines business as any human activity that is directed at

generating income by providing needed goods and services to people.

Awujo A. C and Urieto J. E (1995) also stated that business activity requires decision

making to produce and sell products and services, which is also in line with the

definitions given above.

From the above definitions we can see that the pertinent issues involved in the

business no matter the type is aimed at combining resources such as land, labour, capital,

technology and opportunity together with a view to rendering efficient goods and services

to satisfying the needs and desires of human wants. Despite the challenges listed below,

Nigeria has a robust economy for business.

Forms of Business Ownership in Nigeria

The decision of doing business in Nigeria does not end in creation of goods and

services, but also on the forms of business to go into. In Nigeria there are several forms

of businesses in which an individual, groups can go into. They are Sole-proprietorship,

Partnership, Limited liability companies, co-operative society, and Public enterprises. “In

the game of business, the process is more important than the goal. When you start

building a business, you begin a journey, a process. This process has a beginning and an

ending and between the beginning and end lays a lot of challenges. You will win only if

you remain faithful to the process” says Rich Dad.

78

Challenges of Nigerian Businesses

Good governance enhances growth and development of a country. As noted earlier, doing

business in Nigeria could be good or bad. Listed below are the major challenges an

investor will face when doing business in Nigeria. These challenges are even serious due

to bad governance. The leaders are not interested in the growth of the people and the

nation.

Lack of Infrastructure

The first business challenge you will face when doing business in Nigeria is

infrastructural challenge. Nigeria lacks the basic infrastructure and logistics to support

business. If you are going to run a successful business in Nigeria; then you must have the

financial muscle to provide your own infrastructure.

Take for instance you want to start a manufacturing firm in Nigeria; you will need

to build your own factory, provide your own water supply and other amenities that

smoothens business operations. This single factor lengthens the time frame from initial

planning to full business operations when compared to developed countries that have the

basic infrastructure in place. Infrastructural challenge will directly or indirectly increase

your startup overhead cost so you have to properly factor in this challenge in your

business plan.

 Power Supply

Epileptic power supply is the next challenge militating against the successful

growth of small business startups in Nigeria. Successful companies operating in Nigeria

have found a way to deal with the challenge of power supply by providing their own

source of power.

So if you are successfully going to operate in Nigeria; then you must map out a

plan to curtail the harsh effect of epileptic power supply.

 Inadequate Security

79

Security is the next challenge you must deal with especially if you are a foreigner

wanting to invest in building a business in Nigeria. “The more a person seeks security,

the more the person gives up control over his life.” Rich Dad. Although, there has been a

massive step up by the government with respect to security and based on this; one can

confidently say that the way the government is handling the security of the state is quite

impressive.

 Government Policies

Government inconsistencies in policy formulation and implementation are

actually a challenge you will have to tackle if you must succeed in Nigeria as a

businessman. Governance is something businessmen have no control over; all they can

do is to influence government’s policy with respect to enacting favorable business laws.

But you must have political power and massive resources to be able to influence

government laws.

At this instant you may not have the political influence or financial muscle to

influence government’s policy so the best strategy to combating the ever changing policy

of the government is to keep an enthusiastic eye on government laws and quickly adjust

your business to align with the policies.

 Transportation Challenges

The next challenge in doing business in Nigeria is the poor transportation system.

Probably the source of raw materials may not be situated close to its market. So you will

have to decide if to locate your business close to the source of raw materials or close to

your market. Whichever way; transportation of either raw materials or finished goods

will be involved and this will pose a great challenge if you intend operating in Nigeria.

Poor transportation standard and road network is a factor militating against

industrialization in Nigeria but this challenge is being tackled by the government

through the upgrading of roads and construction of railway lines.

80

 Inability to Access Funds

Of all the business challenges involved with starting a small business in Nigeria;

this one interest entrepreneurs the most. Inability to access funds and banks unwillingness

to support entrepreneurship and small business is the major barrier to massive business

growth in Nigeria.

On the other hand, this challenge can be got through with if you are a die-hard,

creative businessman. Hard core businessmen are not held back by the lack of support

from banks; they are not discouraged by the unavailability of startup capital.

Rather than expressing grief over the tight spot, they look for creative ways to

finance their business plans and ideas. If you are in this group of businessmen; your

plans of doing business in Nigeria will not be disenchanted or held back by the challenge

of capital.

Corruption

This is another big challenge facing business operators in Nigeria. Nigeria has

been ranked as one of the most corrupt nations in the world. In fact, it lost more money to

graft than any other country in the world between 1970 and 2008. Nevertheless, over the

last eight years, the country's anti-corruption agency has worked to discourage corruption

by arresting and prosecuting offenders. Regrettably, corruption remains an issue that

increases business costs and limits efficiency in Nigeria.

Lack of Governmental Support

The last but not the least challenge of doing business in Nigeria is government’s

inattentiveness to the plight of businessmen and especially small business owners. And

the result of these inattentiveness surfaces in the form of double taxation, unnecessary

levies and duties; and high cost of obtaining business licenses.

Nigeria operates as a free economy; which favors capitalists, so don’t be

discouraged by this challenge. A good strategy to balance the excesses of the government

81

is to assemble a strong business team that will strategically position your business to

withstand the ever increasing demand of the government.

Conclusion

In conclusion, Governance and capacity building is guided by a number of key principles

which reflect the essential attributes of a well-functioning public sector, and the creation

of a conducive environment for the private sector to function efficiently in the creation of

wealth. These principles of governance include accountability, strategic focus,

transparency and predictability, responsiveness, and participation. Nigeria operates a free

economy which favours capitalism. The basic principles of good governance are not

present in Nigerian system and these accounts for the economic instability we found

ourselves in.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The whole world depends on the business organization to survive in terms of the

provision of goods and services. Business plays a vital role in the nation building and it

is against this background that I recommend the following:

1.  That government should improve on the energy sector of the economy by

resorting to the development of alternative source of power like the solar system

since it is one the major problems facing business operators in Nigeria.

2. The issue of security should be taken very serious since it will inhibit foreign

investors.  Nobody would like to invest where lives and property are not safe.

This could be done by training special security agents just like the Peace Corp that

is now in every state of the federation.

3. Government should enact laws that will be favourable for business operators like

reducing the requirements of obtaining both short term and long term loans from

financial institutions.

4. Upgrading of roads and construction of railway lines should be considered very

important since this will help to improve the standard of doing business in

Nigeria.

82

5. Venture capital should be used as a means of helping business operators in

sourcing fund for their business. That is giving them loan without security or

interest.

REFERENCES

Anuku C. E. O. (2004). Foundations in Business Administration. Lagos : Anuku Clan Communications.

Awujo A. C. and Urieto J. E. (1995). Introduction to Business. Port Harcourt : Paragraphics.

Effiong, E. J. (1991). Foundations of Modern Business Management. Calabar: UNICAL Press.

Fubara, B. A. (1988). Business Management: Principles and Strategies. Ibadan: University Press Limited.

http://www.eho.com/list _6046991_moneywire-transfer-restrictions-Nigeria.html.

http://www.strategicbusinessteam.com/author/oracle/

http://www.strategicbusinessteam.com/internationalbusiness.

PROF. A. C. AWUJO is a Professor of Business Administration, Imo State University, Owerri- Nigeria.

EVELYN NWA-AMAKA AGBAJEOGU (NEE OCHI) is a lecturer in Business Administration of the Madonna University, Okija, Anambra State-Nigeria.

DESMOND ODOM is also a lecturer in Business Administration of the Madonna University, Okija, Anambra State-Nigeria.

83

CHALLENGES OF ELECTORAL REFORMS IN NIGERIA: AN ANALYSIS OF

JUSTICE UWAI’S-LED ELECTORAL REFORMS RECOMMENDATIONS

1 EZEIBE Christian Abd and 2Osadebe Nnabuike1 Lecturer, Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria Nsukka. Nigeria.

2Lecturer, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Nigeria

Nsukka, Nigeria.

Abstract

This paper unravels the rationale behind the non implementation of the Justice Uwai’s electoral reform recommendations in Nigeria. After a decade of observation of Nigerian electoral caricature, the author analyzed the challenges of electoral reforms in Nigeria

84

from a historical perspective. Our major finding is that political leaders in Nigeria assume their positions through questionable means (electoral malpractices), hence, attempt to make electoral reforms is stalled by political leaders (lawmakers and even when actualized, they are thwarted by the executive during implementation). The paper observed that the Justice Uwai’s electoral reform recommendations were not implemented because the political leaderships in Nigeria are not ready to welcome total transformation of the political system.

Keywords: Electoral reforms, electoral malpractice, voters’ registration, leadership,

Nigeria

Introduction

Dissatisfaction with electoral practices is no longer limited to voters in Europe

and America; it is no longer a late nineteenth century phenomenon, it has been

transported to Africa and other parts of the third world in the 21st century. In fact, we live

in the era of highly competitive elections with relatively close margins of victories, when

political parties have recognized the need for greater order and stability within the

electoral system (Ware, 2002).

Since the end of cold war, the global spread of democratic government has

created a tremendous sense of possibility in many African countries that were long

dominated by autocrats, closed and corrupt regimes. Lewis (2005) rightly noted that

elections serve as an important tool for holding leaders to account and promoting

transparency of government. Indeed, open, fair and competitive elections have become a

litmus test for distinguishing democracies from other types of governments, many of

which would like to claim the label of democracy without honoring its requirements.

In Africa, many new democracies face immediate challenges of survival, as

governments struggle to maintain constitutional rule and electoral processes that are

threatened by conflict, military coups, or aspiring dictators waiting in the wings. Nigeria

face repeated episodes of election rigging, political violence, and disorderly

administration of elections in 1999, 2003, 2007 and more or less 2011.

The electoral system in Nigeria is technologically and administratively inadequate

and considered unfair (Jega, 2005). In discharging the aforementioned responsibilities in

course of administering elections, Nigerian election bodies have also faced many

persistent problems, which have portrayed them as ineffective, inefficient, and somewhat

85

fraudulent. According to (Jega, 2005), these include the following: lack of rational and

transparent criteria in the registration of parties and in the screening of candidates for

elections; fraudulent methods of compilation and/or display of the voters’ register; late

commencement of registration or inadequate time for both registration and display of the

voters’ register, or even improper display, characterized by omissions, placement in

wrong polling areas; inadequate logistics preparation in provision and distribution of

polling stations/booths and ballot boxes; under-funding; influence/interference/control

by the executive arm; bad officiating including false/fraudulent counting, entries and

declaration of results; inadequate personnel and lack of proper training of staff ; poor

remuneration of staff, which results in consequent lack of motivation and which often

induces corrupt practices ; partisan appointment; lack of administrative and financial

autonomy of the electoral bodies from the executive arm of government; the role of

police, army and other security agencies in election administration has been inefficient,

corrupt and often counter-productive; the role of the judiciary in adjudication has been, in

many cases undesirable.

Notably, the security system is highly compromised such that the police, army

and some other security agencies were used to ensure safe electoral malpractice. Despite

these inadequacies, Osinbajo (2010:2) observed that ‘there is almost complete absence of

sanctions and punitive measures on electoral offenders’. In fact previous elections in

Nigeria provide copious materials for reflection and analysis and in any event are

probably more relevant to our present circumstances and the future.

Again, Peter M. Lewis argued that the most obvious liability of troubled elections

is that political choices are foreclosed and if elections are not fair and transparent,

citizens lose personal confidence in their political influence. Most Nigerians have become

disillusioned by flawed electoral processes and have consequently withdrawn into apathy

or cynicism.

Electoral reforms become inevitable to overcome these electoral shortcomings.

Electoral reform may sound pretty small within such a grand vision but electoral reform

is the key, the opening up the political system, the means for restoring hope and

confidence to the Nigerian people (Princeton N. Lyman, 2005). Electoral reform is an

urgent challenge for Nigeria’s developing democracy. Controversies over past elections

86

have undermined previous regimes and dissents over elections can be a divisive influence

with serious consequences for political stability and national development.

After an elaborate review of the recommendations of the Justice Uwais-led

Electoral Reform Committee which many Nigerians considered inevitable in order to

ensure free and fair election in Nigeria, we noted that the political leadership in Nigeria

appears to have swept under the carpet both the legal and institutional reforms

recommendations of the committee. We analyzed the challenges of electoral reforms in

Nigeria from a historical perspective.

Overview of Electoral Reforms in Nigeria

Oyediran has aptly observed that,

Elections in Nigeria, with the possible exception of the 1959 and 1979 elections, have been a recurring source of disputes, strong arm tactics, crises and conflict. Electoral crisis characterized by abuses of the electoral process by political parties, and refusal to accept electoral verdicts have had deleterious effects on democracy in Nigeria (1981: 103)

Today, the observations of Oyediran have become even more realistic as both pre

and post election periods in Nigeria could be likened to civil war periods in Somali or

Sudan with fierce violence, brutality and waste of lives and property.

The aspirations of Nigerians for stable democracy have been constantly frustrated

by, among other things, poor administration and the conduct of elections. It is widely

recognized that elections are among the most important pillars of democracy. In Nigeria,

election administration has been profoundly inefficient, characterized by muddled

processes, and lacking in the desirable attributes of ‘free and fair’ elections, a situation

which often induces acrimony and even violence (Jega, 2005)

Historically, electoral formation in Nigeria started with the 1914 amalgamation

of the Northern and Southern protectorates (Crowder, 1966). Meanwhile, electoral law

was formally introduced under the 1922 Clifford’s Constitution, which allowed the

election of only four (4) natives into the parliament (Ogbonna, 2005). These conditions

limit popular franchise (universal adult suffrage), and is constantly subjected to electoral

reforms.

87

In the post independent era in Nigeria, electoral reforms under the presidential

system of government in 1963 allowed for multi-party system. Six parties were formed

for the elections including Nigeria People’s Party (NPP) headed by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe,

Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) led by Alhaji Shehu Shagari, Great Nigeria Peoples’ Party

(GNPP) controlled by Alhaji Ibrahim Waziri, Peoples’ Redemption Party (PRP) managed

by Mallam Amino Kano and National Advance Party (NAP) headed by Dr Tunji

Braithwaite (Ogbonna, 2005). In 1964 the electoral body, called Federal Electoral

Commission (FEC), was headed by Mr E.P. Esua and appointed by the then Governor-

General, Rt. Hon. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. The elections at the time were grossly marred by

malpractices and crisis in the Western region between 1963 and 1965 (Crowder, 1966).

It is the anomalies of this era that necessitated subsequent electoral reforms which persist

till date (Ogbonna, 2005).

Today political reforms have opened political space in which citizens can more

easily speak their minds, express their concerns, organize for common interests, seek out

information, join political associations and parties, and choose their leaders through

election. According to Osinbajo:

…outright rigging of elections in Nigeria began with the general elections in 1964…, despite an all-party consensus to ensure a free and fair election… The UPGA in sworn affidavits submitted to the President of the Republic, showed how the agreements to lift bans on public meetings were breached, how permits for rallies in the North were denied and mass arrests of their candidates and polling agents in the North…(2010:1)

Alongside all these are other problems that resulted to the first military coup in

Nigeria. With the military in power, the development of the Nigerian electoral law

simply stagnated as the Constitution is usually suspended by military governments and

efforts at reforms were dictates of the military leaders.

Further attempts at electoral and political reforms were initiated by the General

Murtala Mohammed regime in October 1975. The Constitutional Drafting Committee

was mandated to strengthen and streamline the presidential system’s principles and

practices. The demise of the then leader resulted to the emergence of General Obasanjo

as the new leader. He instituted a Constituent Assembly that debated and legitimized the

88

draft on 6th October, 1977 which resulted to the 1979 Constitution. In accordance with

the 1979 Constitution Drafting Committee recommendation headed by Chief Rotimi

Williams and subsequent 1979 Constituent Assembly recommendations by Justice Udo

Udoma, the electoral body in a reformation was simply recoded Federal Electoral

Commission (FEDECO) which functioned between 1978 – 1983 and held the 1979

election under the headship of Chief Michael Ani (Ogbonna, 2005).

The election under the military regime allowed multi-party contest among five

parties. The parties include the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), the United Party of

Nigeria (UPN), the Nigerian Peoples’ Party (NPP), the Great Nigerian Peoples’ Party

(GNPP) and the Peoples’ Redemption Party (PRP). The difference between the past

elections and that of the 1979 was not far-fetched, namely military determination of

electoral results. The same was the case of 1983 elections stage-managed by the then

civilian regime under the Chairmanship of Retired Justice Ovie Whisky; the crisis

ensuing brought back the military.

Under the General Babangida military regime, a group of 17-member Political

Bureau was setup on January 13, 1983. On September 7, 1987, a 46-man Constitution

Review Committee (CRC) was established to use the report of the Bureau for the review

of the 1960, 1963 and 1979 Constitutions. Sequel to the final reports obtained, a 563-

member Constituent Assembly headed by Justice Anthony Aniagolu was initiated on

May 11, 1988 to review and ratify the report of the Constitution Review Committee. Out

of the total number, 113 members were nominated by the government. Despite the

efforts made, the reforms failed to provide the much desired result, as electoral

malpractices persist . After the reform activities, the electoral body was renamed

National Electoral Commission (NEC) and existed between 1987 and 1993 under the

chairmanship of Professor Eme Awa and later, Professor Humphrey Nwosu, who finally

organized the 1993 elections.

Nwankwo (1992) noted that the military President gave guidelines for the formation

of political parties. The coalition groups were reduced to thirteen (13) and only six (6)

finally succeeded to scale the hurdles for party registration.

At the inception of General Abacha’s regime, the amended Decree 3 of 30 April,

1994 as recommended by the Constitutional Conference gave way to Decree No 4 of 24

89

June, 1994. It enabled for the constitution of 380 members, with nine (9) elected

delegates per state totaling 273, and three (3) government nominees per state totaling 94,

as well as other stakeholders.

The result of the reform was that the electoral body was renamed National Electoral

Commission of Nigeria (NECON) which existed between 1995 and 1998, and it allowed

for the return of multi-party system. The parties registered include the Congress for

National Consensus (CNC), Democratic Party of Nigeria (DPN), Grassroots Democratic

Party (GDP), National Centre Party of Nigeria (NCPN) and the United Nigeria Congress

Party (UNCP).

The exit of General Abacha in 1998 paved way for the General Abdulsalam

Abubakar regime. He instituted a Constitution Debate Coordinating Committee headed

by Justice Niki Tobi to fine-tune the past Constitutions for the projected 1999

Constitution under which the 1999 elections were conducted. It created the electoral

body, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) through a decree in 1998

which was legalized under section 153 (f) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal

Republic of Nigeria. Retired Justice Ephraim Akpata was the first Chairman and

conducted the 1999 election that produced Chief Olusegun Obasanjo with nine parties

contesting.

Dr Abel Guobadia was appointed INEC Chairman in 2000 and served up until May

2005 with thirty (30) political parties contesting. Subsequently, Prof Maurice Iwu

succeeded him and has recently been removed from office. Party registration increased

to forty-two (42), and Chief Obasanjo’s incumbent government was returned for the

second tenure. The government instituted the National Political Reform Conference on

February 21, 2005 which produced though hurriedly, the current 2006 Electoral Act used

for the 2007 elections with 51 parties contesting. The anomalies in the electoral system

were witnessed by observers across the globe and even affirmed by the beneficiary,

President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, thus the need for electoral reforms currently being

organized.

Osinbajo (2010) avers that the major election rigging tactics deployed by the INEC in

connivance with the PDP was that of unlawful exclusion of validly nominated candidates.

This tactics was effectively used to exclude validly nominated candidates of ANPP, AC

90

and APGA in the 14th of April (2007) gubernatorial elections in Anambra State, and the

AC’s candidate in the Delta state gubernatorial elections. In 2010, political party

registration climaxed to fifty-nine (59) and still counting.

The Justice Mohammed Uwais- led Electoral Reform Committee in Nigeria

From assumption of office, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua acknowledged the

weaknesses of the electoral process that brought him into office and vowed to make

serious electoral reforms to address the salient issues. In view of that, a 22-member

Electoral Reform Committee (ERC) headed by retired Justice Mohammed Uwais was

appointed on August, 2007. The Committee commenced work with identification of

areas necessary for reforms before embarking upon consultations with relevant

stakeholders. Assuring Nigerians of the all-embracing efforts in consultations, the

Committee chairman, Uwais quoted by (Idonor, 2008) explained that the Committee

consulted widely with individuals, institutions, state and local government and received

1,466 memoranda while public hearings were held in 12 selected states and the Federal

Capital Territory (FCT) Abuja with about 907 representations. Experts from 11 countries

and past leaders were also consulted in arriving at the report. On the receipt of the report

on December 12, 2008, President Yar’Adua asserts that the focus of the electoral reform

is predicated on the belief that elections are the very heart of democracy.

Recommendations of the Electoral Reform Committee

Recommendations made by the Committee as noted by Onuorah (2009) and

Anenih (2009) are listed below.

1. For a truly independent and impartial INEC, there is the need for the appointment

of a Chairman, Deputy Chairman and six persons of unquestionable integrity one

of who must come from each of the six geo-political zones. Six other nominees

are to be nominated from Organized Labour, the Nigerian Bar Association, the

Media, National Youth Council, Nigerian Civil Society and Women

Organizations. The appointments are to be made by the Judiciary subject to

confirmation by the Senate.

91

2. To ensure free and fair election, Option A4 designed in the form of Open Secret

Ballot System should be adopted

3. Funding of INEC should be channeled from the First-Line-Charge of the

Consolidated Revenue Fund of the federation so that finance of election will not

be hampered by bureaucratic delays in release of funds. This will also ensure

administrative and financial independence that will ensure the independence of

INEC.

4. Unbundling of INEC to also have the Political Parties Registration and

Regulatory Commission (PPRRC). While INEC faces the herculean task of

organizing elections, the PPRRC will supervise political parties’ activities in

terms of registration, revalidation, funding compliance, annual auditing, internal

democracy, mass participation, among others.

5. Abolition of the State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC) which the

Committee argues is the major source of distortion at the state and local

government levels, while federal INEC should organize all elections.

6. New funding parameters for political parties on the basis of attaining at least 5%

of votes cast to be eligible to receive grants from public funds.

7. Establishment of the Electoral Offences Commission (EOC) to deter the electoral

officers and participants from electoral malpractices. The Commission is to

investigate and prosecute offenders.

8. Establishment of Centre for Democratic Studies (CDS) to undertake broad civic

and political education for legislators, political office-holders, security agencies,

political parties and the general public.

9. Reduction of the number of judges from 5 to 3 so as to create more tribunals in a

state and facilitate electoral litigations.

10. Disposition of electoral litigations before elected officials will be sworn-in. This

also includes the speedy adjudication of electoral cases within three months.

11. Banning of politicians convicted for violence and thuggery during elections for 10

years in addition to any other punishment stipulated by the law.

12. Introduction of independent candidature to allow for mass participation and

freedom of expression (of interest and choice).

92

13. Establishment of the Constituency Delimitation Commission (CDC) for the

revaluation and delimitation of constituency using the Geographic Information

System (GIS) enabled by the Nigerian Communication Satellite I (Nig Com Sat

I).

This affirms the fact that lack of political will to make positive reforms

materialize in Nigeria is a deliberate act of leadership. It is based on the fact that the

apparatuses of government as well as the security forces are tools in the hand of any

leader for ensuring effective control of the functioning of the system. Accordingly,

Akintuotu (2007) criticized the electoral process. Nigerians who participated in on April

14 and 21, 2007, observed that it was not an election, yet Maurice Iwu the then chairman

of INEC announced winners and insisted that it was a free and fair elections.

Osinbajo (2010) noted that events of the past in Nigeria have proven that the

government is not committed to genuine electoral reforms. With President Yar’Adua

abridging the salient recommendations of the Uwais Report and the National Assembly

playing ludo with the political destiny of the country, it appears that the electoral reforms

are dead on arrival… It must be argued, however, that no electoral reform can stop a

determined president or political class from engineering the kind of electoral outcome

that they prefer, at least not under our current political structure of overbearing executive

supremacy.

Amidst the turbulence of leadership dominance in ensuring weak legal and

institutional instruments, opposition is highly uncoordinated, or silenced, and masses

were alienated due to poor voter education, political apathy, et cetera. Based on the

foregoing, Bakare (2009) is of the view that there is no doubt that this nation is moving at

a high speed on the bumpy road to state failure. It is therefore, the moral obligation of

every right-thinking Nigerian to do everything within the law to stop this mad rush to

destruction. Bakare describes the position of masses and opposition’s role in Nigerian

politics as supportive to large-scale rigging and power of incumbency which complement

the lack of cohesion among the opposition groups.

Concluding the ideas above, Agina quoted Utomi saying that the two factors are

responsible for the rotten governance of Nigeria today. Factor number one, our National

93

FBM

BB

PSDI

SI

PO

NOB

E

OI

Assembly is highly compromised. The second factor is that we as a people are

disgracefully apathetic. We have disgracefully relinquished our birthrights to a few

individuals that have no integrity, and they run our country like their private property.

Explaining the Nigerian Political System

The Systems theory attributed to David Easton shall be used as our framework of

analysis. The theory was based on behaviourism which assumes that the understanding

of a system lies in the analysis and understanding of variables interaction as a unit. Such

variables include structure, function, process, boundaries, adaptation, feedback, storage,

memory, input-output protocols, stability, information processing, signal detection, self-

organization, self adaptation, growth, decay, integration, differentiation, transformation,

regulation, stress, overload, entropy (Varma, 1975).

Methodological application of the theory is in consideration of the

interrelationship of inadequate elections and leadership/masses involvement in

perpetuating the negative situation. In this case, a system is defined as a group of

interacting elements functioning as a complex whole.

Hence, all organisms exist in an environmental setting of which they are part.

This implies that ‘good electoral system’ or ‘inadequate electoral system’ is a function of

the leadership and the led in determining the activities of the institutions, laws, and

practices.

Fig 1: Diagramatic Model of a Political System

KEY:

PS – Public Service (Executives; Political Appointees, Civil Servants, General,

Specialized, Project-Based, Industrial and Commercial Consultants).

BB – Black Box (Obstacles; Processes, Constitution, Forces, Legislature, Judiciary).

94

E – Environment (Society, Masses)

B – Boundary (Systems capacity; that is resources for internal and external relations)

I – Input (Bills and Propositions)

DI – Demand Input (Individual and group demands)

SI – Support Input (Individual and group supports)

O – Output (Achievements and Results)

PO – Positive Output (Beneficial results)

NO – Negative Output (Poor and unacceptable results)

FBM – Feedback Mechanism (Balance and return to system).

In every system, the government comprises public servants who are executives

and drawn from among the masses. The executives include political office holders as

well as administrative institutions in which the electoral institutions fall in. The black

box represents the judiciary, legislature, constitution, and security forces, which pose

obstacles for the regulation of conducts of persons and institutions in the state in line with

the law. The environment is the society and masses through which the system functions

together with all the internal variables alongside the external influences. The boundary

indicates the combination of all internal and external capacity of the system to function

and relate to all persons and groups within and outside it.

Inputs are the bills and propositions made for the benefit of the system. They may

come as demand inputs when the situation is unfavourable or support input when the

situation is favourable. Outputs are the result of the inputs and its processing. It could be

positive output in which case it reveals in support input, or negative output in which case

it shows in demand input. Feedback mechanism is the return process of the output to the

input irrespective of its value.

Evaluation of the Rationale for the Electoral Reform Committee’s

Recommendations

These reform issues were scaled-down and compacted into the six bills that were

finally presented to the National Assembly for deliberation and passage into law by the

Federal Executive Council. However, a critical look at the 2006 Electoral Act reveals a

95

great deal of weaknesses in the law. Some of the neglected porosities ought to be

considered alongside the other reform issues and straightened out. The recommendations

though incomprehensive in the areas of need for reform, are to say the least, laudable. A

number of factors are attributed to its acceptance. Salient issues among them are

analyzed below.

Appointment of INEC Chairman and Funding of INEC

The Nigerian political system is indiscriminately regulated by the executive,

particularly the President(s) and Governor(s). This is because the President appoints the

Chairman of INEC in consultation with Council of State who is removable by him

subject to the approval of the Senate as contained in section 154 (3) and section 157 (1-2)

of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The Resident Electoral

Commissioner who heads the State Independent Electoral Commission (SIEC) is

appointed by the Chairman of INEC, but usually works in line with the designs of the

incumbent Governor(s). It is to curtail the excesses of controlling the leadership of

INEC, which has been the perennial source of rigging elections by corroboration with the

political leaders that the power of appointment was shifted in recommendation to the

Judiciary.

Financially, the electoral body is also dependent on the executive for the running

costs as stipulated in the 2006 Electoral Act section 3 (1-2) and affirmed in section 162 of

the 1999 Constitution. This allows for easy manipulation and bureaucratic bottlenecking

of the electoral body and its processes of operation, hence, the rationale behind the

recommendation of the Electoral Reform Committee for funding of INEC through the

First-Line-Charge of the Federation Account.

In the above issue, Songi avers that the executive arms directly involve with

INEC in stage-managing elections regardless of peoples’ choices making the body both

dependent and biased. This is why funding of INEC should be channeled through the

First-Line-Charge of the Federation Account while ownership of the administration and

control should be transferred to a multi-stakeholder platform. In this case, the

stakeholders should encompass representatives of their groups who should serve as

Resident Electoral Commissioners and from whom the INEC Chairman should be

appointed alongside other federal electoral officers.

96

Upholding similar views, Abubakar argues that the body requires a secure funding

which could be presented to the National Assembly (as obtainable in Canada, another

federal democracy). He also added that costing should be based on the standard formula

that reflects the number of registered voters times the average cost of conducting an

election per voter. On the issue of appointment, he opines that to secure independence,

the senior officials of the electoral body like the Commissioners should be career civil

servants. This will ensure that the officers function without fear of removal if they fail to

do the bidding of the executives. He further suggests the use of referendum for electorate

participation in the appointment of INEC boss. This later idea has gross cost implications

with attendant delays associated with the elective process. In consideration of the above

opinions, the current electoral reform creates a restructuring of INEC staffing from the

use of ad-hoc staff to fully employed staff. This is to ensure that only INEC staff work as

electoral officers, since ad-hoc staff cannot be trusted and are usually stooges of various

political parties.

Establishment of Political Parties Registration and Regulatory Commission

(PPRRC)

The electoral body is faced with the challenges of conducting all elections within

the same period. This alone creates room for rigging because the electoral body is over-

worked and exposed to poor security arrangement. The body is also faced with poor

staffing necessitating the use of unreliable ad hoc staff. Currently, INEC corroborated

with the National Youth Service Corps members to serve as electoral officials for the

February 6, 2010 gubernatorial election in Anambra state, and may continue the trend for

other elections across the nation. The experiment so far is encouraging.

Based on the foregoing, the Committee deems it necessary that INEC should be

unbundled with the daunting tasks of the entire process of election. The electoral body is

to be complemented with the establishment of the Political Parties Registration and

Regulatory Commission. Thus, while INEC performs the basic function of conducting

elections as stipulated in 2006 Act No. 2 of the 2006 Electoral Act, the PPRRC will be

enabled through constitutional reforms to perform other complementary functions such as

97

supervision of political parties’ activities, registration, revalidation, accounts auditing,

and so on. The essence of the unbundling is to create room for INEC to function without

much encumbrances leading to negligence that allows undetected electoral malpractices.

Establishment of the Electoral Offences Commission

Violent-ridden political system in Nigeria is as a result of the failure of the system

to actually prosecute electoral offenders. The inability to prosecute results from the non-

existence of any body specifically charged with the responsibility. Ideally, the Nigerian

Police Force charged with the responsibility of enforcing obedience to the law should of

necessity be in charge of this assignment. Unfortunately, the typical role-shifting

character of some institutions particularly where functions are involved without direct

financial involvement affects the force. On its part, the electoral body is already over-

involved and willingly ignores its roles in that aspect of the electoral law. Hence, there is

the need for the establishment of the Electoral Offences Commission (EOC) to

checkmate the excesses of electoral officers and participants involved in the electoral

process as stipulated in various sections of the 2006 Electoral Act.

Songi is of the view that despite her national powers, general elections in Nigeria

from 1959 to 2007 have been characterized by malpractices and controversies.

Disappointingly, these anomalies go unpunished, thus encouraging electoral violence in

Nigeria. He added that political violence in Nigeria is caused by refusal to play by the

rules since the offenders are hardly punished and aggravated by the rising spate of

unemployment, proliferation of small arms and light weapons, ill-equipped and ill-trained

law enforcement agents, among others. In this regard therefore, the recommendation of

the Committee for banning of the politicians convicted for violence and thuggery during

elections for 10 years is a good measure for curtailing electoral violence in Nigeria.

Lamenting the problems of electoral malpractices in Nigeria, Adama notes that

the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) supported by the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA)

and the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) have called for an Electoral Crimes

Commission (ECC) to be empowered to receive complaints, investigate them and

prosecute offenders.

98

Electoral Litigation Period and Swearing-in

The porosity of the conditions for electoral litigation especially in the context of

time and swearing-in of ‘elected’ candidates creates room for the manipulation and

eventual usurpation of public offices (treasonable felony). Situations of this kind were

witnessed in Anambra State where Dr Chris Nwabueze Ngige in corroboration with Chief

Chris Uba, both of PDP and INEC under Professor Maurice Iwu stole the gubernatorial

mandate given to Mr. Peter Obi of APGA for three years after the April 2003 elections.

The same scenario was replayed in Edo state where Comrade Adams Oshiomhole was

denied office until tribunal intervention. The situation was not different in the case of

Rivers state where Mr. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi was arm-twisted by Mr. Celestine

Omehia and colleagues until the judicial reversal of the trend.

The result of the foregoing is a distortion in the election date for gubernatorial

elections in Nigeria. Despite these criminalities, the offenders were never punished. In

order to ensure that the votes of the people count without due delays, it is incumbent as

recommended by the Committee to regulate the duration of the election petition to elapse

in three months or even two months with accelerated hearing as provided in section 148

of the 2006 Electoral Act to accommodate the provisions of the 1999 Constitution section

76 for the time of election. Alternatively, the constitution should be reformed to adjust

the time of election.

A situation whereby a candidate emerged from the back-door and is sworn-in or is

already serving despite judicial decisions pending the appeal determination as provided in

section 149 of the 2006 Electoral Act is highly undemocratic. Provision ought to be

made for the judicial take-over of government pending the final decision of the matter of

due election of a candidate.

Songi opines that election disputes should be dispensed with by the tribunal

before swearing-in of elected candidates as was the case in 1979 involving Shagari and

Awolowo. To allow for the time of litigation, Ogbonna (2005) suggests that time-limit

for the adjudication of election petition tribunal should be 90 days, which is three months.

It is in this regard that the recommendation of the Committee for the reduction of the

number of judges from 5 to 3 is vital in facilitating electoral adjudications.

99

In her argument, Adama insists that elections should be held to enable the time-

limit stretched to six months so that decisions will not be hurried. Paramount

consideration about the timeframe for litigation is to ensure that only duly elected

representatives are sworn-into office. Hence, the timeframe provided before the tenure of

the incumbent elapses should be synchronized with the time for both election and

litigation as practicable as is possible. The beauty of the timing seem to be better with its

spread to longer period to enable the incumbent rearrange his policies and to allow the

successor preview of functions in the capacity in which he/she was elected.

Introduction of Independent Candidature

The 2006 Electoral Act section 109 (2) provides that a person is qualified to

context for an election if he/she is a member of a political party and is sponsored by that

party. This creates the avenue for limiting choices of good candidates particularly with

the internal undemocratic selection (primaries) controlled by most party leaders in

Nigeria. Consequently, the electorates are presented with handpicked candidates under a

party and who swore allegiance to the leaders that selected them, making such candidates

potential willing tools of public funds mismanagement in the hands of their godfathers.

It is in this regard that the Committee recommended for independent candidature.

This provides two opportunities. The most important is to enable interested and eligible

candidates to be involved in contesting elections even outside party confines. Moreover,

it opens the door of more choices among the electorate for a better candidate that will

represent their interests.

In the view of Songi, political parties and party system in Nigeria is ‘hijacked by

cabals, lacks ideology, internal democracy, transparency and accountability, hence there

is the need for independent candidature. The implication is that the candidate will contest

election without coming from the platform of any political party.

Abubakar (2008) avers that the electoral laws should enable closer interaction

between the electoral body and political parties and/or independent candidates. The

imperative of independent candidature in Nigerian politics is due to the undemocratic

activities for party primaries which deny eligible candidates party flags and the choice of

less acceptable candidates on illegal conditions.

100

Establishment of the Constituency Delimitation Council

Constituency delimitation at least every decade is a statutory mandate of the

electoral body as stipulated in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,

section 73. Unfortunately, the basis of the Senatorial District and Federal Constituency

delimitation is based on land size and census figures (population estimates) which has

remained ever controversial in Nigeria.

Since the concern of the National Population Commission has no direct impact on

the elections apart from the basis of constituency delimitation and total number of votes

cast, it becomes pertinent for the establishment of the Constituency Delimitation Council

(CDC). This is vital to forestall the carefree delimitation of constituency by INEC. For

example, the eastern parts of Nigeria are known to be densely populated; the same is true

of Lagos state. Despite this feat, the number of constituencies (polling booths and polling

stations) allocated to the areas appear insufficient to cater for the population pressure for

both registration of eligible voters and for convenient voting.

A personal experience at St Joseph the Worker Catholic Church Onitsha

registration centre is a case in point. Only two machines were provided at the centre for

the continuous registration exercise for the February 6, 2010 poll in Anambra state. One

of the machines is faulty and the only one serving is grossly insufficient to be used to

attend to the eligible electorates in the area numbering more than a thousand. Worst still,

the voter’s cards brought in the area bears the names and zones of people in Enugu and

Ebonyi state rather than Anambra state. The result is that a lot of people where

automatically disenfranchised due to non-registration after series of days of trial to

register, coupled with inability to receive voter card since some electorates have lost their

temporary voter cards. In contrast, INEC claims to have registered all eligible

electorates.

The problem of INEC in this context is three-fold. It fails to consider population

more important to land mass for delimitation, and it failed to use its electronic register in

a networked form so as to automatically eliminate fake and multiple registrations, which

manifested during the 2007 voters registration exercise. The worst is that it deliberately

allowed the error of wrong voters’ cards at the wrong places to deny people their rights to

101

vote. This is visible in the roughish electronic voter register with fake names, multiple

registrations, and other anomalies.

Adducing her stance, Adama asserts that constituency delimitation could make it

convenient for the electorate to go and vote. Hence, there is the need to create more

electoral wards and polling stations to reasonable proximity that will encourage the

electorate to go and vote. This is mostly obvious in Lagos and Anambra states where

this demand has been made severally without response from the electoral body.

The work of constituency delimitation and convenient registration and voting is as

a result of anticipated population growth within the period necessitating periodic

delimitation of constituencies. Thus, it requires the sincere commitment of electoral

officials and all stakeholders to delineate constituencies such that every segment of the

society will have equal access and sense of belonging to government. Most importantly,

it is one of the basic elements of a free, fair and equitable representative government

(Adeogun, 2008).

It is in this regard that it is necessary for the establishment of CDC for proper

delimitation of constituency and to serve as a check on possible manipulation of votes

during election by INEC. However, it must be acknowledged that the current use of the

Satellite by INEC in the delimitation process is laudable. The wonder remains if the

electoral body will not manipulate the process to favour the ruling party. Consequently,

it becomes necessary that the electoral reforms be expanded to accommodate the CDC to

complement the activities of INEC. The creation of the institutions will serve as check

on the biased stance of INEC leadership.

Other Issues for Political Reform

Electoral laws are derived from and guided by the constitution. Therefore, for a

proper electoral reform, there is the need for a sound guide by making at first, a

constitutional reform as basic determinant of the outcome of the electoral reform.

Moreso, all relevant issues should be articulated before embarking upon any reform to

ensure an all-embracing reform, at least for the moment.

Panapress reporting Senator Ayogu Eze says that any law that entails the

amendment of the Constitution will not be passed until the Constitution is amended

102

whether you do it piece-meal or do it wholesome. This implies that the reform should be

anchored on some more concrete factors that have been responsible for electoral failures

to include attitude of Nigerians as well as institutional inadequacies. The result is that

there is need for constitutional reform before or at the same time with electoral reform.

Relevant issues vital for consideration as observed by Somorin include the controversial

immunity clause, as contained in section 308 of 1999 Constitution, devolution of powers

to constituent units as well as federalism, harmonization of tenure of heads of executives

at the federal, state and local government level.

In addition, the incumbency factor in Nigeria political/electoral system also needs

to be addressed. A situation whereby the incumbent leader is in office and still contests

in an election is disadvantageous to other contestants. Hence, there is the need for the

candidate to resign from office at least three months to election day to enable a credible

poll that is not impeded by executive interferences.

Again Songi insists that incumbents should leave office three or six months to the

election while Interim National Government headed by the Chief Justice of Nigeria or

Chief Judge continues the running of the government pending election and legal

takeover.

From a different dimension, some scholars, including INEC Chairman, Professor

Maurice Iwu argues that the Nigerian politicians need to be reformed. This is due to their

attitude towards politics – as a life and death game in which they must win or somebody

must die (Songi, 2009). Insofar as politicians reform is concerned as a measure for

actualizing free and fair election, Songi , suggests that INEC and the National Orientation

Agency should expand their roles to the political parties and their candidates in forms of

creating forum for regular interaction on their expected roles. This will help the groups

to clear all ambiguities relating to the election.

Furthermore, Ogbonna (2005) agrees that the candidates contesting elections

should be made to participate in electoral debate for the defense of their manifestoes.

This will not only reveal the potential candidates with zeal to work, but will also enable

the electorate to access the candidates for easy voting choice(s). Alluding to this,

Patterson (1999) explains how the American democracy operates in ensuring internal

democracy through public soliciting for funds, manifesto presentation, interviews and

103

debates, campaign and primary voting exercises supervised by the electoral body, among

others.

Thus far, the porosities in the electoral laws as well as the weak institutional

mechanisms contribute largely to the untenable free and fair election desired in Nigeria.

The measures elucidated on, if adopted, will go a long way in ensuring that the

democratic principles are actualized for a free and fair election in Nigeria. Consequently,

there is a great deal of relationship between inadequate legal and institutional framework

with electoral malpractices in Nigeria, hence improvement of the legal and institutional

framework has link with attaining free and fair elections in Nigeria.

Conclusion

Conventional wisdom revealed that in order to overcome the political arms race, a

pact or statement of principles is necessary but not sufficient; to overcome weak

administrative capacity, steps to secure the independence of INEC and widen its mandate

should be taken; to overcome the culture of corruption, precise campaign finance and

conflict of interest statutes are needed, and the laws must be enforced; and to overcome

the culture of impunity and the possibility of intimidation, a special prosecutor and a new

role for the police in elections is needed. Regrettably, we have been unable to get none of

these correct in Nigeria

Challenges of free and fair elections in every developing society are serious

impediments to nation-building. This is particularly true of Nigeria where election is

marred by high-level of malpractices, hence the need for this study. Evident in the

analysis of the study is the fact that the quest for independence deviated from its real

intent of nation-building in Nigeria. This is manifested in the regionalism of political

parties, which ultimately makes the drive for ethnic dominance and electoral

malpractices.

These malpractices are traced to the 1964 elections. They manifest in various

forms like arrests of opposition candidates, stuffing of ballot boxes, and snatching of

ballot boxes. Others are multiple registration of voters, declaration of doctored results,

omission of names of eligible electorates from the register of voters and names of

candidates from ballot papers, delays in logistic arrangements, manipulated electoral

104

register with fictitious names of even non-humans and dead persons, and innumerable

others.

The political culture of electoral malpractices among Nigerians worsened under

military regimes, mostly due to undefined electoral laws, making the process

indeterminable. In view of these, series of electoral reforms have been embarked upon,

targeted first at institutional and legal reforms and recently on both areas as well as on the

reform of the electoral technology. Despite the reforms, the much needed free and fair

election remains elusive in Nigeria.

For example, the electoral institution has been changed, mostly in name from

National Electoral Commission to National Electoral Commission of Nigeria, and then to

the Independent National Electoral Commission. There had also been leadership changes

in the electoral organization. The party system has also been adjusted from multiparty to

two parties where Social Democratic Party (SDP) and National Republican Convention

(NRC) contested in the popular June 12, 1993 presidential election. Finally, it also

reverted to the now multi-party system with 59 registered political parties. Similarly,

there is also the consideration for independent candidate which before now is untenable.

These are improvements in the institutional and legal reforms.

However, the electoral technology, involving the devices and methods of electoral

conduct (with what and how voters are registered, conditions for display of voters

register, review of voters register, issuance of voters cards, voter education, voting

procedure, how the results are collated, and declaration of results), remain weak areas of

electoral manipulation. The problem of the study is based on current issues for electoral

reform, which focuses on generating a legal and institutional framework that will make

INEC independent, make parties internally democratic, and individuals enfranchised to

participate massively in the electoral process.

Furthermore, it is discovered that the composition of the leadership results from

questionable means (electoral malpractices), hence the attempt to make electoral reforms

is stalled by oppositions among lawmakers and even when actualized, they are thwarted

by the executive in implementation. Consequent upon the above, there is the lack of will

on the part of leaders to ensure that adequate electoral laws and practices are instituted.

105

In view of the foregoing, a 22-member Electoral Reform Committee (ERC)

headed by retired Justice Mohammed Uwais was constituted by Nigeria’s late President

Umaru Musa Yaradua to study and recommend ways of improving upon the existing

electoral laws and practices in Nigeria. The Committee made wide consultations and

came up with some recommendations. Some of these include first-line-charge of INEC

funding for true independence of the electoral body, unbundling of the body to also have

the Political Parties Registration and Regulatory Commission (PPRRC), establishment of

the Electoral Offences Commission (EOC), establishment of Centre for Democratic

Studies, and introduction of independent candidature, among others.

The committee noted that the loose nature of party registration has been identified

as source of over-crowded parties with weak opposition to the ruling party. This is

worsened by lack of internal party democracy due to selective pattern of party flag-

bearers by most party leaders. Again, independent candidature is yet to be legalized, thus

limiting the right to freedom of expression.

On the aspect of the institutional arrangement, the study identified INEC, political

parties and Electoral Tribunal (including the Courts of Appeal) as the bodies/institutions

directly involved in the electoral process. It is also discovered that INEC fails to fulfill

its statutory mandate in many respects. This is manifested in the general elections of

2003 and 2007, as well as Anambra state gubernatorial election of February 6, 2010 and

2011 general election in Nigeria. The situation is obvious given the number of elections

upheld by INEC, but reversed by the Electoral Tribunal and the Appeal Courts. The

negative trend was aggravated by use of party loyalists as INEC ad hoc staff.

Similarly, the proposed Electoral Offences Commission aims at ensuring that

electoral offenders are duly punished rather than allow such persons to go free or to be

treated with kiddies’ glove. On the other hand, electoral litigation which lingers longer

than necessary, even when the duly elected candidate stays out of office for years is

unacceptable. To this effect, suggestions as to the control of the timeframe of litigation

before swearing-in are made. The ranges are for election to be held between three to six

months before swearing-in period so that litigations should be concluded and the right

winner of election sworn-in.

106

In addition, independent candidature is expected to be enthroned both legally and

practically to enable the attainment of the fundamental right of freedom of expression.

This is worthy, considering the nature of party politics which is lacking in internal

democracy. These articulations are expected to work, especially if the leaders are willing

to embark on genuine reform of the electoral system in Nigeria.

References

Abubakar Abdulsalami. “Electoral Reforms in Nigeria.” Assessed 31st July, 2008. www.buzzle.com/ articles/electoral-reforms-in-Nigeria.html.

Adama Ema.“Electoral Reforms in Nigeria: Challenges and Opportunities.” Assessed 11th

July, 200. www.en.articlesgratuits.com/electoral-reform-in- Nigeria-challenges-and-opportunities-id3138.php.

Adeogun, Wade S. “Delimitation of Electoral Constituencies A Welcome Development.” Electoral Magazine, June/July Edition, 2008.

Agina, H. “Uwais Electoral Reform: Utomi’s Call for Action.”, Daily Sun, Tuesday, November 3, 2009.

Akintuotu, Ayodele A. “Maurice’s Mission Impossible.”, Tell Magazine, May 7, 2007.

Anenih, Tony. “Electoral Committee: Recommendations and the White Paper.”, The Guardian, Thursday, March 19, 2009.

Bakare, Tunde. “Forum for Democracy in Nigeria.”Roundtable discussion organized by International Centre for Reconstruction and Development, 2009.

Crowder, Michael Ajayi. The Story of Nigeria. Plymouth: Latimer Trend & Co. Ltd, 1966.

Federal Republic of Nigeria. Electoral Act 2006.Lagos: Federal Government Press, 2006.

Federal Republic of Nigeria. The 1999 Nigerian Constitution. Lagos: Federal Government Printer, 1999.

Idonor Daniel. “Electoral Reform – UWAIS Panel Recommends Independent Candidates.” Assessed 12th December, 2008. www.allafrica.com/ stories/200812020759. html

Jega Attahiru. “Election Administration in Nigeria: Organizing the 2007 Election.” Report of a Conference on Electoral Reform: Building Confidence for the Future at the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre, Abuja, Nigeria March 17-19, 2005.

107

Lewis Peter. “Troubled Election Outcomes as a Threat to Democracy: A Global Perspective.” Report of a Conference on Electoral Reform: Building Confidence for the Future at the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre, Abuja, Nigeria March 17-19, 2005.

Lyman Princeton N. “Electoral Reform: The Next Milestone in Nigeria’s Democracy.” Assessed 27th March, 2010. www.africaaction.org.

Nwankwo, Basil.C. Authority in Government. Enugu: Almond Publishers,1992.

Ogbonna, Chiedozie A. Group and Party Politics in Nigeria. Enugu: D-Ideal Ventures Nigeria Ltd, 2005.

Onuorah, Madu. “Council of State Restores SIECs.” The Guardian, Wednesday, March 25,2009.

Osinbajo, Yemi. “Elections and Electoral Malpractices in Nigeria.” Assessed 27th March, 2010. www.thenationonlineng.net/we2/articles/13425/1/Elections-and- Electoral-Malpractices-in-Nigeria/Page1:html.

Oyediran, O. Here We are, and Where Do We Go From Here? The Past, Present and Future of Elections in Nigeria. Ibadan: No Name of Publisher, 1981. pp. 103 – 137.

Panapress. “Nigeria: Yar’Adua’s Electoral Reform Programme Suffers Setback.” Assessed 27th May, 2009. www.afriquejet.com/news/nigeria-yar’%27adua%27s- electoral-reform-programmes-suffers-setback-2009052728452.html.

Patterson, Thomas. The American Democracy. Fourth Edition. Harvard: McGraw-Hill Company Inc, 1999.

Princeton N. Lyman. “Electoral Reform: The Next Milestone in Nigeria’s Democracy.” Report of a Conference on Electoral Reform: Building Confidence for the Future at the Shehu Musa Yar’Adua Centre, Abuja, Nigeria March 17-19, 2005.

Somorin Zacheaus. “Nigeria: Just Before Another Constitutional Review Takes Off.” Assessed 11th December, 2008. www.C:Documents%20and%20Settings/user/Desktop/ Constitutional %20Development.html

Songi Ondotimi. “Electoral Reform in Nigeria: Prospects and Challenges.” Assessed 14 th

December,2009.www.works.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent:cgi.Particle=1000&content =ondotimisongi.

Varma, Sunil .P. Modern Political Theory. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House PVT Ltd, 2004.

108

Ware, Alan. The American Direct Primary: Party Institutionalization and Transformation in the North. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.

Ezeibe Christian holds a First Class Honors degree in Political Science, University of Nigeria Nsukka. He lectures in the Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria Nsukka. He has published widely in both local and international journals in Political Science particularly and Social Sciences generally. His major research interest is on African political economy and democracy. He awaits his Ph.D dissertation defense. christian.ezeibe@unn.edu.ng

Osadebe Nnabuike currently lectures in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Nigeria Nsukka from where he obtained M.Sc. He has published widely in both local and international journals.

THE ARAB SPRING AND THE ASCENDANCE OF THE MUSLIM

BROTHERHOOD IN THE MIDDLE EAST: AN ANALYSIS OF

CONTEMPORARY CHALLENGES IN NIGERIA

GEORGE I.J. OBUOFORIBO Ph.D

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE STUDIES

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

UNIVERSITY OF PORT HARCOURT, NIGERIA.

ABSTRACT

After independence the modernizing elites of virtually all predominantly Muslim countries undertook radical reforms of family law, notably to empower women. They targeted inter-alia the aspects of Islamic family law relating to polyandry, unilateral repudiation distribution of inheritance. A host of new laws were adopted to promote women’s right including the criminalization of polygamy. This however, did not go on without some level of opposition and resistance. To achieve the goal of re-Islamizing post-colonial Muslim societies, they adopted diverse strategies, from peaceful proselyzation to armed opposition. Their ultimate ambition is to capture political power. It is true that the Islamists ascendance through the ballot box is the most visible outcome of the Arab Spring. There is however, more to it than what meets the eye. Of particular importance is their strong opposition to secular ethos in favour of fundamentalist Muslim ethos that would not be in the interest of non Muslims and other secular minded Muslims.

109

It is against the background of the above scenario that one has to appreciate the ascendance of Muslim Brotherhood in the Middle-East and the contemporary challenges in Nigeria being made visible by a Muslim Sect the Boko Haram. It would therefore not be out of place for one to say that Boko Haram sect and its heinous crimes against the people and nation was more of a dangerous diversion of real issues that impinges on the national project. It is the fuel subsidy crises that one could say tend to strike a code with the Arab Spring in the Middle-East and North Africa. A popular disenchantment and demonstrations against the Nigerian government on removal of fuel subsidy with the subsequent revelation of the rot that has engulfed the entire fabric of the Nigerian state structures at all level have unfortunately ended whatever legitimacy the Nigerian project might be said to have had in the past. In actual sense the Boko Haram’s major preoccupation is to Islamize the entire northern region and make its states to be governed in accordance with Islamic laws and injunctions which are very much in line with the fundamentalist struggle in the Middle East and North Africa. We found out in the course of this paper that the Arab Spring and the ascendance of Muslim Brotherhood in the Middle-East was due to a reaction to the modernizing instincts of post-colonial leaders of the Muslim dominated Arab countries.

Keywords: Arab Spring, Muslim Brotherhood, Boko-Haram and Nigerian Problem

Introduction

The Arab spring is a recent development which is attributable to the martyrdom of

a Tunisian Youth who set himself on fire and latter died in the Hospital. Even though it is

said to be a recent development, the way and manner in which it spread like a wildfire

into different parts of the Arab World shows that, there is more to it than what meets the

eye. Its impact is felt in Egypt, Libya, Syria and Yemen. What seem to boggle the minds

of most scholars is the extent to which the spring has given rise to the ascendance of the

Muslim brotherhood in almost all parts of the Arab World. The Islamist ascendance

through the ballot box is the most visible outcome of the Arab spring. This is a group that

exists in different parts of the Arab World with different approaches adopted in the

respective countries for the capture of political power.

The Arab Spring is a name given to the revolutionary wave of demonstrations and

protests occurring in the Arab world that began on 18 December 2010. It is also known as

the Arab Revolutions (Arabic: العربية الث��ورات , al-Thawrāt al-ʻArabiyyah) or Arab

Intifada. The term Arab Spring was first coined in the American political journal of

Foreign Policy. The question is does this Muslim brotherhood just sprang up to occupy

its current pre-eminence or was operating in a low key form prior to this time. Again,

110

though it is said to have tremendous influence in the Arab World ie Middle East and

North Africa; does its influence spread to other parts of world particularly sub-Saharan

Africa where recent events tend to show some level of linkage with other Muslim

fundamentalist groups. It is our position in this paper, that answers to questions of this

nature world go a long way in making us to understand the linkages that exist among the

Muslim brotherhood network not just in the Arab-World but also in sub-Saharan Africa,

that are experiencing fundamentalist activities such as Northern Nigeria’s Boko Haram

Sect. It is in this context that we need to appreciate the contemporary challenges in

Nigeria. The basic trust of this paper therefore is to examine the extent to which the

Muslim brotherhood in the Middle-East and North Africa has influenced recent Muslim

fundamentalist violence in Africa generally and Nigeria in particular. The paper is

divided into five parts. The first is the introduction, which is followed by a discussion of

the origin and growth of Muslim brotherhood, thirdly we talked about its sudden re-

appearance within the period of the Arab Spring and the fourth is on the contemporary

challenges in Nigeria while the fifth is the conclusion.

The Origin and Growth of Muslim Brotherhood

The term Muslim brotherhood has a lot to do with the concept of Islamism which

is shown in most studies carried out by western scholars. It is a twentieth century

phenomenon starting with the rise of Egyptian society of the Muslim Brotherhood of

Egypt and reaching its peak in the 1970s after the decline of Arab nationalism, in the

after math of the defeat of the Arab armies in their war with Israel (Usuman 2008, 158).

The views expressed by Oliver Roy is a pointer to this fact; he said, “Beginning in the

1930s Hassanal-Banna, the founder in Egypt of the Muslim brotherhood, and Abdul-Ala-

Mawdudi the creator of the Indo-Pakistan Jamat -i- Islami party introduced a new

movement of thought that endeavored to define Islam primarily, as a political system in

keeping with the major ideologies of the twentieth century (Usuman 2008, 158).

This kind of revivalist thinking is really not peculiar to the Arab-World or Islam

perse. It was a predominant way of thinking on the nationalists of various parts of the

world fighting for the liberation of their people from the hands of the colonial authorities.

A typical example is the Hindu revivalist thinking among the members of the Indian

National Congress that were fighting for the liberation of India from the British. The likes

111

of Orobindo Ghosh, Lukman Tilak, Ghokhole, Ranade were among the very strong

advocates of Hindu revivalism at the time. This is also why Ali Jinah the father of

Pakistan who himself was a member of the Indian National Congress had to disagree with

the other members of the congress, giving rise to the partition of India. Even Mahatina

Ghandi who returned from South Africa to join the congress was a strong advocate of the

rivalist movement.

The contention of most Muslims scholars and thinkers was why the miserable

infidels previously were always vanquished by the victorious armies of Islam, now

winning the day, and why were the armies of Islam suffering defeat. It was also a reaction

to the modernizing instincts of post colonial leaders of the Muslim dominated and

predominant Arab countries. After independence, the modernizing elites of virtually all

predominantly Muslim countries undertook radical reforms of family law, notably to

empower women. They targeted inter-alia the aspects of Islamic family law relating to

polyandry, unilateral repudiation and unequal gender distribution of inheritance. Tunisia

for example, went further than other countries in its efforts at legal reform. A host of new

law was adopted to promote women’s rights including the criminalization of polygamy

and unilateral repudiation (Lewis 2008, 277).

This however, did not go on without some level of opposition and resistance by

Islamic clerics and their radical supporters. But the Arab rulers have prevented secular

opposition from operating. This again is made possible by virtue of the fact that those in

powers were dictators. Inspite of the fact that the dictatorial rulership of the Arab

Monarchs and the sit tight one party oligarchies did not give them breathing space, there

is also the absence of a reliable transparent institutional framework for political

opposition to work within, not only hampers the realization of opposition of all kinds but

magnifies the profile and broadens the constituency of rejectionist or disloyal parties.

This development instead of pacifying the situation by way of being less draconian in

their handling of the affairs of the nation and the entire citizenry, they became more

brutal using state resources exclusively for their families and cronies particularly the

military. They therefore resort to go underground in their activities.

What this gave rise to was that the radical clerics and their supporters were driven

underground and continued their activities of sensitizing the people underground in low

112

key manner. To achieve the goal of re-Islamizing post-colonial Muslim societies, militant

Muslims have adopted diverse strategies, from peaceful proseleyxization to armed

oppositions. Other groups such as the Muslim brothers of Egypt, combined charity work

to gain and retain members with military operations in the 1960s. To a very great extent,

their perspective was purely religious. Their contention was that they Worship God to

receive salvation in the hereafter (Usuman 2008, 161). However, this perspective is not

isolated from the political aspect. Their ultimate ambition is to capture political power.

To them the post colonial development project which is being driven by corrupt elites has

given rise to poverty, unemployment and underdevelopment.

They emphasized the acquisition of knowledge to the Maliki School of law. Thus

no particular doctrinal persuasion is more prone than others to political mobilization.

Rather, it is the specific political context of struggle for influence and resources which

determine the political agenda of Muslim groups. As such, there is really nothing new in

terms of the perspective as well as the reason deter of the old Muslim clerics thinking and

that of the new. To them true Muslims must withdraw from such a society in the same

way as the Prophet Muhammad, who left Mecca in 622 to seek refuge in Medina.

Furthermore, Muslims must make it a priority to bring down those illegitimate rulers and

have them replaced by real Muslims who would establish the rule of God. This thinking,

which is both old and new, spread wildfire into all the nooks and crannies of the Muslim

World (Usuman 2008, 166).

On the other hand, another group of youths began to think and also propagated the

idea that the developmental failure of and decline of Muslim societies is the adoption of

Western civil and commercial codes and institutions and suggested that the dismantling

of such codes would be the panacea. For most of them, the Islamic revolution of Iran

became the tangible corroboration that greater self-reliance and Islam could provide an

alternative. The view of Usuman tend to support the above analysis when he said that,

“To repute the notion of the newness of Islamism; I have argued that the rhetoric of leaders of West Africa Jihads in the eighteen and nineteenth centuries shows a striking similarity to so-called Islamist movements of the twentieth century, a strong opposition to European hegemony, a denunciation of exploitation and a commitment to festering a political system governed by Islamic laws. The anticolonial dimensions of their

113

actions paralleled very much the opposition to westernization by many contemporary Islamist nineteenth century Islamic militants in West-Africa aimed at replacing the dominant forms of mixed Islam in West Africa with a legal system based on the Sharia. Similarly, contemporary Islamists have their principal aim the dismantling of modern European inspired legal codes and constitutions and replacing them with Sharia law” (Usuman 2008, 179).

In pursuit of this goal, while the radical clerics and other Muslim network were

busy using their sermons during the Friday Jumat prayers to sensitize their followers, the

youths being inpatient resorted to violent methods in different parts of the Muslim world.

To them anything that symbolize western influence and infiltration into either their

society or way of life has to be resisted with if need be violence. These violent activities

that started in early 1980s, spread to every part of the world. To achieve this objective,

any means available was used. Even past enemies who seem to have similar interest were

co-opted into achieving this objective. For example, the collaboration between America,

Pakistan, a Pan movement of Jihadists across the Muslim World in support of the

Talibans against the Soviet invation and occupation of Afghanistan is a case in point. A

movement of this nature needed a symbolic charismatic leader to inspire followers hence

Osama Bin Laden made possible by his family back ground and other attractive traits

became the rallying point and the symbol of this struggle.

However, prior to his ascendance there were other methods used by the radical

fundamentalist groups to advance this course. What was in vogue within this period was

the hijacking of American Airlines which were forced to land in territories that are

friendly and also in support of such activities. Berute the capital of Lebanon where

Ishulan has a strong hold or Kampala in Uganda during Idi Amin’s regime are favourable

spots to land hijacked planes of Americans or Israel or airlines in which Americans or

Israeli’s constitutes a significant percentage of the passengers. Apart from the clan distant

support they receive from Muslims all over world tacitly and overtly, some Muslim

leaders or Heads of governments that are notorious in their acts of State terrorism often

gives support and are major source of inspiration to members of such groups. Notable

among such Presidents are Gaddafi of Libya and Saddam Hussein of Iraq. Infact,

114

Ghaddifi’s involvement in the Pan Am Flight 103 disaster, also commonly referred to as

the Lockerbie bombing is a case in point.

The Post Cold War Era, and the aftermath of the 9/11 episode in the US.

Developments within the post cold war era with the demise of the Soviet Union

tend to create a fluid atmosphere. Of particular importance was the ascendance of

America as the only super power. This made her to attain the status of pre-eminence in

World affairs. It may well seem that, the cold war era tend to drive most issues

underground essentially due to the competition for influence between the two super

powers. However, the emergence of America in the centre stage of World affairs came

along with it the emergence of different Arab groups and nations to resist this

ascendance. In Iran the replacement of a moderate President Rafthsajani to Ahmadenjada

radical Islamist fundamentalist who had a tremendous amount of influence in the radical

Muslim youths in the entire Muslim World. The gaining of political power and the

ascendance to a pre-eminence position by Hamas in Palestine a radical Islamist sect and

growing influence of Hezbollah in Lebanese politics are clear indications of the capture

of political power by radical Islamic groups following the model of Iran.

This era witnessed different forms of radical militant Islamist violence in different

parts of the world carrying out suicide bombing activities. Prior to this time, it was

hijacking but now it is suicide bombing starting with the members of Hamas over Israeli

target areas. This was followed by Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait which was

condemned by the international community. A follow up to that was UN sponsored

operation desert shield and storm which drove away Saddam from Kuwait.

The operation of the UN was more of the Biblical story of “Esau and Jacob.

While the hands were like the UN the voice and smell was that of the US. What this

implies is that, though it was sponsored in actual sense by the UN it was the US that was

carrying out the real operations. This operation not only gave America the opportunity to

be based in Kuwait but also in Saudi Arabia the Muslim Holy land at the invitation of the

King of Saudi Arabia.

This again flared up anger against the US in the entire Arab World. This was

followed by a spate of sporadic suicide bombings in different parts of the Middle East. A

115

very glaring case was the bombing of the American Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania

that were linked to the militant Muslim Sect the Al Qaeda under the leadership of Osama

bin laden. The US under the presidency of Bill Clinton resorted to reprisals by bombing

the Talaban and Al Qaeda strong holds in Afghanistan and a suspected chemical weapons

factory in Khartoum Sudan. Thus began a declaration of a Jihad by Al Qaeda on America

and her interests both at home and abroad. This is shown through an interview granted to

Aljazera by Osa bin Ladin.

At this point in time, the United States is seen as the intrusive, outside power.

Close identification of the ruling families with the United States means that the

unpopularity of a regime can easily be translated into anti-American or anti-western

feeling. A reaction has developed against what is seen as excessive westernization and

the Islamic resurgence, which is in part an exercise in cultural self-assertion, reinforces

anti-western tendency. Besides, the US support for Israel makes military co-operation

with America difficult for Gulf regimes (Shaub 1988, 135).

This gave rise to a resurgence of Arab nationalism, Islamic fundamentalism,

Islamic radicalism, liberalism and socialism. The Islamic Republic in Iran, with its

emphasis on revolutionary military Islamic law, economic justice and intransigence

towards the United States is seen by radical Arab youths as a model of revolutionary

Middle East regimes that challenge the legitimacy of traditional Persian Gulf rulers

(Shaub 1988, 137). Iran therefore resorted to a deliberate exportation of her brand of

Islamic ideology to every nook and crannies of the Islamic world through the agency of

the annual hajj pilgrimage to the Holy Places in Saudi Arabia. This is in addition to the

annual conference in Tehran of Friday prayer leaders from various Islamic states.

The excessive radical and militant Islamic ideology spread like wildfire into

different parts of world and was imbibed by Muslim youths regardless of country of

origin. It cuts across race, colour or creed, in its activities in Europe, Asia, Africa and the

Americas. The height of it however was the hijacking of the American Airlines and the

crashing into the twin towers of WTO and the Pentagon building in September 11 2001.

While this tend to cow the Americans with disbelieve, it sent shock waves across the

world. At the same time making radical Muslims all over the world in a celebration

mood.

116

American reaction under the Presidency of George W. Bush Jnr. was the

deceleration of operation Desert in Fox collaboration with NATO. Thus began the

unilateral NATO invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan at the instance of the US. Though

Saddam was smoked out of the hole like a rabbit and the Talibans dislodged from

Afghanistan, there was no end on sight to the crisis. The spate of sporadic clandestine

sectarian violence of suicide bombing became the order of day in Iraq, Afghanistan,

Palestine and other parts of the world particularly Malaysia in South East Asia.

However, the fluid post cold war atmosphere made possible by globalization and

I.T revolution created yet another dimension to the crisis. It gave rise to the spreading of

the militant ideology through the internet into clandestine networks. The exchange of

views and happenings across the world through the net and face book it could be said

tend to create awareness resulting to diffusion of knowledge over so many events

occurring in the world at the time. What really triggered and ignited the situation was the

martyrdom of the Tunisian youth who set himself on fire due to lack of employment. The

crisis that followed his death in Tunisia which was shown live by CNN, Aljazera, BBC

and other internet sources and face book exchanges became the breaking of the Pandora

box that gave rise to the spring spreading first to Egypt, to Libya, Yemen and later Syria.

One of the most significant consequences of the so-called Arab Spring is the

forceful emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood as an influential political force and social

movement in the Middle East. This rise of the Muslim brotherhood is noticeable

throughout North Africa and the Middle East. In effect, it is today a very influential

social and political movement that is represented in parliament in countries as far as field

as Mauritania where the party Tawassoul is one of the major opposition parties. After the

fall of the dictatorship of Mubarak, the Muslim Brotherhood uprising turned out to be the

most politically and socially organized political force. The triumph of the Islamist party

Ennahda Movement in the first free and democratic elections of Tunisia constituent

Assembly, in addition to the victory of the Justice and Development Party (PJD) in

Morocco and in Egypt is a testimony of its startling emergence. Moreover, the victory of

the Libyan rebels, who had close connection at the grass roots as well as the leadership

level with the local chapter of the MB, constitutes another indication of what may be a

117

prelude to a new political dimension in the whole Middle East and North Africa

(Muhamed EL Moktar 16/12/2011).

It is true that the Islamist ascendance through the ballot box is the most visible

outcome of the Arab spring. There is however, more to it than what meets the eye of

particular importance is their strong opposition to secular others in favour of

fundamentalist Muslim ethos that would not be in the interest of non Muslims and other

secular minded Muslim. For instance, their opposition to the right of women to

participate, vote and contest even minimalist elections revealed their conservative

ideological orientation. The international community is often preoccupied with the

foreign policy implications of an Islamist victory. Attitude towards the West, peace

agreements with Israel and contributions to peace in the region dominated its interests

and assessment. However, the real impact would be felt internally especially with regards

to the socio-political arena and rights of women and minorities. The Islamist victory has

few examples (Kumaraswamy 2011, 2).

The argument that power has an inherent moderating ability was not indicated in

Iran. The Islamic Republic continue to be a in a revolutionary mood and limited

moderation introduced by President Mohammad Khatami during 1998-2004 was quickly

reversed by his successor Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The same goes to Hamas ruled Gasa

strip. The victory of the Islamist military group in 2006 elections not only radicalized the

Palestinian society but also contributed to deep internal divisions and schism among

Palestinians. The same holds for Lebanon and the electoral victory of Hezbollah has only

intensified internal-divisions. Above all, in the early 1990s, open election saw the victory

of the FIS in Algeria, plunging the country into a prolonged civil war (Kumaraswamy

2011, 1-2).

As such, the argument being advanced in some quarters that the justice and

Development Party in Turkey could be a model for the Arab Islamists may be missing the

point. This can be seen from two angles. While its successes in limiting the power of the

military are welcome, its policy concerning the role of religion is not without its share of

problems. Besides, we cannot overlook the influence of the modernizing instinct of

Kamal Atatuke. As such the problem of the Arab World is not the absence of elections

but the nonexistence of pillars of democracy such as vibrant parliament, political parties,

118

autonomous judiciary and proactive civil society (Kumaraswamy 2011, 2). It is against

the background of the above scenario that one have to appreciate the ascendance of such

a Muslim Brotherhood and contemporary challenges in Nigeria being made visible by a

Muslim Sect the, Boko Haram.

Contemporary Challenges in Nigeria

Jihadist activities in Northern Nigeria predate the Boko Haram insurgence. Such

activities can be traced to the pre independence era of Usman Dan Fodio, the Fulani

Jihadist who invaded and conquered the entire Hausa communities and introduced Islam.

This Jihadist spirit has always been there in Northern Nigeria after independence. This is

shown in most cases through the statements of some radical Muslim scholars and clerics

from time to time. For instance, there is a popular statement that is credited to some

Muslim radicals when provoked by one event or the other often says either they would

declare a Fatua on the south or they would Islamize the entire Nigerian nation.

However, such statements are often waved aside by Christians in the South

because they consider it as a mere statements or rhetoric. But there are instances that such

acts of infiltration had been tried usually, with influence from some of the neighboring

countries such as Niger and Chad. A case in point is the Maitasinen invasion, a Jihadist

movement led by a Muslim cleric from Niger aimed at Islamizing the entire country.

Ordinarily, Northern Nigeria is not a place where Islamism is predominantly Salafi. Such

fundamentalist instincts are usually infiltrations from outside the shoes of the country,

mainly from neighboring border countries such as Niger and Chad. This is predicated on

the fact that, after independence in 1960 Nigerian Muslims adopted a largely secular

criminal code. They also accepted the idea of a federation in which no religion would be

a state religion. However, from time to time particularly in the 1980s, a tiny minority of

Muslim students spoke out against the secular State and advocated that Nigeria should

become an Islamic state (Usuman 2008, 175).

As stated earlier, there is no such orientation or background from within the

country going by the nation’s colonial background and the system that was put in place

after independence. It is understandable that as Muslims most of them often go on

pilgrimage to the Holy Land from time to time and mixed with Muslim from other parts

119

of the World. As such one could say such activities are the outcome of such influence

from outside. Even leaders of some Arab nations particularly North Africa often make

statements that agitates the minds of Northern Muslims to think or toe such lines. A case

in point is late Col. Ghaddafi’s statement that Nigeria should be divided into North and

South on religious ground.

While such statements may have been treated with levity, they often make

fundamentalist radical Muslims to think in such lines. For instance in 1999, the Governor

of the tiny Zamfara State re-enacted Islamic criminal Law (Usuman 2008, 175). Even

such an action by a serving Governor was treated with a wave of hand by Nigerians

generally and even the President of the country. President Olusegun Obasanjo attributed

Yerima and his sharia law as political sharia that would fizzle away with time. Though it

did fizzled away, eventually, but it was still in the minds of those who were behind its

introduction, biding their time until when it may be considered appropriate to reintroduce

it.

Overtime, constant warnings by foreign security agencies such as the American

CIA and FBI that there are terrorists’ infiltrations into Northern Nigeria was often treated

with levity by the governments and the security agencies. However, the involvement of a

Nigerian Youth in an attempt to detonate an explosive device in a Pan Arab flight became

an eye opener to the world generally and Nigerians in particular that all the security

reports emanating from foreign security agencies are true. Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, a

Youngman from a wealthy Northern influential Muslims family’s attempt in bombing the

PAN Arab Airline sent shock waves and disbelieve to most Nigerians. Apparently, the

Youngman while studying in London had the opportunity to mix with other radical

fundamentalist Muslim students and was indoctrinated with a fundamentalist’s instinct.

He even traveled to Yemen where he had to undergo Al Qaeda training.

The irony of it all is that, even with such a revelation coming out through

Abdulmutallab’s involvement, Nigerians still behave as if all is well. At a point, the US

came to the conclusion that she has to do something to protect her investments in Nigeria

and the entire Gulf of Guinea hence her establishment of the African command in the

Gulf of Guinea.

120

However, the straw that breaks the camel’s back and convinced the doubting

Thomases as to the level of terrorist infiltration into northern Nigeria was the spate of

bomb attacks in the Northern State of Bornu which was attributed to a fundamentalist

Muslim Sect with affiliation to Al Qaeda called Boko Haram. Boko Haram in Hausa

language means Western Education is bad. However with its activities and what it stands

for there is no doubt that they are working in tandem with other Muslim fundamentalist

groups all over the World and the Middle East in particular. In fact there was a time that

security agents in Nigeria intercepted an Iranian shipment of different types of assorted

riffles. As it is often the case in Nigeria, that case fizzled out without anybody hearing

anything about it.

As the spate of bombings of Christian Churches and Government establishment

particularly security outfits continue unabated, the inept Nigerian security agencies seem

to be helpless. The bombing of the UN headquarters in Abuja sent shock waves across

the World as the level of terrorist’s activities being perpetrated by the Boko Haram sect.

This attack seem to confirm an earlier warning given by the a British security Chief cited

in This Day Newspaper that, a London based newspaper, ‘The Mirror’ reported that

Prime Minister David Cameron had been alerted by the spy Chiefs on the determination

by the terrorist group to make Nigeria a base for plotting terrorist attacks on the West.

The report aligned the attention of Al-Qaeda, with the attacks by Boko Haram whom they

described as dramatically stepping up their campaign” (This Day, July 4 2011). This is

corroborated by Reuters report that, an Al-Qaeda group in North Africa had offered to

give Nigerian Muslims training and weapons to fight Christians. We are ready to train

our people in weapons and give you whatever support we can in men, arms and

ammunitions to enable you to defend our people in Nigeria”.

For all practical purposes, it must be recognized that religion extremism and/or

terrorism has become a mark in many cities in Northern Nigeria. It has become obvious

by the frequency and systematic occurrence of these events that they are planning to

intimidate or cause terror in pursuit of religious, political and other goals. This is

certainly the perception of victims of these crimes and majority of Nigerians who

sometime are passers byes or friends and relatives of victims of such crimes (Nigerian

Tribune, Thisday 4 Feb. 2010).

121

The generality of Nigerians out of either confusion or disbelief of the events

unfolding due to the atrocities being perpetrated by the Boko Haram keep asking how did

all these events started and what has caused it?. People were actually bewildered as to

how it all started. Though there were spates of violent protests in some parts of Northern

Nigeria during the April 2011 elections, nobody knew that they would escalate to the

magnitude of full blown terrorist activities on innocent Nigerians. It need to be pointed

out that, political players and institutions embrace the principles of true democracy and

allow open, free and fair competition, which are essential in the process of aggregation of

national opinions and development choice. In a normal liberal democratic atmosphere

what should be of utmost concern to the players is to play the game by the rules (The

Nation, Friday, Jan. 7 2011). In an issue and value based politics, the idea of winner takes

it all that often agitates the mind of the loser does not arise. This is what we see in the

advanced democracies. In fact, the struggle and acquisition of political power is seen as a

way of bettering the lives of the people in a party’s own perspective as different from that

of the other.

As such, one of the challenges facing the Nigerian democratic process is how to

make this happen so that the idea of winner takes it all will be a thing of the past.

Looking at issues in this perspective makes one to wonder as to the vituperations that are

coming from some quarters, which obviously seem to be completely off the mark. This

can be seen within the context of how some powerful northern elites are making up

stories with a view to confuse and deceive the World particularly United States of

America as to what Boko Haram is or is not.

The United States had long standing relationship with key military and

intelligence leaders from the Northern part of the country, who had reportedly submitted

briefings to Washington on the security situation. While most of these Northern security

Chiefs are against violence and actions of the sect, they had reportedly, nonetheless,

identified national injustices, poverty and southern near monopoly of national revenue as

the fuel for the insurgency and widening violence across the north. Aside the above, such

intelligence chiefs, most of whom are retired now, are said to have also convinced the

Americans that the reported link between Nigerian Islamist and foreign Jihadist groups is

exaggerated as the nation had in the past witnessed similar Islamic uprising with solution

122

handled with diplomacy and developments. The alleged briefings from these old friends

of America was married with the arguments of northern political leaders, who cited

subsisting inequality in national developmental focus as well as political frustration

among Northerners, following the 2011 elections (The Nigerian Tribune, 19 April 2012).

The blame for the economic rationalization is however not being appropriately

apportioned. The existing narration tends to blame federal neglect of the north as behind

its backwardness. No attempt is made to trace who control that federal machinery since

independence and how the north came to find itself in the subsisting status quo. The

known facts of history of Northern control of federal machine for close to two thirds of

the nation’s independent existence was swept under the carpet and the gross culpability

of Northern leaders for the parlous state of affairs was overlooked. Worse still, while the

past was forgotten, no thought is given to the continuous responsibility for the continuous

laxity about developmental focus. As recently noted, present conduct of some elected

officials in the North is worsening rather than alleviating the terrible economic state of

the North. Reports from the north indicated that the violence in the area is exacerbated by

the stoppage of a long-time practice of funds sharing of local government funds at

secretariats on monthly basis. This practice was said to involve sharing among elected

officials and local leaders who in turn move to the villages to reach other lower strata

(The Nigerian Tribune 19, April 2012).

In a situation of this nature wherein lies the essence of comparing Boko Haram

Sect with militant activities in the Niger Delta as being advocated by some sympathizers

of the sect. Even the argument that government should have dialogue with the sect does

not hold water. There can be no correlation between the two. The Niger Delta militants

were fighting against a long period of neglect of an area that has been the main source of

the nation’s economic sustenance. The Boko Haram group who were of the view that

western education is bad used that as a basis of letting mayhem on innocent hapless

citizens of the country. Besides, this people are faceless and not identifiable. Even if the

government decided to dialogue, who is to represent them becomes a problem.

It would therefore not be out of place for one to say that the Boko Haram sect and

its heinous crimes against the people and nation was more of a dangerous diversion of

real issues that impinges on the national project. An issue within the period that really

123

posed a threat to the survival of the nation is the fuel subsidy crisis. In as much as one

could not say that the government may have good intentions in the actions but the way

and manner it was introduced tend to trigger a wide spread opposition from the organized

labour, human right activists and the generality of the people. This is the issue that one

could say the influence of the Arab spring seem to have a lot of influence on and not that

of the Boko Haram which was an afterthought. That the unified positions of the people

against government neglect and injustices as shown by the Arab Spring were big sources

of inspiration for the fuel subsidy uprising within the period.

The government’s action was vehemently condemned and rejected by members

of civil society including non-governmental organizations, trade unions, and political

parties in opposition to the ruling party at the centre. Protests, rallies and demonstrations

were organized in various cities and towns all over the country. The demand was uniform

– a reversal of the pump price of petrol to N65 per litre from the high jump price of N141

officially announced (Alaba, 2012).

The popular mobilization against the subsidy removal was organized by civil

society and movements. Within a few days however, the central labour congress and

trade unions congress – had taken the central stage announcing an indefinite national

strike which would commence on January, 9 2012 and continue indefinitely until the

Federal Government reverted the pump price to N65 per litre. By far, the most

frightening of the three levels or categories of action against the government of President

Goodluck Jonathan, was the second categories – civil society organizations mobilizing

tens of thousands in urban areas for rallies and protests. Through an effective networking

of several groups across the country, the popular anger against the government was

clearly demonstrated in the presence of international media which carried live interviews

with all and sundry (Alaba, 2012).

This is an aspect one could say that tend to strike a code with the Arab Spring in

the Middle East and North Africa. A popular disenchantment and demonstrations against

the Nigerian government on removal of fuel subsidy with the subsequent revelation of the

rot that has engulfed the entire fabric of the Nigerian state structures at all levels have

unfortunately ended whatever legitimacy the Nigerian project might be said to have had

in the past. Even though some sympathizers of Boko Haram seem to argue that their

124

violent activities were due to a perceived neglect and poverty, it is doubtful going by the

meaning of their name, what they stand for and their atrocities. As such it could be said

that such statements are more after thoughts geared towards deceiving members of the

international community. In actual sense, the Boko Haram sect’s major preoccupation is

to Islamize the entire northern region and make its states to be governed in accordance

with Islamic laws and injunction which is very much in line with the fundamentalist

struggle in the Middle East and North Africa. This is an aspect that tallies remarkable

with the Muslim brotherhood across the Muslim world. As events unfolding in the

countries being ruled by members of the brotherhood indicates, the secular ethos of the

nation would give way for the introduction of a theocratic Muslim state. This is the more

reason why President Mosi of Egypt is being criticized by the minorities and secular

minded Muslim in Egypt.

Be that as it may, the truth of the matter is that Government has a lot to do to

assuage the apprehensions of the people by providing their basic needs. Corruption has to

be tackled head on. Again, the attitude and opulent life style being displayed by occupant

of political offices helps to infuriate the people thereby using the slightest opportunity to

vent their anger as shown in the fuel subsidy crisis that engulfed the entire nation. What

is vividly shown as the influence of the Arab Spring on contemporary challenges in

Nigeria is that people have come to realize that a popular uprising on the part of the

people against an injustice by Government perceived to be common to the generality of

the people can be resisted at all cost. This is a development that has a lot of influence

from the Arab Spring considering the strong will of the people through their level of

resistance. This was vividly shown during the fuel subsidy uprising indicating an

inspiration from the Arab Spring.

On the other hand, the challenge emanating from the Boko Haram which was

equally inspired by Muslim fundamentalist in the Middle East, North Africa and other

parts of the Muslim World is antithetical to the secular ethos of the country, and should

be resisted and fought by all Nigerians in support of the Government. It is therefore,

interesting to note that, majority of Nigerians are unified on protecting the secular ethos

as well as the one indivisible entity of Nigeria. That is what the government should

continue to encourage and foster among the people. In other words it should be a

125

conscious government effort towards the achievement of that goal. Government should

not leave any stone unturned towards the achievement of that goal. Both media, and

institutions responsible for the dissemination of information such as NOA- National

Orientation Agency, NTA- Nigeria Television Authority etc, should be mobilized for the

achievement of this objective. Slogans such as to ‘Keep Nigeria One’ are a task that must

be done as used by the Gowon regime during the civil war which helped to unite the

people hence the saying: no victor no vanquished.

CONCLUSION

We found out in the cause this paper that the Arab Spring and the ascendance of

Muslim Brotherhood in the Middle East was due to a reaction to the modernizing instinct

of post colonial leaders of the Muslim dominated Arab countries. After independence, the

modernizing elites of virtually all predominantly Muslim countries undertook radical

reforms of family law, notably to empower women. They targeted inter-alia the aspects

of Islamic family law relating to polyandry unilateral repudiation and unequal gender

distribution of inheritance. A host of new laws were adopted to promote women’s rights

including the crimination of polygamy and unilateral repudiation.

This however, did not go on without some level of opposition from operating.

This again is made possible by virtue of the fact that those in power were dictators. They

became more brutal using state resources exclusively for their families and cronies-

particularly the military. The people therefore resorted to go underground in their

activities. To achieve the goal of re-Islamizing post-colonial Muslim societies, they

adopted diverse strategies, from peaceful proselyzation to aimed oppositions. Their

ultimate ambition is to capture political power. A movement of this nature needed a

symbolic charismatic leader to inspire followers, hence Osama Bin Laden made possible

by his family background and other attractive traits became the rallying point and the

symbol of this struggle. It is true that the Islamists ascendance through the ballot box is

the most visible outcome of the Arab spring. There is however, more to it than what

meets the eye. Of particular importance is their strong opposition to secular ethos in

favour of fundamentalist Muslim ethos that would not be in the interest of non-Muslims

and other secular minded Muslims. Therefore, the argument that power has an inherent

126

moderating ability was not indicated in Iran. The same goes to Hamas ruled Gasa strip

and for Lebanon and the electoral victory of Hezbollah. It is against the background of

the above scenario that one has to appreciate the ascendance of Muslim Brotherhood and

contemporary challenges in Nigeria being made visible by a Muslim sect the “Boko

Haram”. The Jihadist spirit has always been there in Northern Nigeria before and after

independence. After independence in 1960, Nigerian Muslim adopted a largely secular

criminal code. They also accepted the idea of a federation in which no religion would be

a state religion.

For all practical purposes, it must be recognized that religious extremism and/or

terrorism has become a mark in many cities in Northern Nigeria. It has become obvious

by the frequency and systematic occurrence of these events that they are planned to

intimidate or cause terror in pursuit of religious, political and other goals. It would

therefore not be out of place for one to say that the Boko Haram sect and its heinous

crimes against the people and nation was more of a dangerous diversion of real issues

that impinges on the national project.

It is the fuel subsidy issue that one could say tend to strike a code with the Arab

Spring in the Middle East and North Africa. A popular disenchantment and

demonstrations against the Nigerian government on removal of fuel subsidy with the

subsequent revelation of the rot that has engulfed the entire fabric of the Nigerian state

structures at all levels have unfortunately ended whatever legitimacy the Nigerian project

might be said to have had in the past. Even though some sympathizers of Boko Haram

seem to argue that their violent activities were due to a perceived neglect and poverty, it

is doubtful going by the meaning of their name, what they stand for and their atrocities.

As such it could be said that such statements are more of after thoughts geared towards

deceiving members of the international community. In actual sense, the Boko Haram

sect’s major preoccupation is to Islamize the entire Northern region and make its states to

be governed in accordance with Islamic laws and injunction which is very much in line

with the fundamentalist struggle in the Middle East and North Africa. This is an aspect

that tallies remarkably with the Muslim brotherhood across the Muslim World. As events

unfolding in the countries being ruled by members of the brotherhood indicates, the

secular ethos of the nation would give way for the introduction of theocratic Muslim

127

States. This is the more reason why President Mohamed Morsi of Egypt is being

criticized by the minorities and secular minded Muslims in Egypt.

The truth of the matter is that Government has a lot to do to assuage the

apprehensions of the people by providing their basic needs. Corruption has to be tackled

head on. What is vividly shown as the influence of the Arab Spring on contemporary

challenges in Nigeria is that people have come to realize that a popular uprising on the

part of the people against an injustice by Government perceived to the common to the

generality of the people can be resisted at all cost. This is a development that has a lot of

influence from the Arab Spring considering the strong will of the people through their

level of resistance. On the other hand, the challenge emanating from the Boko Haram sect

which was equally inspired by Muslim fundamentalist in the Middle East, North Africa

and other parts of the Muslim world is antithetical to the secular ethos of the country, and

should be resisted and fought by all Nigerians in support of the Government. It is

therefore interesting to note that, majority of Nigerians are unified on protecting the

secular ethos as well as the one indivisible entity of Nigeria.

REFERENCES

Kane, O. (2008). Islamism: What is New, What is Not? Lessons from West Africa, in African Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 11, No. 2, PP.157-187.

Lewis, B. (1995). The Middle East: 2000 years of History, from the Rise of Christianity to the Present Day. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.

Shaul, B. (1988). Persian Gulf in Superpower Competition and Security in the Third World in Litwak, R.S. and Wells Jr, S.F. (ed), A Wilson Center Book. Cambridge: Brallinger Publishing Company.

Mohamed. E. (2011). The Reemergence of the Muslim Brotherhood, 16/2/2011. http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2011/1047/eg40.htm. Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM.

Kumaraswamy, P.R. (2011). Arab Spring Gets Chilly, Saturday, 31 Dec. culled from http://www.dailypioneer.com/sunday-edition/sundayagenda/cover-story-agenda/31860-arab-spring-gets-chilly.html on 26-09-2012

This Day Newspaper, A daily Newspaper in Nigeria, July 4 2011.

The Nigerian Tribune, A daily Newspaper in Nigeria, Thursday, February 4 2010.

128

The Nation, A daily Newspaper in Nigeria, January 7, 2011.

The Nigerian Tribune, A daily Newspaper in Nigeria, April 19 2012.

Alaba, O. (2012). The Arab Spring And Contemporary Challenges in Nigeria an Unpublished Paper Presented at 22nd National Conference of the Nigerian Society for International Affairs (NSIA) April 4 & 5, , at the Lead City, University, Ibadan.

George I.J Obuoforibo Ph.d, is a Senior Lecturer and a renowned scholar in the Department of Political and Administrative Studies, University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria. He specialized in International Relations and has published widely in both national and international academic journals including a Working Paper No.12 for the Center for African Studies University of Mumbai, Vidyanagari, Santacruz (E) on: Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) Proliferation and Instability in the Niger Delta: An Analysis of the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) Process. Email: obuoferibo@yahoo.co.uk

Literature as Tool for Language Teaching: An Assessment of the GSP 101

Experience at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka

By

1Ogenyi, Laz Chinedu, Ph. D. and 2Ogbodo, Joseph C.

The Use of English Unit

School of General Studies

University of Nigeria

Nsukka

Nigeria 1lazmilly@yahoo.com and 2 jcogbodo@yahoo.com

Abstract

129

It is commonly believed that there is an interrelation between literature and language. Possession of a good command of language enables the literary artist to create a literary work. Literature is, therefore, language personified. This underlines the relevance of literature in the teaching and learning of language, especially when such literary work is in current idiom of the language being learned and taught. The use of English Unit of the University of Nigeria, aware of the importance of literature in the proper acquisition of language, introduced the reading of one of the three literary genres – novel – into the Use of English course during the 1999/2000 academic year. The programme is now twelve years. This study investigated the impact of this exercise from the students’ perspective. It tries to find out how the students feel as to whether or not they benefit from it. A total of five hundred and forty-four (544) students, comprising two hundred and sixty-six (266) females, and two hundred and seventy-eight (278) males were used for the study. Questionnaire, made up of thirty (30) questions, was used to elicit data for the investigation. The results of the study show that the students are improving in their English language learning strategies. It also indicates that they have improved significantly in the various aspects of the language investigated.

Keywords: Language Teaching, Assessment of the GSP, Teaching and Learning of Language

Introduction

Language and Literature are related to life. The three – literature, language and life – are

important and inseparable in every society. While life provides the standpoint, language develops and

using the language, literary works are created. “… language and art are … ‘bound up entirely’ with

each order ‘as a concrete, undivided entity” (Akwanya 144). Information available in the literature has

it that even the Ford Foundation’s report on English language teaching in Nigeria sees English

literature as an aid to English language teaching (195). It is apparent from the foregoing that experts

are agreed that teachers/learners of English in second language environment, such as Nigeria, Ghana,

Liberia, to mention no more, can teach/learn the various aspects of the English language through the

medium of literary works.

However, information in the literature points to the fact that English language learners in second

language environments are usually familiar with the names of tenses and the usual examples

taught to them by their teachers since their (learners’) childhood

(http://esl.about.com/gi/library/weekly/aa100499.htm). It is however regrettable that in real life,

the learners fail to use the same tenses aptly; this implies that learners are deficient in applying

the tenses in the required contexts. Language experts further state that this discrepancy can be

overcome by reading contemporary fiction or plays. Information available in the literature has

this to say:

130

Oral proficiency of a student, that is, the capacity of the student to speak errorless English with fluency is what is expected in a student to be employed in a job, may be teaching, or in any software or IT related jobs of today. Thousands of disadvantaged Engineering graduates and science graduates are longing to have English fluency and are left disappointed with ordinary English institutes. Hence, it is necessary that a teacher should know [how] to coordinate language and literature to bring a learning atmosphere for the learners (www.uscollegesearch.org/teaching).

In a related vein, Williams agrees with the above view when he avers:

The study of literature confronts the student with various operations of

language … Since literature organizes language in the most exemplary

fashion, the second language learner must be aware of the importance of

applying the language of literature as a model for his own use. The

teaching of literature has the practical value of enabling the student to learn

the second language as well as use it (255).

The Use of English Unit, School of General Studies of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, during

the 1999/2000 academic year, introduced novel reading as one of the components of its GSP 101

(Study Skills & Basic Research Methods) course. The goal was not to teach literature; the goal was to

teach language – English – in order to increase students’ group and/or individual learning strategies

and linguistic competence. Akwanya’s view lends credence to this:

… the acceptable approach to language teaching and learning has to be

the one which can ensure mastery, awaken all the individual’s energies,

and lay open before the learner the full resources of this language for

exploitation in the task of self-construction, in the project of living, of

selfhood, reading high quality literature … is the chief, perhaps the only point

of encounter with the vicissitudes of the language as it records and shapes the

language community… (English language learning in Nigeria (27 – 31).

This novelty, supposedly premised on the foregoing reason(s), was aimed at increasing learning

strategies, and making language learning/acquisition more application-oriented. The programme is

now twelve years; no study has been conducted to find out the efficacy and/or relevance of the

131

innovation: thus the need for this investigation. The study was undertaken twelve years after the

novelty to assess the:

perceptions of the students with regard to the new language learning strategy in GSP

101 (the Use of English 1), and

areas of the English language which the students think they have benefited more or not gained

much, through the reading of novel/fiction.

Theorizing the Importance of Literature in Language Teaching & Learning

“A theory of reading clearly depends on a theory of literature….”

Akwanya (Language and habits of thought 162)

Literature is adjudged to be one of the best tools to use in learning a language. This belief is

anchored on the fact that people have an inherent adroitness or aptitude to comprehend basic story-

telling convention regardless of their age or creed. Teachers of languages try to take advantage of this

apparent ingenuity of people to use literature to teach languages. “Every literary form,” according to

Akwanya, “is the site of encounter with language; every literary work is an encounter with language”

(Verbal structures 4). In addition to illustrating and reinforcing aspects of language, literature also

serves the purposes of language study. Literature may be used to teach the students reading skills, with

respect to following structure and development of a passage, deciphering the meanings of words with

local colour through contextual clues, or simply grasping the main point from a variety of imagery and

illustrations in a passage (Williams 260). Literature sets out the potential of the language in its variety

of syntax and its richness of vocabulary. He further states:

It is precisely for the reasons of its potential in the way it employs

language that literature can be useful in providing … material for

the reading lesson [as] descriptive prose can be used for a different

kind of reading comprehension exercise. It can also be used to

develop the high-order evaluative skills of reading comprehension

(262).

Reading any literary text therefore enables the reader to actively participate in the story; he/she also

questions, and wonders during the process of reading. These feelings illustrate the reader’s

132

participation which is an active and productive means of learning any language, especially under

second language situation. Similarly, a conscious reader allows his heart to go for details and his mind

to imbibe the usage of the language used in writing the text (www.languageinindia.com).

In a similar vein, literature improves the language learner’s interpretative power which is an

important asset in language learning. As a vehicle for fostering interpretative skill, literature has

special relevance for translation. Translation consists in the attempt to discover the meaning of the

source text, and to use the receptor language form that expresses this meaning in a natural way. This

implies that before translation can be effectively attempted, the translator has to first understand the

text itself, and from this can convey what it implies. Comprehension is the most important evidence

that reading, a major language learning activity, has taken place.

In order to comprehend a literary text, one has to continually search for clues via a careful

examination of the linguistic features it embodies. In decoding the possible meaning(s) of a narrative

work, the reader engages in an exercise which intuitively compels him/her to draw inferences,

formulate ideas, and analyse the text closely. All of these activities are known contributors in

sharpening one’s critical linguistic faculty.

Reading of literary texts provides a veritable ground for the training and acquisition of listening

and speaking skills, the two primary language skills. Literary works offer ample, engaging,

entertaining and pleasing topics for discussion. Such topics encourage group oral discussion and

practice, two important ways of studying. Proficiency in them, no doubt, contributes to an overall

mastery of a language being learned.

Interestingly, when a learner of a language reads literary works, he/she comes in contact with

new words which he/she has never seen, heard nor used before. As he/she reads, he/she takes note of

these words and later looks them up in the dictionary alongside their synonyms, antonyms, and their

derivations. By so doing, the reader’s stock of vocabulary is increased. Possession of large array of

vocabulary helps a language learner to further learn the language, and to easily express him/herself in

both oral and written modes of communication.

Selection of Materials

The implementers or rather facilitators of the novel reading activity in GSP 101 are aware that

the key to the programme’s success hinges on the text to be used. As a result, and in order to sustain

133

the interest of the students, contemporary materials (novels) published by reputable publishers are

often chosen. Again, in selecting the novels to be used, the level of the users is also taken into

consideration.

Strategies being used

The method employed is student-centred. It involves the use of more advanced literary text –

specifically novels – to facilitate language teaching and learning. This method makes the language

learning a process of discovery, thus develops the ability to use the English language for specific

communication purpose(s). Lecturers in the Unit, in teaching the course under study, use different

methods in their efforts to unravel different aspects the language to the students. Some of the strategies

are outlined below.

a) Interaction: The attention of the students is drawn to the fact that characters in the novels meet

one another and that they interact during which they express their thoughts and emotions. The students

are encouraged to take note of the language used by the characters in different situations/contexts –

formal and informal.

b) Focus on Aspects of language Use: In addition to building their vocabulary, the students are made

to distinguish between correct English from slangy expressions. Under this scenario, the attention of

the students is not focused on geographical information, but on the aspects of the language used. They

are encouraged to concentrate on the nuances of the language. In this vein, grammatical aspects of the

texts are explained. As the students read the novel, they are encouraged to try to understand the diverse

use of words, phrases, phrasal verbs, sentence structures, multiple meanings of words, word relations,

collocation patterns among other grammatical categories. The aim is to enable them to learn familiar

linguistic units in new contexts with new meanings. They are thus absorbed in the story, and the

language used. The above grammatical units are understood and mastered, without strenuous efforts,

in the process. Through this method, it is believed that language teaching and learning is not

theoretical, but application-oriented. Since the goal is to teach language and not literature, more effort

is invested in vocabulary development, word combinations, and sentence structures.

134

c) Tasks: The facilitators frequently require the students to:

paraphrase the story they have read in their own words;

pick about one hundred (100) unfamiliar words from the novel and write their contextual

meanings. This is aimed at making them increase their vocabulary. The period allowed for this

exercise is usually two weeks. The essence of the short period is to encourage and inculcate

faster reading in the students;

identify the conversational strategies that the characters in the story employ. The aim here is to

make them divest some pieces of information regarding language usage and word power.

This task component of the course carries 10% out of the total assessment score of 100%. In

addition to the above tasks, students are encouraged to read, at their leisure times, other novels apart

from the recommended ones.

The Study

Aim of the Study

The aim of the study was to find out the effect(s) of the novel reading, introduced into the course

contents of GSP 101 of the University of Nigeria, on the undergraduates of the University. In other

words, the investigation sought to discover whether there was an improvement in the learning of the

English language by the students of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka through novel reading.

[

Research Questions

In order to find answers to the objective of the study, the investigation sought to find answers to

the following questions:

1. What is the feeling of students with regard to whether literature is relevant to the learning of

English, and if they enjoy novel reading?

2. Which areas of the English language do students think that the novel reading has helped them to

improve?

Research Methodology

135

The survey research design was adopted in the study. It was conducted during the second

semester of 2010/2011 academic year, and when the University was in session; all the students were

practically and substantially present on campus. The purpose of choosing that period was to enable the

researchers to reach the study population with ease. The administration and collection of the

questionnaire took only two (2) weeks. During that period, we administered the questionnaire and

waited on the students, randomly selected, to respond to the question items, and collected them

immediately. This method gave rise to no loss of any questionnaire administered. Members of the

study population were made to complete the questionnaire anonymously. That was done so as to make

sure that they responded candidly.

The Study Population

A total of five hundred and forty-four (544) second year students were randomly selected and used for

the study (266 = females, 278 = males). Second year students were chosen because they had already

completed GSP 101. It was therefore expected that they would be better placed to assess the relevance

of the novel reading in the GSP 101 course. Their choice is also premised on the fact that they have

just completed the course and will be better disposed to recall what transpired in the course.

The students were drawn from Engineering, the Social Sciences, Pharmacy, Natural Science,

Biological, and Agricultural Science faculties. Theses faculties were chosen since the researchers

believe that the students in the faculties do not take the English language as a serious subject in their

disciplines. They, it was expected, would provide more authentic answers that would give rise to more

reliable result(s).

Research Instruments

A set of questionnaire, comprising thirty (30) questions, and tow (2) research questions were

used for the investigation. The question items were direct, and positively worded. The thirty questions

were grouped into two: the first category, made up nine (9) questions, sought to find out the feelings of

the students with regard to whether literature is relevant to the learning of English, and if they enjoy

novel reading. The second part, comprising twenty-one (21) questions, were used to determine which

areas of the English language the students think that the novel reading has helped them to improve.

Each question, in the two sections, was designed in such a manner that the respondents were required

to tick (√) against the preferred option from the answers provided in three columns created for each

question.

136

Some of the study subjects were interviewed orally to elicit what their feelings were with respect

to the novel reading they did in GSP 101.

Data Analysis

Frequency counts and simple percentages were used to analyse the data elicited from the study

population. Since there were no losses of the questionnaire administered, the responses by the study

participants to the questionnaire items were coded and analysed using the method stated above. Just a

few statements made by those orally interviewed are recorded here.

Presentation & Discussion of Results

The results which were realized from each research question are presented below:

Research Question 1: What is the feeling of students with regard to whether literature is relevant to the

learning of English, and if they enjoy novel reading?

Table 1

Yes No Not sure

S/N Questions that sought to find out what the students’ feelings are with

respect

to whether or not they think that novel reading is relevant to the learning of

English, and if English, and if they enjoy novel reading

F % F % F %

1. Do you think that literature has anything to do with your effort to learn the

to learn the English language? 544 100 -- -- -- --

2. Did you read any novel in the course GSP 101? 544 100 -- -- -- --

3. If your answer to no. 2 question above is yes, can you re-tell the story of the

novel to your friend? 423 77.8 -- -- -- --

4. Can you remember any significant character in the novel? 424 78 64 12 56 10

5. Do you have an idea of the plot? 302 56 181 33 61 11

6. Can you recall the author? 181 33 363 67 -- --

7. The novel recommended for you was boring? 181 33 302 56 61 11

8. Was the novel interesting? 422 78 62 11 60 11

9. Do you think it was relevant for your language course? 544 100 -- -- -- --

137

The results of the responses of the members of the study population to questions 1 (100%) and 9

(100%) as shown in table 1 above show that all the students feel that literature has something to do

with language learning, and is therefore significant in their study of the English language. Again, more

than half of them (56%) indicate that the novel recommended for them is so exiting; this, according to

the results, enables them to easily remember significant character in the novel (78%), recall the plot

(56%), and thus re-tell the story (77.8%). The results of the study subjects’ responses to questions 7

(56%) and 8 (78%) not only authenticate, but also underline the fact that the instructors or facilitators

(lecturers) in the programme do indeed take extra care in choosing the novels that are used in the

course.

In another vein, most of the students used for the investigation (67%) say that they cannot

remember the author of the novel they read in the course (GSP 101), which implies that they are yet to

grasp and apply the art of survey – an important technique in study reading and/or reading

comprehension.

Research Question 2: Which areas of the English language do students think that the novel

reading has helped them to improve?

138

Table 2

Very

Relevant

Not

relevant Undecided

S/N Aspects of the English language which the students think that the novel

reading of novel has or has not helped them to improve

F % F % F %

10. Vocabulary development 484 89 60 11 -- --

11. Comprehension 302 56 122 22 120 22

12. Ability to recall 302 56 181 33 61 11

13. Ability to summarize storyline 483 89 61 11 -- --

14. Development of sense of time and place 60 11 302 56 182 33

15. Organization of events in chronology 363 67 181 33 -- --

16. Inspiration to write 241 44 120 22 183 34

17. Ability to critique 544 100 -- -- -- --

18. Understanding and usage of imagery 363 67 181 33 -- --

19. Creation of characters 242 44.5 181 33.3 121 22.2

20. Connotative use of language/linguistic items 423 77.8 61 11.2 60 11

21. Denotative use of language/linguistic items 302 56 121 22 121 22

22. Knowledge of style 363 67 120 22 61 11

23. The use of punctuation marks 423 78 121 22 -- --

24. Awareness and usage of correct spellings of words 423 78 61 11 60 11

25. Pronunciation 181 33 302 56 61 11

26. Desire to read 363 67 120 22 61 11

27. Knowledge of grammar 423 77.8 68 12.5 53 9.7

28. Application of grammar rules 362 67 126 3 56 10

29. The blurb in relation to skimming 423 78 70 13 51 9

30. Scanning in relation to recall 365 67 90 17 89 16

139

The results as shown in table 2 above reveal that the novel reading is improving the students’

acquisition of almost all the areas of the English language investigated. Some of such areas are:

vocabulary development, comprehension, ability to summarize storyline, denotative and connotative use

of linguistic items, the use of graphic markers, usage of correct spellings of words, and the knowledge

and application of grammatical rules. Their overwhelming assertion that they are benefiting from the

novel reading with regard to reading comprehension, 302 (56%), corroborates the majority responses,

423 (77. 8%), to question 3: they can re-tell the story they have read in the novel.

Contrary to the above, while a greater number of the students, 302 (56%) indicates that the novel

reading is not relevant or is not helping them in spoken English, 61 (11%) are undecided as to whether

or not the exercise is significant in their ability to pronounce English words.

In a related development, when the 120 students (22%) who say that the novel reading is inspiring

them to write, and the 183 (34%) of them who are undecided in this regard are summed up, one can infer

that the art of creativity is not being inculcated in the students through the programme. This is also

highlighted in the study population’s responses to question 19: 181 (33.3%) indicate that the exercise is

irrelevant to character creation, and 121 (22.2%) are undecided in this respect.

The students’ responses to questions 16 and 19 – lack of inspiration to write and inability to create

characters respectively – not only sustain, but strengthen their responses to question 14 where 302 (56%)

say that the novel reading does not help them to develop the sense of time and place (creation of

setting/background). This is not utterly surprising since the major emphasis in the programme is not the

inculcation of the art of writing, but vocabulary development, faster reading, reading comprehension as

well as grammar in use/syntactic relations.

The results indicate that all the study subjects, 544 (100%) aver that they have developed the

ability to critique through the novel reading. This belief may have been influenced by the knowledge the

students acquired in GSP 102 (Basic Grammar & Varieties of writing), where they are taught the art of

book review which include, among other things, the technique of text evaluation/critique.

Some of the students who were interviewed orally spoke as follows:

1. “I discovered that reading novels can help me speak well, read fast, increase my word power, and

above all that reading is fun.”

2. “As a science student, I had thought that reading novels is a waste of time, but the novel reading

activity in GSP 101 proved me wrong; my eyes were opened and I realized how I can read with

happiness and understanding.”

140

3. “I learnt that characters use language according to their levels of education, and that different words

and expressions are used at different contexts.”

4. “If I have the opportunity, I will offer that Use of English course again. It is lively and

educative, especially in my learning of the English language.”

Recommendations

While narrative, the genre currently being used, sharpens the language learner’s reading skill and

vocabulary development, poetry and drama have other skills which they exemplify, highlight and teach.

Poetry is basically oral literature, since it is usually meant to be read aloud. Its features – rhyme and

rhythm of verses – can readily come to our mind in teaching and learning of spoken English (Williams

256). Williams further contends that one of the best aids in teaching the predominantly light-heavy stress

in English is poetry, especially when the poetry approximates to the natural rhythm of colloquial speech.

This genre should be incorporated, because of its value in teaching oral skills. The fact that face-to-face

communication with the native speakers of English is a rarity in today’s university system, in

environments where English is a second language, underscores the importance of including poetry in the

GSP 101 course contents.

Drama, in the same vein, provides practice in spoken dialogue. Dialogue, a key element in any

dramatic activity, develops the skills of listening and speaking – two fundamental language skills. It is

not in doubt that drama is about the best means that that can be used to train students to learn the art of

listening; it can also help them to learn dialogue as well as develop a natural speaking competence.

Thus, drama texts should also be included in the reading materials in the GSP 101 course.

Conclusion

Literature offers a rich source of linguistic input and helps learners of any language to practise the

four language skills; namely, listening, speaking, reading and writing. It (literature) also exemplifies

grammatical structures and presents new array of vocabulary to a language learner.

The results of this study affirm the information in the existing literature: literature facilitates the

teaching and learning of the English language (Williams 1990; Akwanya 1999; Brumfit & Carter 2001;

www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/language; www.technorati.com/r/tag/language ). They (results) also

authenticate that the reason(s) which prompted the lecturers who teach GSP 101 (the Use of English 1)

141

to introduce novel reading into the course is/are well thought out. Students have begun to read other

novels on their own. They also confirm that students’ stock of vocabulary in the English language is

increasing in leaps and bounds, as they can express themselves with ease.

References

Akwanya, A. N. Verbal structures: Studies in the nature and organisational patterns of

literary language. Enugu. Nig.: ACENA Publishers, 1997.

Akwanya, A. N. Language and habits of thought. Nsukka, Nigeria: Afro-Orbis Pub. Ltd., 1999.

Akwanya, A. N. English language learning in Nigeria: In search of an enabling principle. Inaugural

lecture, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, 2007.

Brmfit, C. J. and Carter, R. A. Literature and language teaching. Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 2001.

Haynes, J. Poetry teaching as language teaching. In Ubahakwe, E. (Ed.).The teaching of

English studies: Reading for colleges and universities (pp. 207 - 16). Ibadan: Ibadan University

Press, 1979.

Kay, G. L. H. Foundation of language. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1999.

Williams, D. English language teaching: An integrated approach. Ibadan: Spectrum Books

Limited, 1990.

Website Sources

http//www.jilo.org/Issues/Volume1/No.1/murathismanoglu.pdf

www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/language

142

www.languageinindia.com

www.megaessays.com/viewpaper/721.html

www.uscollegesearch.org/teachingenglish as a second language_colleges.htm

Data elicitation instrument

The Use of English Unit, SGS, University of Nigeria, Nsukka

We are lecturers from the Use of English Unit, School of General Studies of the above University. We are

carrying out a study to find out the relevance of the novel reading component of GSP 101 on the students who

are learning the English language. Your frank responses to the following questions will significantly help us –

the researchers – to achieve our purpose. They (your responses) will be treated with the strictest degree of

confidentiality. Thank you.

Tick [√] for the relevant option.

S/N Question Yes No Not sure

1. Do you think that literature has anything to do with your effort to learn the English

language?

2. Did you read any novel in the course GSP 101?

3. If your answer to no. 2 question above is yes, can you re-tell the story of the novel to

your friend?

4. Can you remember any significant character in the novel?

5. Do you have an idea of the plot?

143

6. Can you recall the author?

7. The novel recommended for you was boring?

8. Was the novel interesting?

9. Do you think it was relevant for your language course?

If your answer to question nine (9) is yes, what are the arrears of its relevance? Tick [√] under what you

consider the right option.

S/N Question

Very relevant Not relevant

Undecided

10. Vocabulary development

11. Comprehension

12. Ability to recall

13. Ability to summarize storyline

14. Development of sense of time and place

15. Chronology of events

16. Inspiration to write

17. Ability to critique

18. Understanding and usage of imagery

19. Creation of characters

20. Connotative use of language/linguistic items

21. Denotative use of language/linguistic items

22. Knowledge of style

23. The use of punctuation marks

24. Awareness and usage of correct spellings of words

25. Pronunciation

26. Desire to read

27. Knowledge of grammar

28. Application of grammar rules

29. The blurb in relation to skimming

144

30. Scanning in relation to recall

1Dr Ogenyi specializes in English and Applied Linguistics. He is a Senior

Lecturer in the Use of English & Communication Skills Unit, School of General Studies,

University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Enugu State, Nigeria. He also teaches postgraduate

courses, and supervises postgraduate students in the Department of English and Literary

Studies of the same university.

2J. C. Ogbodo teaches the English language in the Use of English &

Communication Skills Unit, School of General Studies, University of Nigeria, Nsukka,

Enugu State, Nigeria.

145

READING PROFICIENCY: THE TOUCHSTONE FOR SUCCESS IN

EDUCATION REFORM

Ogenyi, Laz Chinedu, Ph. D.

The Use of English Unit

School of General Studies

University of Nigeria

Nsukka, Nigeria

lazmilly@yahoo.com

Phone Nos.: +23408038814887, +23408094152900

READING PROFICIENCY: THE TOUCHSTONE FOR SUCCESS IN

EDUCATION REFORM

146

By

Laz Chinedu Ogenyi, Ph. D.

The Use of English & Communication Skills Unit, School of General Studies, University

of Nigeria, Nsukka

Abstract

Education reform usually aims at formal introduction and implementation of changes in

both the philosophy of education, and instructional techniques. Reform education, all

over the globe, remains a contentious and societal improvement phenomenon. Society

view schools as agents of advancement in its different sectors. However, most schools,

especially the public ones in Nigeria, are largely not living up to this goal. This paper

believes that one major reason for this shoddy state of affairs is the apparent lack of

efficient reading, and reading culture among the learners who eventually take up the

responsibilities of managing the country’s affairs. Evidence, which indicate that reading

proficiency, is the anchor pin, or determinant of all academic achievements, abound in

literature. Unfortunately, in spite of this, reading is not accorded the deserved place in

the school curriculum. The thrust of this paper is therefore anchored on its belief that any

meaningful reform in education system in Nigeria should entrench learning to read and

reading to learn, since no knowledge can actually be acquired in the formal education

without proficient reading.

Introduction

We consider it germane to begin our discourse by explicating some of the key

concepts in our topic. This endeavour will act as a torchlight that will illuminate the

tunnel in the unfolding course of our discussion.

Dictionaries tell us that the word reform means:

Amendment, or altering for the better, of some faulty state of things;

Amendment of conduct, reformation of character;

Improvement or rectifying of something faulty or inexact;

147

To amend or improve by some change of arrangement, or imperfection; to free

from previous or existing faults or imperfections;

To make a change for the better in a state of a thing;

To put a stop or an end to disorder, malpractice by introducing a better procedure

or conduct; and

To redress, correct or put right. Reformation, which is a paronym of reform, can

therefore be said to entail the improvement in form or quality, correction of defects or

rebuilding in an existing state of a thing; a radical change for the better.

The oxford English dictionary (2nd edition) specifically defines education “the

systematic instruction, schooling or training given to the young in preparation for the

work of life… a process of brining up humans with reference to social situation, kind

of manners and habits acquired, calling or employment prepared for” (p.73).

From the foregoing it is apparent that reform in education sector means rectifying

the prevailing imperfections in our education system. Such anomalies include, among

other things: lack of reading culture among our students, students’ general apathy to

their studies, examinations malpractice, production of half-baked graduates, teachers’

lethargy toward their essential job.

Since the primary aim of educational programme is the inculcation of

knowledge in the learner, the thrust of this paper is that any reform in education is, or

should be anchored, or concerned with designing and implementing some

programmes that will enhance inculcating reading proficiency in the learner. This is

because the invaluable roles, which reading plays in the acquisition of knowledge,

create a scenario in which students are, or should be groomed to be proficient in it so

as to cope with the challenges of formal education. In its complete belief that reading

proficiency is the bedrock of any meaningful educational reform, this paper discusses,

in the subsequent sections:

(i) the concept of reading proficiency, and

(ii) the relationship between reading and literacy-the synonym of functional

education. Suggestions on how to entrench and maintain reading

proficiency among students/learners are made. It concludes with a firm

148

stance that reform in education has reading proficiency as its bottom line

or prerequisite.

Reading Proficiency

In this paper, reading proficiency has the following as its synonyms and

they are thus used interchangeably: functional reading, effective/efficient reading,

productive reading, and successful reading. Proficiency in reading involves the ability

of the reader to: comprehend analyze, describe, compare and contrast, interpret or

infer, judge, evaluate summarize, and draw conclusion.

A major advantage of these abilities is that they helps to improve the performance

of even the low achieving students in their academic endeavours. Proficiency in

reading also helps one to function effectively and efficiently in any environment

(Hurdges and Sanni (1997). It awakens in one the inherent potentials which one may

not have known existed. Functional reading confers in a person the ability ton

communicate, think critically and use language effectively and appropriately in any

medium of massage conveyance (Arua, 2002).

Reading proficiency, according to Lar and Okam (1993, p.450) citing Roe et

almeans “processing written language to get ideas, relating ideas to experience,

organizing ideas, evaluating ideas and utilizing the ideas”. An efficient reader “is one

whose reading ability or habit serves as vehicle for a successful life in one’s

environment” (otagburuagu 200, p. 133). Matemilola (2002 p.101) endorses this

view by asserting that proficiency in reading:

(i) promotes students’ language competence, specifically their ability to

understand the contents of what they read;

(ii) increase students’ stock of lexical items and idiomatic expression (which

in turn will enhance their effective use of the language);

(iii) introduces them to varieties of style which may be used for different

purposes; and

(iv) help students in solving their real life problems (i.e. assisting them in

productive reading in their various disciplines).

In this age of knowledge explosion when materials, in print and electronic media,

compete for attention, it is paramount for a learner to be able to read productively with

149

greater speed in order to save time and effort. This view is supported by Bond et al’s

assertion cited in Maduekwe (2002) thus:

With rapidly increasing knowledge and constant acceleration publication

of information in all fields, reading has become increasingly more

important not only as a skill but as a means for every adult (especially a

student) to keep up to date in his profession (pp. 182-3).

It is therefore expected that everyone, especially learner at all levels of education,

should not only improve the speed with which they read, but read functionally in order to

retrieve information from reading materials. Effectively reading will result in:

- learning fast;

- understanding what is read better;

- acquisition of new knowledge and skills more rapidly;

- quick solutions to academic problems;

- being better equipped for the reader’s chosen discipline.

The emphasis here is no reading to learn and learning to read progressively and

continuously at various stages of academic endeavours. Proficient reading skills are thus

indispensable tools that assist those in the education sector to be adequately prepared for

the manifold reading tasks which they are required to be engaged in as learners, and in

their later lives when they become working adults.

Successfully reading is what Onukaogu (2001, p. 182) calls “reading

competency”, which according to him entails “effective and efficient reading”. Effective

reading, Onukaogu explains, means the ability which enables the reader to transact with

the voice in the written text. It enables the reader to break the distance between him or

her and an author. An effective reader is also one who can construct, reconstruct, and

negotiate and make meaning from a written text “apart from being able to dialogue (sic)

and rehearse what one has read, the effective reader is able to collaborate and play a

positive role in any community of learner in which the individual is involved”

(Onukaogu, p. 182). We accede to his belief that an effective reader is one who is always

a learner and who is continually searching for information in order to enhance his/her

experience. This is analogous to Obanya’s (2003) “reading beyond the lines” which

describes the stage where reading is a totally self-directed pleasurable activity and whose

150

goal is to engender lifelonglove for reading, fully internalized and as a habit and a means

of relaxation, of inquiry, of lifelong learning (p.3).

Some of the implications of the above statement are that:

(i) For reading to be meaningful and rewarding optimally, it has be taken beyond

merely associating words with meaning to the level of where it becomes a tool

for continuous self-improvement.

(ii) An individual should cultivate a reading culture.

Efficiency in reading is a spin off from effectiveness (Onukaogu p. 182). This aspect

of functional reading stresses how well and with what ease the skill of reading is utilized.

An efficient reader is a “strategic reader”. Such a reader, Onukaogu (2001, p.182) cited,

caverly, Mandeville and Nicholson says “is able to integrate previous with current

information, think about what is being read, monitor what is being read, utilize graphic

information, apply what has been read to problem solving and connect his/her writing

with his/her reading.”

From the forgoing, we wish to infer that when a reader is both effective and

efficient, he/she will be an interpretative, analytical, a critical and creative thinker, and

will be a useful member of any community of learners in which he/she finds him or

herself. For learners to become proficient readers, they need at least four characteristics:

(i) they need to be active readers. This means that they should be able to:

(a) make sense from what they read;

(b) Integrate ideas within and across texts; and

(c) Note style, organization and word choice.

(ii) they should be strategic readers, which entails that they should;

(a) learn how to, and be seen to be setting goal for their reading

(b) ask questions, make predictions, have focus on, and review what they

read;

(c) Self-correct, reread and reflect on what they read; and

(d) Develop an integrated understanding of what they read; i.e. relate to prior

knowledge and refer to other sources;

(iii) they should be critical in their reading critical reading will among other

things:

151

(a) enable them to recognize an author’s assumptions;

(b) check the truth value of statements

(c) Check logic and robustness of them;

(d) Evaluate an author’s craft of writing and text design; an

(e) Compare to other writings

(iv) They should self-monitor what they read. Self-monitoring will make them

aware of whether they comprehend reading critically and achieving their goals

(Obah and Otagburuagu 1992; Onukagu 2001, 2002; Arua 2002; Okonkwo

2004).

Lack of functional reading impedes, or impacts negatively on the learners’ good

performance in their academic pursuit; it brings frustration. Without reading

competence, individuals are abysmally handicapped in today’s information technology

world. Reading inabilities create what is called, in literature, intellectual laziness”, and

Unoh (1987) refers to it as “higher illiteracy”. This is a situation where the individual

involved cannot read efficiently, and as such is incapable of critical reading. He/She is

therefore develops some kind of aversion, to reading. The inability to read proficiency is

the major factor responsible for the prevailing students’ poor performance in our school

system. The results of a study carried out by Abubakar (2004) revealed that the problem

of reading efficiency in our schools start from primary schools to tertiary institutions.

This underlines the fact that any meaningful reform in the education sector in Nigeria

must be hinged on inculcating the art of reading proficiency into our young learners.

Reading and Literacy

A reading nation is a literate nation.

A reading nation is a developed nation.

A reading nation is a winning nation.

A reading nation is a leading nation.

Nwosu-Izuwah (2002, p. 225)

The above epigraph encapsulates the importance of reading to the individual as

well as society. Findings from, and reports of various studies have continued to

demonstrate that there is very strong correlation between level of balanced literacy,

which is a product of reading, and development at both the individual and societal levels.

152

One who reads must be one who is literate; literacy and reading liberate individuals and

societies from the shackles of backwardness. Reading is in the heart of the school

curriculum. Every school subject rest on it. According to Gwete (1987, p.32), “reading is

the gateway to education and it opens up one’s chances of advancement academically

cannot read, they will not get educated, because most knowledge is buried in books and

electronic devices (which must be accessed). In other words, reading is the foundation

stone for functional literacy, a tool for the dissemination of idea, a stimulus for

imagination and creativity, and a beneficial habit for the realization of personal self-

fulfillment. In the modern Information Communication Technology (ICT), any person

who cannot obtain information through reading from printed or written sources will learn

and know very little. Reading therefore opens door to most knowledge and experiences.

Sometimes, it may be the only means for keeping in touch with events and cultures in the

words of Nwosu-Izuwa (2002, p.225):

The 1996, 1998 and 1999 World Bank report and UNDP Human Development

Indexes indicate that all countries that have attained 80-90% literacy level are advanced

and are manifesting critical development indices while all countries that are below 60%

literacy level are underdeveloped as they manifest unscientific attitudes, poverty,

supersituation, ignorance and preventable diseases (p.225). No country has emerged from

third-world status without educating its citizens. Literacy and reading are strongly

associated with increased economic productivity, improved health, smaller family size,

and education of the next generation of children (Hopps cited in Omojuwa 2004, p.325).

One of the implications of this is that reading is an indispensable tool for national

development. Where the majority of a nation’s citizens cannot read or write, there cannot

be much development both at the personal and nation levels. Worthy of note is the fact

that the whole world is set on the part of achieving education for all in the year 2015.

Empowerment of all classes in society through literacy is the first step in this process,

because the ultimate goal is lifelong learning, and reading is the instrument par

excellence for acquiring the necessary skills for this pursuit (Obanya, 2003).

Intellectual development is made possible by reading all sorts of books. It also

enlightens man socially and aesthetically, and helps to make the unfamiliar familiar. It

gives people better knowledge of their places, culture, persons, and allows for sharper

153

listening skills in people. It enables leaders to identify societal ills, to patterns social goals

and objectives, and teaches them on how to turn objectives to realities. In other words, a

reading leader is a competent ruler of his people.

It is not in dispute that reading materials provide human beings with life

experiences which all otherwise take very long to acquire if they rely solely on physical

contacts and interactions. Through reading, individuals develop insights of a world

beyond the life that they actually live (Otagburuagu and Igbokwe, 2001).

Reading is the most important component of lifelong education. It is the key to

education from the elementary stage to the most advanced stages. Any learner who wants

to survive in the learning environment must try to read productively. Children who fail to

read adequately are increasingly handicapped as they progress through school (Jiboku,

p.92). Thus, every student needs to, and must be encouraged to become fully competent

in reading in order to succeed in school. A student who reads has the capacity to actively

participate in the continuity of learning. Reading is also closely related to vocational

efficiency. In emphasizing the increasing role of reading in the attainment of functional

literacy, Chijioke cited in Ikonta (2004, p.106) amount of learning through reading, for

different levels of education:

a) Nursery - 20%

b) Primary - 50%

c) Secondary - 75%

d) University - 90%

Reading helps to keep the individual on a pedestal in which he/she vicariously

enters the textual worlds of authors and shares the diversity of experiences embodied in

such works. It promotes interdisciplinary achievement. Of all the skills taught at school,

reading can be regarded as a “tool skill””, in the sense that a child’s progress in other

subjects will depend considerably on his/her reading ability. Ezeokoli (2004) agrees with

this view when he writes.

In spite of the multiple or elastic meaning of literacy, reading and writing remain basic

literacy skills for acquiring other literacy skills; and perhaps, reading stands out as the

most basic tool for learning and human survival (p,318).

154

Many scholars believe that success in any school subject depends on the students’

ability to read effectively. A student who cannot read effectively has failed to acquire the

necessary skill that will enable him/her to become a literate person in society. It is

stressing the obvious by saying that the acquisition of large number of vocabulary needed

for clear, accurate and unambiguous oral and written expressions depends to a large

degree, on reading. The result of a survey Obafemi Awolowo University students taking

“The Use of English Course” for over a period of ten years reveals the following facts

among others:

(i) Poor knowledge of the English vocabulary is a factor that leads to the

problems of ESL students in Nigeria.

(ii) Adequate knowledge of vocabulary is in the center of the development of

reading efficiency as well as reading comprehension.

Acquisition of large fund of vocabulary can only be attained through

voracious/extensive and efficient reading.

In another although related vein, Otagburuagu, Obah and Ogenyi (2001) belong to

the large army of scholars who believe that:

Writing is… a major test of the literacy and the skill on which

most assessments of academic abilities are based. Civilization and

education will not flourish without the writing skill.

Science and technology will remain the preserve of the

cultures that originate them if the writing skill did not exist. Its

paramount nature makes it a handy tool for learning and

information retrieval. The writing skill must be seen as the hub of

modern education and civilization (pp. 1-2).

They further explain that writing is a complex activity which could be heightened when

its medium is a foreign or second language. We agree with the views of these scholars.

However, we wish to observe, and our observation is worthy of note, that the complexity

of any written work cannot be unraveled and that the writing skills such as:

- searching for the relevant ideas (brainstorming),

- outlining,

- choosing the appropriate lexical items (diction),

155

- constructing the right language structures,

- correct spelling of words,

- structuring the paragraphs,

- use of appropriate style(s),

- punctuating correctly (to mention no more)

all of which must be undertaken or obeyed if a piece of writing is to be adjudged

adequate cannot be achieved without proficient and habitual reading, since excellent

writing comes through adequate reading, training and constant practice.

We agree with Omojuwa (1997, p.211) that “reading is a stimulant for writing.” It

is therefore right to posit that writing cannot take place without reading Ogbuehi (2001,

p.78) is another scholar who believes, and rightly too, that “… reading begets writing. To

write productively and effectively, one must read copiously and voraciously.” She further

explains that reading helps one to maintain constant contact with the lexis and syntax of

the English language. It also helps one to gather meanings of words in the context in

which they have been used. Reading helps the reader to develop vocabulary, make

inferences, classify issue, observe situations, analyze, criticize and identify relationships,

differentiate styles, draw conclusions and make generalization. Better writers are good

readers and they tend to produce more syntactically mature writing than poor readers.

Speaking specifically, reading is adjudged to play a crucial role in all aspects of

learning. The saying that where there is little reading, there will be little learning is

aphoristic or axiomatic. Faniran’s (1997, p.319) statement lends credence to this point:

“The slow progress which many students make in their studies is…due to the fact that

they do little or no reading in and outside the school”.

The concept which English for Academic Purposes (EAP) advances is that all the

English as second language (ESL) learners should learn and use different kinds of

English needed from many different purposes and occasions. However, given the

circumstances prevalent in our schools these days-large class sizes, inadequate number of

teachers, crowded academic programmes especially with the need now to become

computer literate and internet compliant, on English programme can be possibly

accommodate the numerous varieties and purpose for which English is put to or used. It

is, therefore only in the books and other printed materials that such varieties (registers) of

156

English can adequately be learnt. This can only be done through proficient reading.

Bright and McGregor’s remark, according to Faniran (1997, p.319) underlines the point

being made: books provide most pupils (and undergraduates too) with the situations in

which learning takes place… it is impossible in any school to provide direct experience

of language used as part of real life in the way the native learner gets his first language;

one is defeated by the multiplicity of the contexts require: house, street, garden, sea-

shore, … church, club, doctor, hospital, traffic, Sunday, food, farm, factory, office,…

fish, birth, death, marriage, divorce.

We agree with Faniran (1997) that it is only through voracious productive reading

can the student acquire the skills he will need for these practical situations and concepts;

even professional competence depends on reading. Again, further education, all the

important study skills and indeed general knowledge all are dependent on effective

reading. We also completely agree with Bright and McGregor (1971) that reading is a

virtuouscircle; the more the student reads the more background knowledge he acquires

of other ways of life, behavviour and thought and the more books and concepts he finds

he can understand (p.53).

Granted that what we have tried to enunciate in the foregoing paragraphs are the

indispensable roles which reading plays in the learners’ quest to acquire knowledge, and

in their survival in the world, the question that stars us in the face is: how can we not only

entrench, but also sustain reading proficiency in our educational system? This brings us,

head-on, with the next and final sub-section of our discourse.

Suggestions/Conclusion

If Nigeria is to be one of the players in the information technology society, the bottom

line is for it to be a reading nation. Reform in the education sector should emphasized

learning to read and reading to learn

1. First and foremost, reading should be introduced as a subject in both primary and

secondary schools, and as a degree awarding discipline in our tertiary institutions.

The latter will ensure that “reading teachers” are produced to teach the art of

reading in the lower levels of our educational system.

157

2. A substantial percentage percentage of the national budget should be allocated to

the production of texts that deal exclusively on all issues pertaining to reading

3. Fund should be made available, on regular basis, to schools to enable them to buy

magazines and dailies.

4. A day should be set aside and designated “reading day” during which activities

that encourage reading should be organized.

5. Reading clubs should be formed at all the levels of our education

6. Reading festivals ought to be organized at the federal, state and local government

levels at regular intervals.

7. Rich, exciting and stimulating environment in which good stories are created,

appreciated and discussed should be provided in schools.

If we want great achievers in our educational system, we must them voracious,

effective and efficient readers of printed words. If want to change the prevailing

pervasive non-performers in our institutions of learning, we ought to equip them with the

skills of reading. If we want to entrench reading culture in our schools and society, we

have to make our students lovers of books.

In whatever angle any reform in education is perceived, reading proficiency is the

ultimate denominator, the uncontroversial road map, the invaluable benchmark, the

enhancing bedrock and an anchorage of such a reform. This is because no learning in the

formal education can really take place without efficient reading. We cannot imagine any

teaching/learning in schools without reading. In addition, if authors, educational planners,

curriculum designers deficient in their expressive and writing competencies, which are

the products of proficient reading, the goals of education will come to naught.

Any reform in education will be abysmally flawed if reading proficiency as well

as reading culture is not considered the most important component of such a reform.

Reference

Abubakar, H. B. (2004). Reading and lifelong learning: the need for intervention

programmes in colleges of education. Literacy and reading in Nigeria 10 (1), 300 – 306.

158

Akwaya. A. N. (February 28, 2007). English language learning in Nigeria in search of an

enabling principle. Inaugural lecture presented at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

Allington, R.L. & Cunningham, P.M. (1996). Schools that work. Where all children Read and

Write. New York: Harper Collins College publishers.

Arua, I.E. (2002). Facilitating literacy in Nigerian mother tongue: the role of effective and

efficient teacher education programme. Literacy and Reading in Nigeria. 9 (2), 1 – 6.

Bright J. A. and Mcgreor, G. P. (1971). Teaching English as a second language. London:

Longman.

Ezeokoli, F.O. (2004). Voluntary reading interests and achievement in reading comprehension

among senior secondary students in Ibadan Nigeria: Literacy and Reading in Nigeria 10

(1) 317 – 324.

Faniran, A.O. (1997). The place of reading in the student’s efforts to learn English as a second

language. Literacy and Reading in Nigeria 7, 315-324.

Gwete, W.B. (1987). Reading for functional literacy. In James, S.L. (Ed). Reading for career

development (RAN monograph series C) pp. 35-53. Ibadan: Reading Association for

Nigeria (RAN).

Hudges, J. J. O. & Sanni, K. (1997). The reading lesson: an emancipating or a domesticating

experience? Literacy and Reading in Nigeria 7, 123 – 130.

Ikonta, NR. (2004). Reading to write: a strategy for improving the writing performance of pre-

service student teachers of English language. Literacy and Reading in Nigeria 10 (1),

105 – 114.

Jiboku, O. (2002). Influence of pre-reading strategy instruction on achievement in reading

comprehension of secondary school students. Literacy and Reading in Nigeria 9 (1), 92 –

98.

Lar, B. & Okam, C. C. (1993). Exploring the place of folklore as a foundation instrument for

assisting students develop efficiency in reading Nigeria literature: a case study of school

of preliminary studies, Keffi, Plateau State. Literacy and Reading in Nigeria 6, 443-460.

159

Maduekwe, N. M. (2002). Influence of bio-data differentials on teachers’ perception of the

strategies required for effectively teaching and improving rapid reading skills in JSS

level. Literacy and Reading in Nigeria 9 (2), 182 – 191.

Matemilola, P. A. (2002). Testing reading in Yoruba in the senior secondary school certificate

examination. Literacy and Reading in Nigeria 9 (1), 99-106.

Nwosu-Izuwa, L.U. (2002). Balanced literacy development in a multilingual environment: The

shared-reading teaching approach. Literacy and Reading in Nigeria 9 (2), 225 – 235.

Obah, T.Y. and Otagburuagu, E. J. (1992). Developing reading skills for higher education.

Awka, Nigeria: Mekslink publishers.

Obanya, P. (2003). Toward a reading society. In Arua A.E. (Ed.). Reading for all in African:

Building communities where literacy thrives (pp.2-6). Newark, DE: International Reading

Association.

Ogbuehi, C.U. (2001). The writer’s block: the bane of university students. Journal of Liberal

Studies (special) 9 (1 & 2), 74 – 81.

Ogenyi, L.C. (2006). Literacy as a tool for language and communication proficiency. Literacy

and Reading in Nigeria 11(1), 70 – 78.

Okon Essien, O. O. N. (2006). Language and the Nigeria reforms agenda. In Ndimele, O.,

Ikekeonwu, C.I., & Mbah, B. M. (Ed.), Language & economic reform in Nigeria. (pp. 1

– 14). Port Harcourt: M & J Grand Orbit Communications Ltd & Emhai press.

Okonkwo, U. M. (2004). Enhancing learners’ reading skills through cognitive instruction.

Literacy and reading in Nigeria 10 (1), 34 – 41.

Olorode. C. S. (1997). Reading problem and lexical knowledge. Literacy and Reading in

Nigeria 7, 539 – 364.

Omojuwa, T. O. (2004). Enhancing reading and writing skills in JSS the newspaper. Literacy

and Reading in Nigeria 7, 209 – 220.

Onukaogu, C.E. (2001). Teacher effectiveness as a factor in the reading empowerment of the

nursery and elementary Africa child. Literacy and Reading in Nigeria 9 (1), 287 – 297.

Otagburuagu E.J., Obah, T.Y., and Ogenyi, L.C. (2201). Working with ideas: Approaches and

strategies to the writing skill in the English language. Onitsha, Nigeria: Kawuriz &

Manilias pub. Ltd.

160

Otagburuagu, E.J. (2000). The use of English course and the quest for a total man: the

challenge of Universities in Nigeria. Journal of Liberal studies 8 (1), 131 – 138.

Otagburuagu, E. J. and Igbokwe, U. (2001). Reading for academic purposes and the

competences. Journal of Liberal Studies (special edition) 9 (1&2), 67-73.

Snow, C.E., Burns, M.S., & Griffin, P. (Eds). (1998). Preventing reading difficulties in young

children Washington, DC: National Academy press [online]. Available:

http://wwwinap.edu/books/030906418/htm/index.html.

Soneye, T, (2002), Reading in the mother-tongue: An analysis of the Nigeria socio-linguistic

milieu. Literacy and Reading in Nigeria 9 (2), 237 – 246.

Torgesen. J. K. (1998). Catch them before they fall: Identification and assessment to prevent

reading failure in young children. American Educator. Retrieved 18 April, 2007, from

http/www.idonline.org/ld indepth/reading/torgesen catchem.html.

Unoh, S.O. (1987). Reading to keep abreast of professional literature. In James S.L.(Ed.),

Reading for career development (RAN monograph series C) (pp.57 – 68). Ibadan: RAN.

Dr Ogenyi specializes in English and Applied Linguistics. He is a Senior Lecturer in the

Use of English & Communication Skills Unit, School of General Studies, University of

Nigeria, Nsukka, Enugu State. He also teaches postgraduate courses, and supervises

postgraduate students in the Department of English and Literary Studies of the same

university.

161