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CHURCH, SOCIETY, AND THE SACRED IN EARLY CHRISTIAN GREECEDISSERTATIONPresented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements forThe Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the GraduateSchool of The Ohio State UniversityBy

William R. Caraher, M.A.* * * * *The Ohio State University2003Dissertation Committee:Approved ByProfessor Timothy E. Gregory, AdviserProfessor James MorgansternProfessor Barbara Hanawalt _____________________AdviserProfessor Nathan Rosenstein Department of History

ABSTRACTThis dissertation proposes a social analysis of the Early Christian basilicas (4th-6thcentury) of Southern and Central Greece, predominantly those in the Late Romanprovince of Achaia. After an introduction which places the dissertation in the broadercontext of the study of Late Antique Greece, the second chapter argues that churchconstruction played an important role in the process of religions change in LateAntiquity. The third chapter examines Christian ritual, architecture, and cosmology toshow that churches in Greece depended upon and reacted to existing phenomena thatserved to promote hierarchy and shape power structures in Late Roman society. Chapterfour emphasizes social messages communicated through the motifs present in thenumerous mosaic pavements which commonly adorned Early Christian buildings inGreece. The final chapter demonstrates that the epigraphy likewise presented massages

that communicated social expectations drawn from both an elite and Christian discourse.Moreover they provide valuable information for the individuals who participated in theprocesses of church construction. After a brief conclusion, two catalogues presentbibliographic citations for the inscriptions and architecture referred to in the text. Theprimary goal of this dissertation is to integrate the study of ritual, architecture, and socialhistory and to demonstrate how Early Christian architecture played an important role inaffecting social change during Late Antiquity.iiiTo My ParentsivAKNOWLEDGMENTSFirst and foremost I want to thank my family for their generous emotional,

intellectual, and financial support. My parents and two brothers have stood behind myacademic endeavors from their first wobbly steps. My uncle Joseph Reynolds has readvarious drafts of conference papers and contributed comments. My late Grandfather,Peter G. Reynolds, provided me with the inspiration for pursuing history as my main lineof research, and it saddens me that he could not share in my progress. My GrandmotherElizabeth Y. Reynolds has always encouraged my study in every way.Special thanks go to all my friends who have seen me through crucial phases ofmy rather lengthy journey. In particular I must thank Mike Fronda and Jen Brecht fortheir always hospitable, if not always relaxing, table, kitchen, and barbeque. Mike, David

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Pettegrew, Dan Sarefield, and Jack Wells also played an important part in my intellectualdevelopment as they were subjected to various drafts of chapters, proposals, and papers.Kristin Di Bernardo, Adelia Gregory, and Grace Cheow also edited and read drafts atvarious stages. In Athens, James Wells, Jennifer Palinkas, Angela Volan, ChristineSmith, Mike Lippman, Sarah Lepinski, Sulo Asirvatham, Craig Hardimann, RangarCline, Bronwen Wickkiser, and Hilda Westerveld entertained and encouraged me

vintellectually and socially. Catherine Hammer has perhaps suffered the most graciouslyas this project staggered toward its end and assisted in assembling and preparing theimages. Finally, I would be remiss if I did not give a shout out to all the ballers at J.O.North and to all my friends from Wilmington, a place to be somebody, indeed.For professional help of various kinds (pun intended), I must thank RichardRothaus for providing me with an early draft of a chapter from his book on Late RomanKorinth, Guy Sanders for discussing various matters of Late Antiquity, Yannis Varalis,for allowing me to see part of his comprehensive catalogue of the churches ofIllyricumOrientalis, and Rebecca Sweetman for sharing her on-going work at the basilica at Spartaand on Late Roman mosaics. Judith Binder both made and fielded numerous inquiriesregarding the churches of Athens. Mike Dixon provided me with a copy E. Sironens

1997 dissertation on the Late Roman and Early Byzantine inscriptions of Attica when itwas very difficult to acquire in the U.S. Walter Stevenson, who read and commented onvarious drafts, and Stuart Wheeler have always encouraged my academic pursuits.Joseph Rife has always lent a sympathetic and critical ear to my various ideas. PierreMacKay, Linda Hall, and Molly Richardson also provided criticism, bibliography, andencouragement. The members of the Eastern Korinthia Archaeological Survey and theAustralian Palaiochora Kythera Archaeological Survey have more or less patientlyendured my marginally coherent ranting about architecture, space and other frontiers. AtThe Ohio State University I received generous funding from the Department of History,the Graduate School, and the Office of International Education. The American School ofClassical Studies at Athens provided me with two fellowships as an Associate Memberand a distraction free place to smooth out the accumulated wrinkles in my thought and

vitext. The Blegen Library staff, especially Phyllis Graham and Camilla MacKay, alwayswelcomed me to the fringes of their collection, while the staff of the Gennadius Libraryexceeded their reputation for efficiency and good cheer.Jack Balcer introduced me to Greece and graduate school in his seminars andlectures on the Bronze Age, Classical, and Hellenistic Eastern Mediterranean. NathanRosenstein taught me how to be resilient and critical in his brutal Roman Historyseminars. James Morganstern guided me to the proper study of Byzantine architecture.This dissertation would not have been possible, however, without the unfailingsupport and encouragement of my advisor Timothy Gregory who provided me at varioustimes with funding, housing, food, and transportation, as well as advice and criticism.Above all he was patient with my antics and schedule. In a world driven by a rather

pointless and paradoxical brand of hyper-professionalism he showed me that humanityand academia were not mutually exclusive.Needless to say, the problems in this current work reflect entirely my reluctanceto consider fully these individuals careful counsel.viiVITAApril 28, 1972Born1994....B.A., University of Richmond,Richmond College, Richmond, VA

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1996M.A., The Ohio State University2001-2003..American School of Classical Studiesat Athens1994-2003..Graduate Teaching and ResearchAssistant, The Ohio State UniversityMajor Field: History

viiiTABLE OF CONTENTSAbstract.............................................................................................................................. iiDedication .......................................................................................................................... iiiAknowledgments ............................................................................................................... ivVita................................................................................................................................... viiList of Plans .........................................................................................................................xAbbreviations....................................................................................................................xvChapter 1: Introduction ........................................................................................................11.1. Context of History........................................................................................................ 51.1.1. Sources...................................................................................................................... 61.1.2. Religion................................................................................................................... 10

1.1.3. Politics and Economics, Church and State ............................................................. 121.1.4. Invasions and the End of Antiquity ........................................................................ 151.2. The Architecture ........................................................................................................ 161.2.1. Basic shape and plan............................................................................................... 161.2.2. Size.......................................................................................................................... 171.2.3. Chronology ............................................................................................................. 181.2.4. Function .................................................................................................................. 251.2.5. Regional Styles ....................................................................................................... 311.2.6. Conclusions............................................................................................................. 331.3. Outline of the Dissertation ......................................................................................... 35A Note about Citation ....................................................................................................... 40Chapter 2: Conversion and Christianization ......................................................................41

2.1. Constructions of Conversion...................................................................................... 452.2. Church Construction, Christianization, and Conversion ........................................... 572.3. A Closer Look: The Case of Late Antique Church Construction.............................. 672.4. Conclusions................................................................................................................ 79Chapter 3: Liturgy and Meaning........................................................................................813.1. The Architecture of Liturgy in Early Christian Greece ............................................. 813.1.1. Background and Method......................................................................................... 853.1.2. Atrium and Narthex ................................................................................................ 943.1.3. Nave and Aisles .................................................................................................... 1043.1.4. The East End of the Church .................................................................................. 1103.2. Liturgy, Space and Order......................................................................................... 1143.2.1. Processions and Power.......................................................................................... 118

3.2.2. The Privilege of Access ........................................................................................ 123ix3.3. Conclusion: Constructing the Clergy in Early Christian Architecture and Ritual... 128Chapter 4: Mosaics and Meaning ....................................................................................1364.1. The Nature of the Evidence ..................................................................................... 1404.2. The Relationship between Mosaic Pavement and Liturgy in Greece ...................... 1464.3. Magical Mosaics ...................................................................................................... 1504.4. Figural Mosaics in a Social Context ........................................................................ 1664.4.1. Earth, Ocean, Games, and Months Christian Time, Space, and Authority........ 168

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4.4.2. Molaoi and Klapsi: Floors at the Fringe ............................................................... 1834.5. Conclusions.............................................................................................................. 193Chapter 5: Inscriptions, Space and Power .......................................................................1985.1. The Economics of Christian Building...................................................................... 2025.2. Socio-religious motivations in ecclesiastical inscriptions ....................................... 2225.3. Conclusions.............................................................................................................. 247

Chapter 6: Conclusions....................................................................................................251Bibliography ....................................................................................................................258Appendix A: Plans ...........................................................................................................288Appendix B: List of Excluded Figures ............................................................................306Appendix C: Catalogue of Relevant Inscriptions ............................................................311Appendix D: Provisional Catalogue of Churches............................................................338xLIST OF PLANSPlan1-5.2881. Alimos (After G. Sotiriou,AE(1929), 195, fig. 28.)2. Liopessi Ay. Athanasios (After D. Pallas,

Scoptere archeologiche in Grecia negli anni 1956-1958,RAC35 (1959), 187, fig. 1)3. Kalyvia Kouvara (After G. Sotiriou,AE(1929), 185, fig. 17.)4. Glyphada (After G. Sotiriou,AE(1929), 186, fig. 18.)5. Lavriotic Olympus (After N. Ch. Kotzia,PAE(1952), 96, fig. 1.)6-9.2896. Markopoulo (After P. Lazaridis,AD 20 (1965), 138-139, pl. 5.)7. Spata (After P. Lazaridis,AD 16 (1960), 69-70 pl. 1.)8. Stamata Ay. Paraskevi (After E. Tsophopoulou-Gkini,AD 45 (1990) B1, 91, fig. 2.)9. Brauron (After E. Stikas,PAE(1952), 74, fig. 1.)10-13.290

10. Aigosthena (After A. K. Orlandos,PAE(1954), 130, fig. 2.)11. Eleusis Ay. Zacharias (After G. Sotiriou,AE(1929), 184, fig. 15.)12. Vardia (After D. Pallas,Les Monuments Paleocrtiensde Grce 13, fig. 4.)13. Eleftherai 1 and 2 (After J. Travlos,Bildlexikon zurTopographie des antiken Attika. (Tbingen 1988), 170, fig. 224.)14-1729114. Athens Asclepieion (After J. Travlos,Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Athens.(New York 1971), 129, fig. 172.)15. Athens Theater of Dionysos (After J. Travlos,PAE(1951), 42, fig. 1.)

16. Athens Ilissos (After E. Stikas,PAE(1951), 59, fig. 5.)17. Athens Erchtheion (After J. Travlos,Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Athens.(New York 1971), 216, fig. 279.)18-2229218. Athens Parthenon (After A.K. Orlandos and L. Branouses,xi

T cargmata to Parqennoj toi pigrafa caracqesaip tn kinwn to Parqennoj kat toj palaiocristianiojka buzantinoj crnouj, (Athens 1973), 15.)

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19. Athens Panayia in Petra (After J. Travlos,AE(1953-1954), 2, 311, fig. 5.)20. Athens Library of Hadrian (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,Suntgma II, 174.)21. Athens Hephesteion (After J. Travlos,Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Athens.(New York 1971), 263, fig. 335.)

22. Athens Olympeion (After J. Travlos,PAE(1949), 39, fig. 11.)23-2629323. Korinth Church on Temple of Apollo Hill(AfterArchaeological Reports (1974-1975), 8, fig. 10.)24. Korinth Akrokorinth (After C. Blegen, Corinth III.i, plate 2.)25. Korinth Kodratos (After D. Pallas,Les MonumentsPaleocrtiens de Grce 170, fig. 110.)26. Korinth Skoutelas (After D. Pallas, Corinth et Nicopolispendant le haut moyen-ge,FR 18 (1979), 106, fig. 5.)27-3029427. Lechaion Port (After D. Pallas,Les Monuments

Paleocrtiens de Grce 164, fig. 113.)28. Korinth Kraneion (After D. Pallas, Corinth et Nicopolispendant le haut moyen-ge,FR 18 (1979), 102, fig. 4.)29. Kenchreai (After R. L. Scranton, J. Shaw, L. Ibrahim,Kenchreai I(Leiden 1978), fig. 30.)30. Nemea Sanctuary (After S. Miller,Nemea:A Guide to the Site and Meseum (Berkeley 1990), 81, fig. 26.)31-3429531. Kiato (After D. Pallas,Les MonumentsPaleocrtiens de Grce 173, fig. 117.)32. Nemea Evagelista Hill (After S. Miller,Nemea:A Guide to the Site and Meseum (Berkeley 1990), 83, fig. 27.)

33. Ano Epidauros Lalioteika (After A. Oikonomou,Symboli sten topographia tes Ano Epidauroustous mesous chronous,Actes du IIe Congresd' Etudes Argoliennes (Peloponnesiaka Suppl. 14)(Athens 1989), plate 13.)34. Epidauros (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,Suntgma II, fig. 38.)35-38296xii35. Argos Aspis (After W. Vollgraff,Le Sanctuaired'Apollon Pytheen a Argos. (Paris 1956), pl. IV.)36. Argos Od. Kephalariou (After D. Pallas,AD 16 (1960), B1, 97.)

37. Argos Alika (After C. Kritzas,AD 29 (1973-1974), B'2 244.)38. Hermione (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka, Suntgma II, fig. 56.)39-4229739. Sparta I (Afterhttp://www.bsa.gla.ac.uk/currentwork/sparta/plan/index.htm)40. Spetses Pityoussa (After G. Sotiriou,PAE(1937), 99, fig. 4.)41. Geraki Krini (After A. Xyngopoulos,PAE(1937), 109, fig. 1.)42. Molaoi I (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,Suntgma II, fig. 137.)

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43-4729843. Philiatra (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,Suntgma II, fig. 164.)44. Kainepolis-Kyparissos Ay. Petros (After N. Drandakis,PAE(1960), 234, fig. 1.)45. Pallandion Ay. Georgios (After A. de Franciscis,

ASAA 68-69 (1990-1991), 45, fig. 16.)46. Tigani (After N. Drandakis, et al.,PAE(1979), 216, fig. 1.)47. Pallandion Ay. Christophoros (AfterP. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka, Suntgma II, fig. 92.)48-51.29948. Tegea Thyrsos (AfterP. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka, Suntgma II, fig. 95.)49. Lycosoura (After J. Travlos,AE(1953-1954).2, 311, fig. 5.)50. Skioessa Bozaitikon (After A. Pantelidou,AD 37 (1982), B'1 163, fig. 2.)51. Olympia (After A. Mallwitz-W. Shiering,

Die Werkstatt de Pheidias in Olympa,Olympische Forschungen V (Berlin 1964), fig. 13.)52-5630052. Anthedon (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,Suntgma II, fig. 234.)53. Daphnousia (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,Suntgma II, fig. 291.)54. Demetrias B (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,G.C. Hourmouziadis, K.A. Makris,The Story of a Civilization: Magnesia, H. Zigada trans.(Athens 1982), 148, fig. 56.)xiii

55. Lai (After G. Sotiriou, AE (1929), 182, fig. 13.)56. Demetrias A (After S. Bakhuizen, R. Gschnitzer,C. Habicht, and P. Marzolff,Demetrias V. (Bonn 1987), fig. 31.)57-60.30157. Nea Anchialos A (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,G.C. Hourmouziadis, K.A. Makris,The Story of a Civilization: Magnesia, H. Zigada trans.(Athens 1982), 137, fig. 34.)58. Nea Anchialos B (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,G.C. Hourmouziadis, K.A. Makris,The Story of a Civilization: Magnesia, H. Zigada trans.(Athens 1982), 136, fig. 32.)

59. Nea Anchialos Martyrios (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,G.C. Hourmouziadis, K.A. Makris,The Story of a Civilization: Magnesia, H. Zigada trans.(Athens 1982), 144, fig. 47.)60. Nea Anchialos D (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,G.C. Hourmouziadis, K.A. Makris,The Story of a Civilization: Magnesia, H. Zigada trans.(Athens 1982), 142, fig. 43.)61-64..302

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61. Klapsi (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,Suntgma II, fig. 271.)62. Theotokou (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,G.C. Hourmouziadis, K.A. Makris,The Story of a Civilization: Magnesia, H. Zigada trans.(Athens 1982), 154, fig. 64.)

63. Mytikas (After N.G. Laskaris, Monuments FunrairesPalochrtiens (et Byzantins) de Grce. (Athens 2000), fig. 56a.)64. Delphi cemetery (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,Suntgma II, fig. 337a.)65-68..30365. Nikopolis -- G (After: W. Bowden, Town and Countryin Late Antique Epirus Vetus. vol. 2. (Unpub. Ph.D.Thesis University of East Anglia 2000), fig. 25)66. Nikopolis A (After: W. Bowden, Town and Countryin Late Antique Epirus Vetus. vol. 2. (Unpub. Ph.D. ThesisUniversity of East Anglia 2000), fig . 24.)67. Nikopolis B (After W. Bowden, Town and Country

in Late Antique Epirus Vetus. vol. 2. (Unpub. Ph.D. ThesisUniversity of East Anglia 2000), fig. 26.)68. Nikopolis D (After W. Bowden, Town and Countryxivin Late Antique Epirus Vetus. vol. 2. (Unpub. Ph.D. ThesisUniversity of East Anglia 2000), fig. 27.)69-7330469. Island of Kephalos A (After C. Mparla,PAE(1968), 17, fig. 1.)70. Ay. Georgios (After P. Vokotopoulos,AD 22 (1967), 326, fig. 1.)71. Island of Kephalos B (After C. Mparla, D. Pallas,PAE(1970), 91, fig. 1.)72. New Pleuron (After Ph. Zafeiropoulou,

AD 29, (1973-1974), 528, fig. 4.)73. Mastron (After P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka, SuntgmaII, fig. 165.)xvABBREVIATIONSAA Archologisher AnzeigerAAA 'Arcaiologik nlekta x 'AqhnnAB The Art BulletinABoll Analecta BollandianaABME 'Arceon tn Buzantinn Mnemwn tj `ElldojActes du IX CIEB Actes des IX Congrs International dtudesByzantines. Thessaloniki 1953.ACIAC

3 Atti del III Congresso Internazionale di ArcheologiaCristiana. Rome 1934.4 Atti del IV Congresso Internazionale di ArcheologiaCristiana. Rome 1948.5 Actes du Ve Congrs International dArchologieChrtienne. Paris 1957.7 Akten des VII Internationalen Kongressen frchristliche Archologie. Berlin 1969.10 Actes du Xe Congrs International dArchologie

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Chrtienne. Thessaloniki 1984.11 Actes du XIe Congrs International dArchologieChrtienne. Rome 1989.12 Akten des XII Internationalen Kongressen frchristliche Archologie. Bonn 1991.AD 'Arcaiologikn Delton

AE 'Arcaiologik 'EfhmerjAEM 'Arceon 'Euboikn MeletnAJA American Journal of ArchaeologyAJP American Journal of PhilologyAKM 'Arceon korinqiakn meletnAKB Archologisches KorrespondenzblattAncient Magnesia P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka, G.C. Hourmouziadis,K.A. Makris, The Story of a Civilization:Magnesia, H. Zigada trans. Athens 1982.ArchRep Archaeological ReportsASAA Annuario della (Regia) scuola archeologica diAtene e delle missioni italiane in Oriente

Assimakopoulou-Atzaka,xviSyntagma IIP. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka, Suntgma twnPalaiocristainikn Yhfidistn Dapednthj Elldoj. Thessaloniki 1987.BCH Bulletin de correspondance hellniqueBE Bulletin pigraphiqueBEFAR Bibliothque des cole francaises dAthnes et deRomeBJb Bonner Jahrbcher des Rheinischen Landesmuseums inBonn und des Vereins von Altertumsfreundenim Rheinlande

BSA Annual of the British School at AthensBSR Papers of the British School at RomeBullAIEMA Bulletin dInformation de lAssociation Internationalepour ltude de la Mosaque AntiqueByzFor Byzantinische ForschungenBZ Byzantinische ZeitschriftCA Cahiers ArchologiquesCR Classical ReviewCorinthI H. Fowler and R. Stillwell,Introduction, Topography,Architecture. Corinth I,i Cambridge MA 1932.IIIi K. Blegen, O. Broneer, R. Stillwell, A. Bellinger.

Acrocorinth. Cambridge MA 1930.XIV C. Roebuck, The Asclepieion and Lerna. Princeton1950.XVI R. L. Scranton, The Medieval Architecture in the CentralArea of Corinth.. Princeton 1952.DACL Dictionnaire darchologie chrtienne et de liturgie. F.Cabol and H. Leclerq eds. Paris 1907-1953.DemetriasI V. Milojcic and D. Theocharis,Demetrias I. Bonn

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1976.V S. Bakhuizen, R. Gschnitzer, C. Habicht, and P.Marzolff,Demetrias V. Bonn 1987.DIEE Delton tj `Istorikj ka 'Eqnologikj `Etaireajtj ElldojDOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers

DXAE Delton tj Cristianikj 'Arcaiologikj`EtaireiajEEBM 'Epethrj thj `Etaireaj Boiwtikn MeletnEEBS 'Epethrj Etaireaj Buzantinn SpoudnEEThS 'Episthmonik 'Epethrj Qeologikj ScoljEHR English Historical ReviewEiperChron 'Hpeirwtik cronikEMME Eretrion Mesaiwnikn Mnhmewn tj ElldojxviiErgonTo Ergon tj n Aqnaij 'Arcaiologikj`EtaireiajFR Felix Ravenna

GOrTR Greek Orthodox Theological ReviewGRBS Greek, Roman, and Byzantine StudiesHTR Harvard Theological ReviewIG Inscriptiones GraecaeJbACh Jahrbuch fr Antike und ChristentumJDAI Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archologischen InstitutsJECS Journal of Early Christian StudiesJFA Journal of Field ArchaeologyJHS Journal of Hellenic StudiesJMA Journal of Mediterranean ArchaeologyJB Jahrbuch der sterreichischen ByzantinischenGesellschaft

JRS Journal of Roman StudiesJTS Journal of Theological StudiesKordossis, Korinthos, M.S. Kordossis, Sumbol stn stora ka topografatj periocj Kornqou stoj msoujcrnouj. (Athens 1981)KenchreaiI R. L. Scranton, J. Shaw, L. Ibrahim,Kenchreai ILeiden 1978.III B. Adamscheck,III. The Pottery. Leiden 1979.IV R. C. Hohlfelder,IV.The Coins. Leiden 1978.V H. Williams, V. The Lamps. Leiden 1981.Kitzinger, Mosaics at Nikopolis, 82-122.

Klironomia KlhronomaKrautheimer, Architecture, R. Krautheimer with S. uri.Early Christian andByzantine Architecture . 4th ed. New York 1986.Lac. Spoud. or LakSpoud Lakwnika SpoudaMDJAI(A) Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archologischen Instituts(Athens)MEFRA Mlanges de lcole Francaise de Rome, AntiquitMiller, Guide to Nemea, S. Miller,Nemea: A Guide to the Site and Meseum.

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(Berkeley 1990)Minnesota MesseniaExpedition W. A Macdonald and G.R. Rapp eds, The MinnesotaMessinia Expedition. Reconstructing a Bronze AgeRegional Environment. Minneapolis 1972.Nemea I D. Birge, L. Kraynak, S. Miller, Topography and

Architectural Studies: The Sacred Square, theXenon, and the Bath. (Los Angeles 1991)OCA Orientalia Christiana AnalectaJh Jahreshefte des sterreichischen ArchologischenxviiiInstitut WienPAA Praktik 'Akadhmaj AqhnnPAE Praktik tj n Aqnaij 'Arcaiologikj`EtaireajPallas, Monuments D. Pallas, D.Les Monuments Paleocrtiens de GrceDcouverts de 1959-1973. Vatican 1977PCPhS Proceedings of the Cambridge Philosophical Society

PESNAA Praktik pisthmonikj sunnthshjnotioanatolikj 'AttikjRAC Rivista Archeologia CristianaRBK Realexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst. K. Wessel and M.Restle eds. Stuttgart 1965-.RQA Rmische Quartalschrift fr christlicheAltertumschunde und fr KirchengeschichteSEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum.Spiro, Critical Corpus M. Spiro, Critical Corpus of the Mosaic Pavements onthe Greek Mainland Fourth/Sixth Centuries withArchitectural Surveys. 2 vols. New York 1978.Sodini, Habitat urbain, J.-P., Sodini, Lhabitat urbain en Grce la veille des

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CHAPTER 1INTRODUCTION

The emergence of the Christian church as an important source of political,economic, religious, and social authority in the ancient Mediterranean contributed in a

significant way to the transformation from the ancient to Byzantine world. By the sixthand seventh century the ecclesiastical hierarchy had become closely tied to the imperialgovernment and in a position to command considerable moral, economic, and politicalresources. Churches increasingly occupied prominent places in the urban and suburbanlandscape, and the varying experiences of Christian liturgy came to mark the importantevents in the life of the community and the individual. Scholars have long recognized thesocial and cultural changes associated with the rise of Christianity. In many cases,however, their efforts to understand these profound changes have fallen short ofexplaining how they actually occurred in the very local world of everyday life in LateAntiquity. This dissertation will approach this issue by examining the place of Christianarchitecture in the expansion and development of Christianity as a cultural system in LateRoman Achaia and vicinity from the late 4th to the early 7th century.

This investigation will focus on how the clergy and the congregation sought toconstruct identities in a changing symbolic world where the increasingly powerful churchrecast the ideas, images, and, in many cases, the actual material of the ancient world into2a coherent Christian cosmology. The church actively maintained and drew upon its deeproots in ancient culture for numerous reasons. On some occasions, the Christianhierarchy recognized their inability to eradicate all evidence of paganism. In othercontexts, the emperor, for example, realized that it would be profitable to integrate thetraditions and trappings of imperial rule into a new Christian model of imperial authority.I will ague that on the local level the persistence of certain aspects of ancient culture,particularly the ritual structures, decorative motifs, and epigraphic conventions, played animportant role in communicating the new expectations of the Christian church and

Christian empire. The world of the local aristocrat, traditional religion, and civic ritualprovided the backdrop for the emergence of Christianity to a far greater extent than theworld of the capital, the emperor, and Patristic fathers. The continued vitality of civic lifeinto the 5th and 6th centuries influenced the development of a communicative practicedependant on the norms, values, and iconography of ancient society and contributed tothe creation of a Christian culture whose broad appeal was rooted in its fulfillment ofbasic expectations articulated by centuries-old traditions of Mediterranean culture. Thenovelty of Christianity in this formulation was not its ability to supplant the world ofantiquity, but its ability to transform, reshape, and appropriate the ancient world toconstruct a social order with an entirely new set of justifications, beliefs, and structures.The study of architecture provides a way to examine the nature and process ofcultural change, and, in fact, has several advantages over the study of ancient text for the

student of Late Antique society. First, the audience for architecture was inevitablybroader than the audience for literary sources. Even for that small percentage of society3who had both the leisure and ability to indulge in reading, the cost of books wassignificant.1 The aristocratic audience for literary production influenced the mattersancient authors discussed, leading to an emphasis on aristocratic concerns. Monumentalreligious architecture, especially the Early Christian basilica, served a much broaderaudience and therefore became the point of contact between the ideas of the elite, whowere often instrumental in the construction and decoration of churches, and the rest of

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Late Antique society. As my dissertation will demonstrate, the ability to communicateChristian theology using wide range of socially relevant images and rituals made thechurch building a vital link between elite expectations and popular sensibilities.2 Second,the literary evidence for Greece provides very little information concerning the process ofChristianization in this region. There are no substantial narrative descriptions ofChristian holy men, powerful bishops, or imperial authorities contributing to the

development Christianity in southern and central Greece. In contrast, the architecturalremains of early Christianity are widespread and substantial. Developing techniques tomake the architectural remains of Early Christian churches answer questions relevant tocurrent discussions in social, religious, and cultural history opens a vast store of materialto the eye of the historian. Finally, churches are not ordinary architecture. The EarlyChristian church was sacred space and served as the locus for the liturgy. The role of thechurch as sacred space ensured that individuals expected a symbolically chargedexperience within the church and also that the experience of the rituals and architecturewould have extended beyond its walls. For this reason churches provide not simply one1 W.V. Harris,Ancient Literacy. (London 1989), 225.4of the few available sources for Late Roman Greece, but a uniquely promising source as

churches represented the place where all levels of Late Antique society witnessed thecontact between heaven and earth.My goal is to present Early Christian architecture as evidence for social change.Consequently, this dissertation represents a selective probing of architectural, decorative,and epigraphic evidence from Early Christian churches rather than a comprehensivestudy of the architecture or even a systematic treatment of any one component. Thereasons for this are, in part, because studies of specific aspects of Early Christianchurches already exist.3 While an updating of A. K. Orlandos dated but comprehensivesurvey of Early Christian architecture in Greece is needed, it is difficult to imagine anyscholar getting sufficient access to the fine quality archaeological data necessary toproduce a systematic and comprehensive new treatment of Early Christian architecture inGreece.4 Consequently, the following examination of Early Christian material evidence

will emphasize architecture as a source of social history generally, and, in particular, willconcentrate on the wealth of material from southern and central Greece. Specifically, itwill demonstrate that architecture provides ample evidence for a complex interplay2 A similar phenomenon pervaded Early Christian homiletics, see: B. Leyerle, TheatricalShows andAscetic Lives: John Chrysostoms Attack on Spiritual Marriage, (Berkeley 2001), 60-67described JohnChrysostoms attack on the rhetoric of theatre permeating the language of sermons.3 P. Assimakoupolou-Atzaka, Suntgma twn Palaiocristainikn YhfidistnDapedn thjElldoj, (Thessaloniki 1987); D. Pallas, Les Monuments Paleocrtiens de GrceDcouverts de 1959-

1973. (Vaticano 1977); --, `H qlassa `Ekkleswn. (Athens, 1952); M. Spiro, CriticalCorpus of theMosaic Pavements on the Greek Mainland Fourth/Sixth Centuries with ArchitecturalSurveys (New York,1978). J-P. Sodini, "La Sculpture Architecturale l'poque Palochrtienne en Illyricum,"Studia di Antichita Cristiani vol.1 (Rome 1984), 207-298; Peter H.F Jakobs, Die FruchristlickenAmbone

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Griechenlands, (Bonn 1987); V. Vemi, Les Chapiteaux Ioniques Imposte de Grce LpoquePalochrtienne. (Paris 1989). I. E. Volonake, Ta Palaiocristianik Baptistria tjElldoj.(Athens 1976). A. K. Orlandos, `H Xulostgoj Palaiocristianik Basilik. (Athens1952).

4 A. K. Orlandos, Basilik, (Athens 1952).5between pre-existing values and emerging cultural systems in the ancient and MedievalMediterranean.The following introduction falls into three parts. First I will briefly sketch thehistorical and historiographical trends in the history of Late Antique Greece. Then, I willpresent a basic prospectus of the architectural and archaeological evidence for thisdissertation with particular attention to the difficulties attendant to any effort to groupthese buildings into categories for study. Finally, I will provide a short outline of theorganization of this dissertation.1.1. Context of History

In recent years Greece from the 4th to the 7th century, referred to as Late Antique,

Late Roman, Early Byzantine or Early Christian period, has received considerablescholarly attention. A. Avrameas study of the Peloponessus during this period haslargely superceded Bons venerable study of post-classical Greece to provide the bestbasic overview of this period.5 Moreover, her slim volume presents a useful summary anddiscussion of the literary, archaeological, numismatic, and epigraphic sources. Thecontributions in the most recent edition of the Cambridge Ancient Historyby M. Whitbypresented a useful summary of the military and economic environment of the SouthernBalkans and Greece.6 T. Gregory, F. Trombley, J.-M. Spieser have provided important5 A. Avremea,Le Ploponnse du IVe au VIIIe sicle. (Paris 1997); A. Bon,Le Ploponnsebyzantinjusquen 1204. (Paris 1951).6 M. Whitby, The Balkans and Greece 420-620, in The Cambridge Ancient History. Vol.

14., A.Cameron, B. Ward-Perkins, M. Whitby, eds. (Cambridge 2000), 701-730. See also, J. V. A.Fine, The EarlyMedieval Balkans: A Critical Survey from the Sixth to the Late Twelfth Century. (Ann Arbor1983).6analysis of religious and political developments during Late Antiquity.7 R. Rothaus, A.Frantz, G. Fowden, and numerous Greek scholars have provided valuable regional studiesthat have contributed greatly to our knowledge of epigraphic and archaeologicalmaterial.81.1.1. Sources.The difficulty facing anyone interested in reconstructing a narrative of events for

Late Antique Greece rests in the paucity of narrative literary sources. Ancient authorsmentioned Greece primarily when some disaster such as an earthquake, invasion, plagueor schism struck, and even then they do not demonstrate an intimate familiarity with the7 T.E. Gregory, "The Survival of Paganism in Christian Greece: A Critical Essay,"AJP107(1986), 229-242; J.-M. Spieser, "The Christianization of the City in Late Antiquity," in Urban andReligious Space inLate Antiquity and Early Byzantium, (Aldershot 2001) (originally in French: Ktema 11(1986)), 49-55; --,

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Le Ville en Grce du IIIe au VIIe sicle in Urban and Religious Space, (originally inVilles peuplementdan lIllyricum protobyzanin (Rome 1984)), 315-340; --, The Christianisation of PaganSanctuaries inGreece, in Urban and Religious Space, (originally in French: Neue Forschungen ingriechischen

Heiligtmern (Tbigen 1976)), 1-13; F. Trombley, Paganism in the Greek World at the Endof Antiquity:The Case of Rural Anatolia and Greece, HTR 78 (1985), 327-352; --, Boeotia in LateAntiquity:Epigraphic Evidence on Society, Economy, and Christianization, BOIOTIKA H. Beisterand J. Buchlereds. (Munich 1989), 215-228.; --,Hellenic Religion and Christianization c. 370-529 . (Leiden1993), vol. 1,283-344; J.-P. Sodini, Lhabitat urbain en Grce la veille des invasions, in Villespeuplement danlIllyricum protobyzanin, 341-396.8 H. Thompson, Athenian Twilight: A.D. 267-600, JRS49 (1959), 61-72; A. Frantz,Late

Antiquity: A.D.267-700. Athenian Agora 24, (Princeton 1988); R. Rothaus, Corinth: The First City ofGreece, (Leiden2000). G. Fowden, City and Mountain in Late Roman Attica, JHS108 (1988), 48-59; --,The AthenianAgora and the Progress of Christianity, JRA 3 (1990), 494-501; -- Late Roman Achaea:Identity andDefence,JRA 8 (1995), 549-567. Some examples of the contribution from Greek scholars toourunderstanding of Late Antiquity at a regional level: R. Etzoglou, Quelques aspects desagglomrationspalochrtiennes au Sud-Est de la Laconie, Geographie historique du monde mdierranen,

(Paris 1988),99-107; A. Lambropoulou, Qmata tj `Istorikj Gewgrafaj to nomo'Hleiaj kat tnpalaiocristianik perodo, in Achaia und Elis in der Antike. A. D. Rizakis ed.(Athens 1991), 283-291;A. Moutzali, `H plh tn Patrn kat tn prwtobuzantin perodo, inAchaia und Elis, 259-264;D. I. Pallas, `H Palaiocristianik Notioanatolik 'Attik, Praktikepisthmonikjsunnthshj notioanatolikj 'Attikhj 2 (1985), 43-80; O. Karagiorgou, Demetriasand Thebes: thefortunes and misfortunes of two Thessalian port cities, in Recent Research in Late Antique

Urbanism. L.Lavan ed.JRA Supp. 42 (Portsmouth, RI 2001), 182-215.7region.9 There are a few exceptions, of course. For Athens, we have the Marinos,Life ofProclus, a 5th century pagan philosopher.10 F. Trombley, G. Fowden and A. Frantz havedrawn heavily on this text in their discussions of the religious situation in Athens duringthe 5th century.11 For the sixth century Procopius in his buildings discussed thefortification of the towns of Illyricum Orientalis and in the Wars provided someinformation regarding the Balkan campaigns.12 References to Greece appear in such

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diverse literary sources as the 4th-century letters of Ambrose of Milan, the works of LatePagans like Libanius, Eunapius and Zosimus, scattered references in the EcclesiasticalHistorians, Middle Byzantine Notitia, geographical works, the Actae of councils, and,finally, the occasional mention of Greece by travelers heading to points east or west.13None of these sources, with the possible exception of theLife of Proclusprovides muchinformation relevant to expansion of Christianity, social structure, or culture of Late

Roman Greece.The limitations of the literary sources have allowed archaeological evidence toplay an exceptional role in writing the history of Greece during Late Antiquity. Whilemany of the details remain hotly contested, archaeologists have gradually constructed animage of Greece at the end of the ancient world. Confounding their efforts is the factthat the latest antiquity has traditionally been a low priority for excavators, and few siteshave published comprehensively their late antique remains. There is some evidence,9 For a summary of sources see: Avramea, Le Ploponnse, 42-46; Rothaus, Corinth, 16-21;70-73.10 Marinus, Vita Procli. (Leipzi 1814; rep. Amsterdam 1966); --,Life of Proclus, trans. K.S.Guthrie (GrandRapids, MI 1989).

11 See in particular: Frantz, Late Antiquity, 42-44; 70-72; Trombly, Hellenic Religion andChristianization,vol. 1, 283-322; G. Fowden, The Pagan Holy Man in Late Antique Society, JHS 102(1982), [33-59], 43-59.12 Procopius, de Aed. 4.; Procopius, de bello gothico, 4.25; Procopius, de bello vandalico,1.13.8however, for a change in attitudes. Excavations at the Athenian Agora, Isthmia, Korinth,Demetrias in Thessaly, Thasos, and Emporio on Chios, have all produced volumesfocusing exclusively on post-classical remains.14 Numerous other projects havepublished intermittently on Late Antique levels. Survey archaeology has held out

particular hope for the study of Late Antique land use and economy. Intensive pedestriansurveys of large tracts in the Korinthia, Argolid, and Laconia have produced intriguing, ifas yet, undigested data for the Late Roman period.15 These surveys have also resulted inthe discovery of several previously overlooked monuments of Late Antique date. Despitethis recent progress, the tendency to privilege the Classical and Hellenistic periods andthe prestige finds associated with these excavations continues to exert a powerful swayon the archaeological community in Greece. Nevertheless, the recent progress inpublishing late antique levels and monuments, and the copious material turned up byintensive pedestrian surveys provides reason for optimism.The study of Late Antique and Early Byzantine epigraphy, as I will discuss ingreater detail in the final chapter of this dissertation, has enjoyed recent popularity withthe publication of several valuable collections of inscriptions.16 Funerary epigrams

13 For example: Libanius, Or. 14; Hierokles, 645.13-658.3; Darrouzs, Notitiaeepiscopatum ecclesiaeconstantinopolitanae (Paris 1981), 3.1.734-768; Tab. Peut. cols.565-584.14 Frantz, Athenian Agora; T.E. Gregory, Isthmia V: The Hexamilion and the Fortress,(Princeton 1993); S.Bakhuizen, F. Gschnitzer, C. Habicht, P. Marzolff, Demetrias V, (Bonn 1987); R.L.Scranton, Corinth XVI.Medieval Architecture in the Central Area of Corinth, (Princeton 1957); M. Ballance, J.Boardman, S.

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Corbett, S. Hood,Byzantine Emporio: Excavations in Chios 1952-1955, (Athens 1989); J.-P.Sodini and K.Kolokotsas,Aliki II: La Basilique Double, (Paris 1984).15 For example: H. Bowden and D. Gill, Late Roman Methana, in A Rough and RockyPlace. H. Forbesand C. Mee eds. (Liverpool 1997), 84-91; M. H. Jameson, C. N. Runnels, T. H. van Andel, A

GreekCountryside, (Stanford 1994), esp. 101-111; M. Hahn,The Early Byzantine to ModernPeriods in TheBerbati-Limnes Archaeological Survey 1988-1990. B. Wells ed., (Stockholm 1996), 345-451. W.Cavanagh, J. Crouwel, R.W. Catling, G. Shipley, The Laconia Survey. Vol. 2 (London1996).16 E. Sironen, The Late Roman and Early Byzantine Inscriptions of Athens and Attica.(Helsinki 1997); G.Kiourtzian,Recueil des inscriptions grecques chrtiennes des cyclades de la fin du IIIe auVII sicle aprsJ.-C. (Paris 2000). D. Feissel, Recueil des inscriptions chrtiennes de Macedoine du IIIe au

Vie sicle.9comprise the vast majority of known texts, and they hold out the promise for providingvaluable social information for Greece during Late Antiquity. Currently, however, theseinscriptions, many of which have only now received proper editions, have not been fullydigested by scholars, although F. Trombleys use of epigraphic evidence to discussChristianization in Greece and Asia Minor demonstrates the great promise theseinscriptions possess as historical sources.17While there is reason for optimism in the study of late antique Greece, problemsremain. Much of the archaeological material, especially that turned up by intensivesurvey, is particularly difficult to date. Furthermore, our ceramic chronology is only nowgaining the degree of resolution necessary to discuss changes duringthe 4th, 5th, and 6th

centuries. The vast number of Early Christian inscriptions, seemingly valuable evidencefor the spread of Christianity and social structure, may in the end prove totally resistant toa precise chronology, leaving scholars once again ignorant of the transformation whichoccurred within the period under study. Finally, long-held biases against the study ofByzantine and Late Antique levels continue to limit the opportunities for the excavation,publication, and study of Late Antique sites. Currently the only approach that theevidence will sustain, as I will discuss in the second half of this introduction, is one thattreats the Early Christian archaeological remains from Southern and Central Greece in asynchronic way despite the very real possibility that new discoveries, improvedBCH Suppl. 8. (Paris 1983). D. Feissel and A. Philippidis-Braat, Inventaires en vue dunrecueil desinscriptions historique de Byzance. III. Incriptions du Ploponnse, T&MByz 9 (1985), 267-

395. Seealso: C. Rouech,Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity: the Late Roman and Byzantine InscriptionsIncludingTexts from the Excavations at Aphrodisias Conducted by Kenan T. Erim.JRS Monographs 5.(London1989).17 Trombley,Hellenic Religion and Christianization; --, Boeotia in Late Antiquity.10techniques, and more systematic publications will allow future scholars to approach these

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same monuments in a more diachronic way.1.1.2. ReligionThe conflict between paganism and Christianity continues to dominate recentdiscussions of Late Antique Greece. Scholars have proposed various paradigms for thetransition from paganism to Christianity. The only aspect that has generally helduniversal acceptance is a relatively late date for the widespread appearance of the cultural

aspects of Christianity. While the precise date for such seemingly significant events asthe conversion of the important Athenian temples to Christian use, the destruction of theAthenian Asclepieion, or the earliest basilica type church in southern and central Greeceremain disputed, scholars generally agree that there is little solid evidence for widespreadChristianity before the fifth century. Even in the face of a rather fluid chronology formuch of the archaeological evidence, the general trend has been to push known ceramictypes later from the late fourth and fifth centuries into the sixth and sometimes evenseventh centuries continuing to support the late date for the conversion of Greece toChristianity.The ambiguity of the chronology has, in part, contributed to a certain ambiguity inhow we understand the end of paganism in Greece. A. Frantz made the influentialargument that the pagans occupied the centers of towns, while Christians lived in separate

communities outside the ancient city center probably in neighborhoods clustered around11their churches.18 This living arrangement both allowed civic paganism to persist but alsolimited the opportunities for open conflict. Scholars have challenged this on severalgrounds. J.-M. Spieser proposed that in many places in Greece paganism was dead andgone by Late Antiquity and Christianity emerged to fill a kind of spiritual void.19 T.Gregory, F. Trombley, and R. Rothaus, however, have tried to demonstrate that thearchaeological evidence preserves definite indicators of pagan and Christian co-existenceand occasional violence during Late Antiquity.20 These scholars have also recognized,however, that a view of paganism as a system of formal cults associated with civic lifeexcluded a vast and vital part of late antique religious life. Thus, the relationshipbetween traditional or Hellenic religions and Christianity varied enormously according

to the specifics of religious ritual, and local power structures and traditions. Thisvariation ensured that contacts between the new religion and earlier practices ranged fromaccommodation to conflict. My dissertation, as I will outline in detail in the first chapter,contributes to on-going debates on Christianization by examining this phenomenon not asa change in religious practice alone, but as a change in the symbols and principlessupporting social order. This approach will allow for a far more fluid understanding ofthe relationship between traditional religion and Christianization and examinesChristianity in the 5th and 6th century as place where ancient culture was explained andappropriated by a Christian cosmology.18 A. Frantz, Paganism to Chrsitianity in the Temples of Athens, DOP 19 (1965), 187-205.19 Speiser, Christianisation of Pagan Sanctuaries, 1-13.

20 Gregory, The Survival of Paganism, 229-242; Trombley, Hellenic Religion andChristianization;Rothaus, Corinth, 93-125.121.1.3. Politics and Economics, Church and StateThe majority of the buildings discussed in this dissertation are located within theLate Roman province of Achaia governed from Korinth. This includes churches in themodern regions of Achaia, Attica, Boeotia, Elis, Korinthia, Arcadia, Laconia, Messenia,parts of Phocis, and the islands of Aegina, Salamis, and Euboea, basically all of mainland

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Greece south of the Thermopylae pass, and was associated by some Late Romangeographers with Hellas. I have excluded, in an effort to produce a manageable corpus,churches the Ionian islands, the Cyclades, the Sporades, which are sometimes associatedwith the Greek mainland. In the Diocletianic reorganization Achaia was placed in theprefecture of Illyricum Orientalis, which was ruled from Thessaloniki for most of theperiod under consideration here. Although, this prefecture was initially under the sway

of the Rome and the West, in no small part on account of its proximity to the Latinspeaking Illyricum Occidenatis, the political fate of Greece was largely tied to that of theEastern Roman Empire for the period under discussion in this dissertation. It is clear thatthe Emperors in Constantinople made periodic efforts to ward off the various invadingtribes such as the Goths, Huns, Avars, and Slavs to at least the extent that these invasionsof the southern Balkans threatened the security of the capital.There continues to be great controversy regarding the extent of damage thesevarious invasions inflicted. Increasingly, however, the trend has been to minimize thedisruptions of the various 5th-century invasions on the southern Balkans, and emphasizethe 5th and 6th centuries as a period of economic and demographic expansion. Literaryand archaeological evidence for large-scale construction projects in cities, especiallyfortifications, churches, and the upkeep of certain civic amenities such as baths and fora

13complement the evidence from archaeological surveys to create a picture of politicalstability and economic expansion.21 The continued economic prosperity likely allowedcivic institutions to continue well into the 6th century, and thus suggests that the declineof cities and urban life only occurred at the very end of the 6th and perhaps even thebeginning of the 7th century.From an ecclesiastical standpoint, Greece stood between the East and West. Thediocese of Achaia, with its Metropolitan at Korinth, followed the civic organization ofIllyricum Orientalis and was governed ecclesiastically by the Archbishop ofThessaloniki. He was officially under the Pope at Rome, although it is clear that thegeographical proximity to the Patriarch at Constantinople made his allegiance to one orthe other a matter of convenience. Further compounding the liminal position of Greece

in the world of ecclesiastical politics were the cultural, economic, and political ties to theGreek-speaking East. It is almost certain, for example, that the liturgy in Greece was inGreek, rather than Latin, as in most of the regions under Papal jurisdiction.The position of Greece and Illyricum Orientalis between East and West isnowhere made more clear than in the events of the Acacian schism from 484-516.22 TheBishop of Thessaloniki openly supported the Partriarch of Constantinople Acacius in hisefforts to promulgate the Emperors Zenos Henotikon to gain reconciliation with thechurch of Alexandria under Peter Mongus. The Pope Felix III opposed this documentclaiming to stand firm in support of Chalcedonian Christianity. While the Bishop ofThessaloniki split from Rome, the Pope conducted a vigorous propaganda campaign in21 For a recent discussion see: G.D.R. Sanders, Corinth, in The Economic History ofByzantium. A. Laiou

ed., (Washington, DC 2002), , vol. 2, 639-646.14Greece. This ultimately succeeded in splitting off many Greek bishops fromThessaloniki and securing their (re)allegiance to the Papal cause. The dispute betweenThessaloniki, the bishops of Greece, Rome and Constantinople, did not come to an enduntil the accession of Justin I to the throne in 518 and his abandonment of the Henotikon.This dissertation will find little opportunity to relate the material evidence fromGreece to the complex world of ecclesiastical politics. Consequently, such matters asecclesiastical and political borders will be treated rather lightly. I have included in both

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my discussion and catalogue, some of the important churches from sites formally outsidethe province of Achaia. In particular, I have included the churches from southern Epirus,just across the border from Achaia, in the province of Epirus Vetus with its Metropolitanat Nikopolis. This includes churches from Acarnania, Aetolia, Epirus, Eurytania andWestern Locris. I have also included churches from southern Thessaly, and Phthiotidis,including, the important churches at Nea Anchialos and Demetrias, which were under the

jurisdiction of the Metropolitan at Larissa. It is clear that the geographical continuity,Greek language, and their position under the Archbishop of Thessaloniki aligned thechurches from southern and central Greece in the world of ecclesiastical politics,economics, and probably liturgy. I will often refer to the geographic region for thisdissertation as Greece or Southern and Central Greece, both of these designationapply to all the churches included in this catalogue and not the borders of the modernGreek state or the varying boundaries of the province or later theme of Hellas.2322 For a concise narrative description of the schism see: P. Charanis, Church and State inthe Late RomanPeriod, (Thessaloniki 1974), 43-46, 103.23 Avramea,Le Ploponnse, 31-40; P. Charanis, Hellas in the Greek sources of the sixth,seventh, and

eighth centuries,Late Classical and Mediaeval Studies in Honor of Albert Mathias FriendJr., K.Weitzmann ed. (Princeton 1955), 161-176; C. Pietri, La gographie de lIllyricumecclsiastique et ses151.1.4. Invasions and the End of AntiquityTwo decades ago it would have been possible to make the late 6th century theterminus ante quem for the continuous use for many of the monuments included in thisstudy. According to various late sources, the Slavs poured into Greece in the last twodecades of the 6th century and in dramatic fashion marked the end of the ancient world inmost areas of the Southern Balkans. Recent studies, however, have shown that thispicture of the end of antiquity is far too simple.24 This dissertation hopes to contribute to

the growing complexity of the debate surrounding the end of antiquity by proposing thatprestige enjoyed by the ecclesiastical hierarchy throughout the Byzantine Dark Ages hadroots in social transformations taking place during the Early Christian period. While this,in and of itself, is not a novel assertion, it presupposes a degree of continuity between theEarly Byzantine period and the end of antiquity and suggests that the so-called grandbrche which continues to hold sway in periodization schemes and textbook treatmentsof the end of antiquity in Greece, was, in fact, a bridgeable chasm.25 The appropriatedmaterial of antiquity created a deep foundation for the new institutions of the Byzantinerelations avec lEglise de Rome (Ve-VIe sicles), in Villes peuplement dan lIllyricumprotobyzantin, 21-59.24 See in particular the studies in: T.E. Gregory, An Early Byzantine (dark age) settlement

at Isthmia:preliminary report, The Corinthia in the Roman Period. T.E. Gregory ed. JRA Supp. 8.(Ann Arbor 1993),149-160; Avramea,Le Ploponnse, 67-104; F. Curta, The Making of the Slavs, (Cambridge2001); Forelsewhere see: L. Lavan, ed., Recent Research in Late Antique Urbanism. JRA Supp. 42(Portsmouth, RI2001).

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25 D. A. Zakythinos, La grande brche dans la tradition de lHellnisme du septime auneuvime sicle,Caristrion ej 'A. K. Orlndon. Vol. 3 (Athens 1966), 300-327. This is to suggest thatthe inherentlyconservative nature of Byzantine society allowed for a certain degree of vertical continuity.Contra: C.

Mango, Discontinuity with the Classical Past in Byzantium, in Byzantium and theClassical Tradition.M. Mullet and R. Scott eds. (Birmingham 1981), 48-60; F. M. Clover and R. S. Humphreys,Towards adefinition of Late Antiquity, Tradition and Innovation in Late Antiquity (London 1989), 3-26; R.16world, and, moreover, encouraged polyvalent readings of ancient material throughout thelater periods. Thus, as prosperity returned to Greece during the 8th and 9th centuries, itwas accompanied by a re-emergence of images drawn from the ancient world as filteredthrough a Christianizing lens crafted in Late Antiquity. It comes as no surprise then, thatthe tactics the church employed to symbolize the revitalization of ecclesiastical

institutions ranged from verse inscriptions in Classicizing dactylic hexameter to stories ofwandering holy men converting penitent pagans to the re-occupation of the sites of LateAntique churches. In the end, no matter how disruptive the invasions of the Slavs were,they appear to have disrupted the institutional memory of the ecclesiastical hierarchy inonly a limited way, as bishops and church leaders constructed identities for themselvesusing techniques which were surprisingly similar to those used by their late antiquepredecessors.1.2. The Architecture1.2.1. Basic shape and planSince many of the terms used in the following dissertation are rather specialized, Ithought it useful to include a brief, if abstract, description of an Early Christian basilica inGreece to guide a non-specialist reader through the occasionally technical discussions in

this text. The main emphasis of this dissertation will be on the floor plans of the church,rather than the elevations since there exist no substantially preserved elevations from anyCormack, Byzantine Aphrodisias. Changing the Symbolic Map of a City, PCPhS 216(1990), 26-41; G.Fowden,Empire to Commonwealth. (Princeton 1993).17churches within my dissertation area. Any comments on the three dimension spacewithin an Early Christian basilica in Greece reflect the influence of standing buildingsfrom this period in Thessaloniki, Ravenna, Rome, and Constantinople.The basic design of an Early Christian in Greece is a wood-roofed basilica with asemicircular eastern apse. The main nave rose above two or four flanking aisles andpresumably had a double-pitched roof while the aisles had shed roofs. Ceramic tiles

covered both. The apse typically had a masonry half dome tiled on the exterior. To thewest of the nave and aisles there was occasionally an open-air atrium composed ofcolonnaded stoas on the west, north and south sides. The atrium provided access to thewestern-most space of the church proper, called the narthex, which ran the entire width ofthe building. The narthex, in turn, provided access to the central nave and flanking aisles.The aisles and nave of the church were occasionally interrupted at their east end by anorth-south projection known as a transept which had either three or five bays dependingon the number of aisles. A low barrier marked either the central bay of the transept or theeastern end of the main nave as the bema or chancel area. To the east of this space was

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the apse, often inscribed by a low bench or series of steps called a synthronon.1.2.2. SizeAccurate dimensions for Early Christian churches in Greece have often provendifficult to ascertain. Some excavation reports only provide partial dimensions, andmany churches are not fully excavated. Sufficient evidence does exist, however, to showthat the size of Early Christian churches in Greece varied greatly. Lengths are the best

18indicator of overall size since the dominant axis of these buildings was longitudinal.Total lengths ranged from the massive Lechaion basilica which exceeded 100 meters andthe smaller but still substantial church on the Ilissos island in Athens which stood at 77meter in length to the smaller churches like those found in southeastern Attica many ofwhich are less than 20 meters in length. The majority of Early Christian churches inGreece are under 50 meters in length.1.2.3. ChronologyThe lack of texts describing Greece during the Early Christian period hinders thedating of even the most significant monuments. The conversion of the major temples inAthens, the Parthenon, the Hephestion, the Asclepieion, and the Erychtheion, forexample, have only recently been placed in widely agreed upon chronological ranges,

despite the existence of the 5th-century literary source, The Life of Proclusby Marinos,which makes no specific mention of churches.26 Some scholars have endeavoured to datethe destruction of buildings through the use of sources which refer to large anddestructive earthquakes which occurred in Greece during the Early Christian period.Central to this debate are the well-known tremors in the first half of the sixth centurywhich are attested to in Procopius and Evagrius.27 The particularly fractious tectonicstructure of Greece, however, has mitigated against generalizing seismic events beyondthe immediate region in which they were known from literary sources. Unfortunately,26 Frantz, Pagansim to Christianity, 187-203; Gregory, Survivals of Paganism, 229-242;C. Mango,The Conversion of the Parthenon into a Church: The Tbingen Theosophy, DXAE 18(1995), 201-203.

27 Avramea,Le Ploponnse,44-47; R. Rothaus, Earthquakes and Temples in Late AntiqueCorinth, inArchaeoseismology, S. Stiros and R. E. Jones eds. (Athens 1996), 105-112.19the sources for these earthquakes are notoriously problematic. Moreover, thearchaeological evidence is not at all clear in differentiating the destruction by a specificearthquake and the subsequent reconstruction, so their value as sources for datingindividual buildings is relatively limited.Another traditional means for dating buildings is through the study of small findsdiscovered during excavations. While small finds have been useful for the dating ofsome churches in Greece, perhaps most notably the elucidation of the several buildingphases associated with the Lechaion basilica or Demetrias A, in general, small finds do

not represent a useful or reliable means for dating these buildings. In part, this is owingto the fact that many churches in Greece were excavated as salvage operations where theexcavators privileged speed over completeness, and did not carefully record small findsor did not excavate the church systematically. Other churches were excavated in theearly twentieth century in keeping with standards which were more focused onuncovering architectural remains than the now datable ceramic debris associated withthem. Finally, since Early Christian churches in Greece are relatively common across thelandscape, many never receive full or comprehensive publication, which would includeobjects and stratigraphy necessary to propose a chronology. On account of these

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shortcomings, the common techniques used by archaeologists to date a building are noteffective for determining the date of Early Christian churches in Greece. Manybuildings in Greece are simply dated Early Christian or 5th/6th century based on theirbasilican plan.Occasionally, there is an inscription which establishes a firm date for the use ofthe building. The most notable case for this comes from the church at Lavriotic Olympus

20where a funerary epitaph from the exonarthex seems to preserve the date 504 or 559.28This inscription would thus indicate a terminus ante quem for this building. Theinscription which might refer to the Nika riots was found built into the wall above thearcade separating the nave from the aisles at Nea Anchialos Gamma. It has been used tosuggest a date for that phase of the buildings after the riots in Constantinople of 532,although whether this refers to event in Constantinople remains in doubt.29 While otherchurches have inscriptions with dates, they most commonly refer to indiction years andthese cannot be assigned to a precise year in the calendar. In other cases the evidenceonly provides the most sketchy guidelines. The Kodratos church outside of Korinth, forexample, is most frequently ascribed to the sixth century despite a funerary inscriptionbuilt into the floor which seems to date from the late 4th/early 5th.30 Ocassionally,

individuals mentioned in inscription can be assigned dates. Kitzinger, for example,constructed an elaborate argument for the dating of Basilica A and Basilica B atNikopolis based on the probable dates of the bishop Alkison, who participated in theevents surrounding the Acacian schism and is mentioned on an inscription from an annexattached to Basilica B.31 Generally speaking, however, there are few inscriptionsassociated with churches that give specific information concerning the buildings date, andeven those that do rarely provide a secure date for construction.28 E. Sironen, The Late Roman and Early Byzantine Inscriptions of Athens and Attica,(Helsinki 1997),269-270 no. 235; C. Foss, Three Apparent Early Examples of the Era of Creation, ZPE31(1978), 241-246; Pallas, `H Palaiocristianik Notioanatolik 'Attik, 51 interprets it as a

date in the Juliancalendar.29 O. Karagiorgou, Demetrias and Thebes, 189; P. Assimakopoulou-Atzaka, EarlyChristian andByzantine Magnesia, in Assimakopoulou-Atzaka, G.C. Hourmouziadis, and K.A. Makris,The Story of aCivilization: Magnesia, H. Zigada trans. (Athens 1982), 133-135.30 D. Feissel and A. Philippidis-Braat, Inventaires en vue dun recueil des inscriptionshistorique deByzance. III. Incriptions du Ploponnse, 295, no. 35.21Another method often considered for the dating of the Early Christian churches in

Greece is the study of the style of floor mosaics. Sodini, Spiro, and, most recently,Assimakopolou-Atzaka have produced wide-ranging catalogues of the Early Christianmosaics in Greece.32 These mosaics are frequently used to date the building in whichthey lay. Spiro and Assimakopolou-Atzaka relied essentially on a series of dating criteriaestablished by E. Kitzinger in the 1950s based in part on the mosaics of Antioch andApamea.33 They supplemented these broad criteria with information concerning the datesof local mosaic styles and sought to use well-preserved and well-known mosaics to datemore fragmentary works wherever possible. Dating any building by mosaic style is atbest an inexact science. The debates circling the dating of the palace mosaics at

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Constantinople, variously dated from the 4th to the 7th century, reflect the problematicnature of stylistic mosaic chronologies.34 While generally speaking the mosaicchronology in Greece has considerably less controversy surrounding it, the fragmentarynature and poor quality of many of the mosaics make it difficult to assign anything butthe broadest dates. Furthermore, such factors as the redecorating of buildings withmosaic floors makes dating a building based on mosaic style alone insufficient. What is

31 E. Kitzinger, Studies on Late Antique and Early Byzantine Floor Mosaics I: Mosaics atNikopolis,DOP6 (1951), 88-92.32 J.-P. Sodini, Mosaques palochrtiennes de Grce BCH 94 (1970), 699-753; Spiro,Critical Corpus;Assimakopoulou-Atzaka, Suntgma II.33 E. Kitzinger, Mosaic Pavements in the Greek East and the Question of a Renaissanceunder Justinian,Actes du VIe congrs internationale dtudes byzantines 2 (Paris 1951), 209-223; --, Studiesin LateAntique and Early Byzantine Floor Mosaics, I: Mosaics at Nikopolis, DOP 6 (1951), 83-125; E. Kitzinger,

Stylistic Developments in Pavement Mosaics of the Greek East from the Age ofConstantine to the Age ofJustinian, reprint in The Art of Byzantium and the Medieval West: Selected Studies.(Bloomington 1976),64-88.34 G. Hellenkemper Salies, Die Datierung des Mosaiken im Grossen Palast zuKonstantinopel,BJb 187(1987), 273-306; J. Trilling, The soul of the Empire: style and meaning in the mosaicpavement of theByzantine imperial palace in Constantinople,DOP43 (1989), 27-72l; W. Jobst, H. Vetters,eds.Mosaikforschung im Kaiserpalast von Konstantinopel. (Vienna 1992), 28-60; K. Dunbabin,

Mosaics of theGreek and Roman World. (Cambridge 1999), 232-235.22clear from a general survey of floor mosaics in Greece is the remarkable geographic andchronological continuity of motifs and themes. The practice of paving floors ofimportant areas with mosaics stood as a hallmark of buildings, especially churches, of theEarly Christian period, and marks them off significantly from churches constructed later.Likewise instrumental in providing broad dates for the construction of EarlyChristian churches in Greece are the remains of architectural decoration.35 J.-P. Sodiniand R. Kautsch established the basic criteria for dating architectural sculpture in Greeceby relating the evidence in Greece to the better known chronology in the capital. V.Vemi has attempted to further refine Sodini's chronology in his study of Ionic impost

capitals in Greece.36 The shortcoming of these types of analysis is that they depend uponrelatively elaborate architectural remains which are not always present in the churches ofGreece. Furthermore, as Vemi pointed out in the introduction to his work, capitals areoften reused later.37 This makes them less than ideal for dating the construction of aspecific building unless they are confirmed as being in their original location. Thenumber of impost capitals in Vemi's catalogue known to be in their original location isquite small and this reflects the limited number of datable capitals that can be associatedwith specific buildings. Here, like mosaic decorations, later modifications to buildingsand the use of spolia further obscure an already difficult activity of dating based on

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architectural decoration.35 For the study of column capitals see: R. Kautsch, Kapitellstudien, (Berlin 1936);J.-P.Sodini,"Remarques sur la sculpture architecturale d'Attique, de Beotie et du Peloponnese a l'epoquepaleochretienne,BCH11 (1977), 423; F. Yegul, "Early Byzantine Capitals from Sardis, AStudy on the

Ionic Impost Type," DOP 28 (1974), 265-271; D.I. Pallas, "Ioustininaia gluptaisqhtikjanepexrgasta," inIn Memoriam P. A. Michelis, (Athens 1972), p. 420-441.36 Vemi,Les Chapiteaux Ioniques Imposte de Grce.37 Vemi,Les Chapiteaux Ioniques Imposte de Grce, 6-9.23There have also been efforts to date Early Christian church architecture in Greecethrough the study of church proportions. Scholars have dated churches in Greece basedon the intercolumnar spacing, size of apse, and the ratio of the width of the nave to itslength.38 To my knowledge, none of these systems has been tested widely orsystematically. Their primary value to scholars studying the churches of Greece has beento distinguish churches built during the Early Christian period from those built later. The

lack of utility for dating buildings within the Early Christian period is largely becauseregional variation in church form appears to supersede chronology as the leadinginfluence in the shape and proportion of churches. Scholars have argued for well-definedregional forms in Epirus, Attica, and the Peloponnesus. Pallas and others have arguedthat certain annexes attached to early Christian churches might reflect changes in liturgywhich can be assigned a relative chronology.39 The lack of churches with wellsubstantiatedabsolute dates, however, makes arguments based on the architecturalcorrelates of liturgical morphology impossible to verify.This brief overview of the problems involved in dating the Early Christianchurches of Greece demonstrates the significant complexity of such endeavors. Thelinchpin to our difficulty in dating Early Christian architecture in Greece is ultimately thelack of buildings that have secure absolute dates. This has been compounded by the poor

state of preservation of known Early Christian churches, the tendency of the ancients to38 Pallas clearly toyed with the idea of dating based on intercolumnar intervals, but neverproduced acomprehensive theory. See: D.I. Pallas, s.v. Korinth in Reallexicon zur ByzantinischenKunst4 (Stuttgart1990); --, `H Palaiocristianik Notioanatolik 'Attik, 43-80; --, Corinth etNicopolis pendant lehaut moyen-ge, FR 18 (1979), 93-142; For similar efforts for slightly later buildings see:P.L.Vokotopoulou, H 'Ekklesiastikh rcitektonikh ej tn Dutikn Steren`Ellda ka tnHpeiron p to tlouj to 7ou mcri to tlouj to 10ou anoj.

(Thessaloniki 1975).39 More clearly expressed in Pallas, Corinth et Nicopolis, 93-142.24use spolia in construction, the lack of small finds information, and the apparent regionalvariation in church forms. To this list one can also add the tendency in scholarship todeal with the various distinct features of early Christian churches, their mosaics,architectural decoration, proportions, et c., independently of one another. It is worthnoting, however, that even among those churches studied as integrated buildings, scholarshave reached little consensus concerning their chronology. In my catalogue at the end of

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this dissertation, I have attempted to outline various efforts to date these buildings, andhave included the features of these buildings which scholars have dated in independentstudies.The effect of these complex problems of dating on this dissertation is two-fold.The first effect is that this dissertation will not attempt a diachronic study of ecclesiasticalarchitecture in Early Christian Greece. The difficulties in dating the churches of Greece

are in many ways the result of their remarkable similarities in form and decoration. As agroup, these churches are most notable for their conspicuous lack of outliers. Thesimilarities among the churches commend them to study as a discrete unit. It suggests,although it does not guarantee, that the message projected by churches during this periodremained relatively stable and consistent. This dissertation, therefore, will allow thebroadest, and hopefully most sustainable, dates assigned to the churches of Southern andCentral Greece as a group to frame the historical events under consideration. The resultof this is that I will frequently treat the period from the end of the 4th century to the end ofthe 6th century as a single period during which a wide array of phenomena associatedwith the Christianization process took place at different rates and in diverse places.251.2.4. Function

Scholars have occasionally made efforts to group the Early Christian churches inCentral and Southern Greece according to their function. There are at least fourfunctional categories which scholars have associated with the churches of Greece, andthese categories are by no means mutually exclusive.First, and perhaps most widely accepted, is the category of cemetery church. Thiscategory has been the subject of intense scrutiny largely owing to its role in thedevelopment and location of the earliest Christian cult space in the Mediterranean. Thetraditional argument, advanced by Grabar, Krautheimer, and others, is that tombs becamelocations for Early Christian devotional practices in Pre-Constantinian times and receivedmonumental treatment with the recognition of Christianity and the commencement ofimperial support.40 C. Snively has studied the cemetery churches of the Balkans,particularly in Macedonia, but she has also worked to identify some of the cemetery

churches in the Central and Southern Greece. Among those she identified were theKraneon and Kodratos basilicas in the area of Korinth, the Ilissos basilica in Attica, andNea Anchialos Delta.41 She established two difficulties relating to the identification ofcemetery churches in Greece. One is the tendency of later tombs to be dug through thefloor or in the vicinity of existing churches. The second, and perhaps more difficult ofthe two problems, is the presences of random tombs in many churches in theMediterranean. Snively chose to focus on churches that existed in well-defined cemetery40 A. Grabar, Martyrium: recherches sur le culte des reliques et lart chrtien antique. 2vols. (Paris 1943-46). R. Krautheimer, "Mensa-Coemeterium-Martyrium" CA 11 (1960), 15-40.41 C.S. Snively, Cemetery Churches of the Early Byzantine Period in Eastern Illyricum:Locations and

Martyrs, GorTR 29 (1984), 117-124; N. G. Laskaris, Monuments FunrairesPalochrtiens (et Byzantins)26areas and containing numerous tombs. She goes on to note that cemetery churches weretypical basilican in plan and not in that way outstanding from the average Early Christianchurch in Greece. Some of these so-called cemetery churches, however, actually havefeatures which are difficult to understand if these churches primary function was to befunerary. These include synthrona complete with a space for an episcopal throne,elaborate baptisteries, and annexes, perhaps for storage, that occur regularly in Greek

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churches in a wide array of contexts.42 This, then, left the only hint to their function,according to Snivelys criteria, their location in known cemeteries. This is not aparticularly compelling argument since we know little about settlement patterns and thechronology for the use of cemeteries, and it underscores the difficulties scholars haveexperienced in superimposing functional categories to the Early Christian ecclesiasticalarchitecture in Greece.

Another problematic category at times applied to buildings in Southern andCentral Greece is that of pilgrimage church. Perhaps the most important buildingidentified as a place of pilgrimage is the Lechaion Basilica outside of Korinth. Itsexcavator, D. Pallas, identified this large church as a center for pilgrimage, largely owingto its enormous size and possible association with St. Leonidas and his companions.Pallas argued that the second atrium of the church served as a hotel for pilgrims and theextensive water works found there were used for both ritual ablutions and the morepractical purpose of providing pilgrims with a source of water after their journey.43de Grce. (Athens 2000), has followed similar criteria to Snivelys in identifying certainchurches ascemetery churches in Greece.42 Kiato, Epidauros, Hermione, Demetrias A, Nea Anchialos B, A, Spata, Stamata,

Brauron, et c.43 Pallas, "L'difice culturel chrtien et la liturgie dans l'Illuricum oriental," Studi AntichitaCristiana 1(1984), 503-504. He also included the Kraneion Basilica and Basilica A at Philippi in his list.For Basilica27Scholars have also linked churches associated with healing to pilgrimage sites.44 Theancillary chambers of some of these churches stand near or on earlier pagan shrines toAsclepeius and scholars have argued that these may have provided for the practice ofincubation.45 Unfortunately, the evidence for these churches being pilgrimage sitesremains scant. The size of the Lechaion church is not reason enough for its identificationas a pilgrimage site especially since it was located in the Metropolitan see of Korinth.

It seems more likely that churches associated with healing might have retained a certainlure for pilgrims, but again there is no specific evidence to support this beyond argumentsresting of the suspicious position of synchronistic religious practices. As an effectivefunctional category then, pilgrimage churches must be questioned for Greek churches.A potentially more revealing functional category is that of cathedral. There arenumerous bishops known from Greece and it is clear that Korinth was the Metropolitanbishop of the province of Achaia. Nikopolis, the seat of the Metropolitan of EpirusVetus, and Athens were important bishoprics.46 In a number of the cities known to beseats of bishops there are Early Christian basilicas. Often the designation of an episcopalchurch goes to the basilica most centrally placed in the city. Certainly the argumentsbehind the naming of the tetraconch building in Athens as this citys first cathedral derivefrom the structures location in the courtyard of the Library of Hadrian and within the

A at Philippi he follows P. Lemerles reasoning see: P. Lemerle, Philippes et la MacdoineOrientale.(Paris 1945), 286, 296-301.44 G. Vikan, Byzantine Pilgrimage Art(Washington, DC 1984); --, Art, Medicine, andMagic in EarlyByzantium,DOP38 (1984), 65-86.45 Gregory, Survival of Paganism, 238-240.46 C. Pietri, La gographie de lIllyricum ecclsiastique, 21-59.28

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Late Roman fortification walls.47 In other cases the presence of ancillary buildingsattached to the church, such as in the case of the building at Hermione or Basilica B atNikopolis, suggest the building functioned as a cathedral.48 Both buildings have annexeswhich have been referred to as episcopal residences. In a building attached to Basilica Bin Nikopolis, the presence of an inscription to the Bishop Alkison in what appears to bean audience hall would seem to suggest that this basilica was, at least at some point, the

cathedral (Ep. Cat. 25). However, the inscriptions dedicating Basilica A also imply thepatronage of not one, but two of the citys bishops (Ep. Cat. 21-24). Clearly, then, thepresence of inscriptions crediting episcopal funding does not necessarily make the churchthe cathedral of a city. The presence of ancillary buildings might be a better indicator,but in many instances the exact function of these buildings is too poorly understood toform a definitive conclusion.Certain features found in specific Early Christian basilicas of Greece have beenused to suggest that the church was specifically a seat of bishops. Perhaps most notableamong them is the presence of a synthronon or a baptistery. The synthronon wouldserve, according to Orlandos, as the place for the episcopal throne and also as seats forthe attending clergy or presbyters.49 The ubiquity of this feature in the Greek worldmakes it unlikely to suffice as the indicator of a bishops church. The other diagnostic

47 A. Karivieri, "The So-Called Library of Hadrian and the Tetraconch Church in Athens" inPost-HerulianAthens. ed. P. Castren (Helsinki 1994), 89-114; G. Fowden, Late Roman Achaea: Identityand Defence,JRA 8 (1995), 558-562.48 For Hermione: A. Orlandos, Ergon (1976), 108-111; M. Jameson, et al., The GreekCountryside, 110-111. For Nikopolis see most recently: W. Bowden, A new urban elite? Church builders andchurchbuilding in Late Antiquity, in Recent Research in Late Antique Urbanism. ed. L. Lavan,JRA Supp. 42,(Portsmouth, RI 2001), 57-68. More generally see: W. Muller-Wiener, Bischofsreidenzen

des 4.-7Jahrhunderts im ostlichen Mittelmeerraum,ACIACIX (Rome 1989), 651-709.49 Orlandos, Basilik, 489-509; M. Altripp, Beobachtungen zu Synthronoi undKathedren inbyzantinischen Kirchen Griechenlands,BCH124 (2000), 377-425.29characteristic that might reflect a church being a cathedral would be the presence of abaptistery. While no specific baptismal rite is preserved for Southern Greece, elsewhereduring the Early Christian period the bishop reserved exclusive right to the performanceof this important ceremony of initiation.50 Thus, a baptistery, one could argue, wouldreflect a link to episcopal power. The location of baptisteries, however, does not seem toreflect what is known concerning the ecclesiastical organization of Greece. In some

areas, such as the Korinthia or Attica, the number of baptisteries and their location seemsto defy any link with probable episcopal sees. There are at least 4 baptisteries around thecity of Korinth the Lechaion, Kranieon, Skoutelas, and Kenchreai basilicas. Thebaptisteries discovered to date in Attica include those in locations where bishoprics seemunlikely Brauron, Lavriotic Olympus, Stamatas, Aigosthena. The former three are inrural areas in SW Attica and the latter basilica, while quite large, does not seem to clearlycorrespond to a population center.The final functional type of church is the so-called watch keeper basilicasidentified by T. Gregory and others.51 These churches tend to be placed near or upon the

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remains of important pagan sanctuaries. Their function, it would appear, was toneutralize or Christianize the pagan powers which might still reside there. J.-M. Spieservoiced an important caveat for scholars who are inclined to privilege the role of churchesin the Christianization of pagan sanctuaries.52 He stressed in particular the difficulties50 For baptisteries in Greece see: I. E. Volonake,Ta Palaiocristianik Baptistria tjElldoj.

(Athens 1976),14-15; For a general discussion of the role of baptisteries in the constructionof episcopalauthority see: A. Wharton, Refiguring the Post Classical City : Dura Europos, Jerash,Jerusalem, andRavenna. (New York 1995), ??-??.51 Gregory, "The Survival of Paganism in Christian Greece, 229-242; Trombly, HellenicReligion andChristianization, vol. 1, 99-122.52 Spieser, The Christianisation of Pagan Sanctuaries in Greece, 1-13.30associated with knowing the date of a sanctuarys abandonment or destruction and theconstruction of the church. He also emphasized the importance of understanding the

habitation patterns of the areas around the ancient sanctuaries. As more is known aboutthe demography of Greece it seems possible that some of these watch keeper basilicaswill be redefined as churches serving local populations. The churches at Delphi, forexample, might be better understood as serving the apparently prosperous Late Antiquecommunity which had grown up around the sanctuary. Some churches seem likely tohave functioned to Christianize a formerly pagan site, such as the church on the island ofDelos or perhaps the church at Dodona. We have some examples of this type ofconstruction from the ancient literature.53 We should not underestimate, however, someof the nonreligious reasons for constructing a new Christian basilica near or atop thepagan remains, such as the availability of land, well-built foundations, and buildingmaterials.Efforts to categorize ecclesiastical architecture by its function have not truly been

successful, but this may be itself a telling fact. In general, the architectural andarchaeological evidence for functional differentiation is scant. To be sure, some churchesdo appear to have had specific functions and it seems not unreasonable to assume thatchurches did play different roles in the community, but what is more revealing is still theoverwhelming similarities in design, features, and organization. This suggests that withinGreece the church as an architectural phenomenon may have represented first andforemost rituals common to all Christian churches rather than those differentiated byspecific functions based on the practical or ritual needs of the community