Pditics (1993) 13(1) pp.to be inserted

CAMPAIGNS, CANDIDATES AND W T I N G I N I R E L A N D

PmCKBUTLERANDNEIL COLLIRS

The 1990 presidential election marked a major tuming point in the politica of the Republic of Ireland It also saw a further development in the significant use of marketingtechniques. AsFarre11(1987)explains,themajorIrishpartieswereboth well up to the standards of national campaigns in other countries by 1981. Since then ’Irish parties have been placing increasing emphasis on their national strategies and on the marketing techniques necessary to get them across to the e l b r a t e ’ (p.48). The election of 1990 represented the first opportunity for a wholly national marketing campaign because the of€ice of president is the only one filled by the country as a single col[18tituencg. The campaign of the winning candidate, Mary Robinson, is analysed as an applied case study in this article, using concepts which other political scientists have drawn h m t h e marketing literature. In this way it is intended to raise the level of conceptual clariw in the context of political analysis. This election was remarkable in several respects: 1. Mary Robinson is the first woman to become ResidenG 2. her contested election victoqy was the first for a non-F’ianna Fail candidatq 3. her main opponent started the campaign as a ‘certain winner’. Although the presidency has limited constitutional powers and duties, the 1990 election engendered much h s h discussion about the possible expansion of the president’s authority and the place of the office in the Irish political system generally. The infrecluency of presidential elections increased the significance of this contest - the previous election was in 1976.

Following his long political career and courageous Sght against very serious illness , Brian Lenihan, Fianna Fail, began the campaign as possibly the Republic’s most popular figure. He did not share with his rivals the wish to expand the role of the presidency but presented himself as a mature, approachable personality in tune with public mood. His campaign was overshadowed in the final three weeks by the crisis regardjng attempts to influence President Hillery in 1982. The core of the crisis concerned a breach of constitutional priority and whether Lenihan used personal contacts in a way which compromised the president’s role in the formation of a new government Although no impropriety was proven, the incident became a focus of public disquiet which centred on Lenihan’s alleged involvement. His subsequent dismissal from ministerial office just before the presidential election seriously damaged his campaign The reverberations of the Robinson victory are still being felt in a number of ways: 1. the largely ceremonial office of president is taking a much higher profile than

before; 2. the leadership ofthe main opposition party, Fine Gael, has changed partly as a

3

PATRICK BUTLER AND NEIL COLLINS

result of their disappointing performance; and, 3. the lefkwing has been encouraged by the success of its candidate to believe that

a 8 e ~ change has been markedin Irishpolitics. The p o d i h t y of a change in the Republic’s party system is often the main point of interest for non-Irish observers. The dominant electoral cleavage, which derives from @or political upheavala fallawing independence in 1922, is often characterised as anachroaistic and likely to weaken as a result of modemisation. Class, it is argued, is the principal party division across Western Europe and an increasing urban and non-agricultural Ireland will d e c t this pattem. As Farrell(1991, p.99) observes in a review of a q * o r work on European electorates, ‘...the mi generis nature of Irish politics is once again causing problems for comparative research!’. One consequence of the a h t i o n paid to the possibility of a more explicitly class basis for the system has been a neglect of other changes in the form of party

and clientebtic behaviour of politicians and voters. The presidential election, however, does not lend itselfto rival claims about the candidates’ abilities to secure particular and immediate state benefita for individual electors and their f d e s . It provides, therefbre, an opportunity to examine other asp& of Irish electoral competition which have become ineresingly significant It also necessitates a greater emphasis on the national campaign. This article argues that a useful paradigm for such a study is to be foundin the literature onmarketing. In this way, it reflects in part a debate in Britain on political marketing ( H m p , 19901, and develops Farrell‘s (1986) earlier review of Fine Gael’s 1981 electoral campaign.

Political Marketing ManycommentatorscitedtheroleofmarketingexpertiseintheRobinsoncampaign and, while innovative Irish electoral campaigns have been c o n d u d before, seldom has 80 much attention been given to marketing strategies. In utilising marketing models to highlight some aspects of political campaigns, it is useful to redefine political concepts in marketing terms. The political campaign is analogous to the product development process in the commercial world and can be described and ~inthesameway.Theproblemofgett ingel~isessentialyamarketing one’ r?lrrimn Reid (1988, p.34). In reviewing Reagan’s ‘primetime’ presidency, Denton (1988, p.51) concludes: ‘A successful preaidential campaign and presidency is primarily one of marketing or product positioning‘. Similarly, O‘shaughnessy (1990,p.128)describespoliticalconsultantaasthe‘produ~managersofthepoliti~ world’, and refers to the contempomy ‘political marketing culture’. By extension, in this analogy a vote is described as a ‘psychological purchase’ (Reid, 1988, p.35). A popular heuristic device to describe the management of marketing activities is the marketing mix - the notion that a marketing executive is a ‘... ‘mixer of hqredxmtd, one who is constantly engaged in fashioning creatively a mix of marketing procedures and policies in his efforts to produce a profitable enterprise’ (Boden, 1964). This ’ingredients’ analogy is commonly known as the 4Ps of marketing - Product, Price, Promotion and Place. These constitute variables within the marketers’ controL Table 1 expands on these variables by highlighting the components of the marketing mix for an electoral context.

. . c o m p e t i t i o a T h e ~ p ~ i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e a t i l l s t r e s s e s t h e p a r o c h i a l , ~ C

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CAMPAIGNS, CANDIDATES AND MARKETING IN IRELAND

Table 1 Marketing Mix for Electoral Context

product P* Platform Past Record PersonalCharaMCs

Psychological costs

National Image Effects

Volunteer Programme

Price Ecommic Costs

Place P~APpearanceProgramme

Promotion Paid Adverthing l?ublicity from Staged Events

S0urce:Adupted fbrn Nifinegger (1989)

TheRd>insonlvIarketingPlan’ k o m the beghhg, the Robinson campaign employed media and public relatiom consultanb, conducted market research on image and positioning as well as on voting preferences, and worked to a ’marketing plan’. Robinson’s strategy was conceived by Eoghan Harris, a hrmer leRwing activist who offered her a blueprint as soon as her candidacy was announced. The plan was mhequently shaped and developed by a strategy team which included her personal advisors of longstanding andactivistshmsupportjngpartiesandgroups. SignScantly,thebulkofcampaign funding came from small individual donations h m members of the public. Without presenting the campaign in chronological oder , the analysis here, through the use of the marketing mix analogy, shows the systematic application of a marketing orientation.

mpnwluct The product in this c88e comprises the candidate’s platform, past record and personal chara-cs. Socialdemocracywasthebasicplatfo~onwhichRobinson would campaign. In an Irish context, such a stance implied taking a broadly pro- European position, accepting of the h e market but with social controls, and being liberal but not l&t in social and sexual legislation. This position needed to be reconciled with the widely-held perception of the candidate as a socialist. By deciding to begin campaigning all over the country at a very early stage, the Robinson team gleaned enough feedback to review its policy on expanding presidential powers. A theme of self-help also began to emerge h m the early contact with the electorate, and was successfully incorporated into the platform. I n t h e p a s t , R o b i n s o n t a r ~ t i v ~ y l e R w i n g , of sexual morality. Supporters of Robinson felt there was a danger that her record could be presented in a negative manner. The marketing plan called for this issue to be addressed forthrightly and oRen The candidate was to state clearly and fi.anky that her personal position on such topics as divorce and abortion was not at issue. She would M y accept the views of the electorate as expressed at the refkrenda in the mid-eighties. In &ct, this determined approach early in the campaign succe86fuuy repositioned Robinson outside the socialist camp.

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PATRICK BUTLER AND NEIL COLLINS

As regads her personal characteristics, an early market research Btudy revealed that Robinaon, as a product, was perceived as ‘...aloof, intimidating, too feminist, a lawyer... and privileged’(Finlay, 1990, p.52). In addition, many people were confused even as to her religion The plan to reposition the candidate involved building upon her image of integrity and intellect while also developing the perception of warmth and the common touch In effect, it was necessarg to take Robinson to the point where people would like as much as they respected her.

Theprice The perceived price of voting for a political candidate can be described in terms of economic and psychological costs, and national image effects. For a largely ceremonial post like the presidency of the Republic of Ireland economic costs are of relatively little significance. The psychological cast d a vote is determined mainly by personal- ef€+ voters must feel Comfortahlewiththe candidate. Price is also intluend by the perceived dected image of the candidate on the cowdry as a whale; el&rs are ooncemed about outsiders’viviews oftheir sucwd3 politicians. The presidency of the previous incumbent had been particularly low key and did little to raise the public esteem of the office. For some critics, he had not given ‘value for money’, and the new President would need to address this situation. The price of a vote for Robinson had to cover the psychological cost to those voters who respected Robinson for much of her work, but would not be inclined to vote for her because of their perception of her as a socialist or liberal Undoubtedly, a major price issue in this election was the scandal affecting Lenihan in the final three weeks of the campaign. He became involved in a controversy about his role in attempting to contact and influence President Hillery during a govemment crisis in 1982. The psychological cost of electing someone perceived as untruthful to the office of president was extremely high In ef€ect, Lenihan’s price became excessive, even for voters unhappy with Robinson’s past record. This was reflected in a swing to Robinson from Lenihan in the polls at this time (Collins, 1991). Another price factor in the campaign was a deeply personal attack on Robinson by a government minister and colleague of Lenihan a few days before the election. This attack further increased the price of a vote for Lenihan. His campaign manager e.stimated that the incident, which brought a distinctly chauvinistic element into the electoral rhetoric, cost Lenihan a critical two or three percent of the vote (O’Reilly, 1991).

Theplace In the marketing mix analogy, place refers to distribution, availability and logistics. In the Robinson campaign these issues can be described in terms of the candidate’s personal appearance programme and the efforts of volunteers as active supporters. The plan was to ensure that Rubinson got out among the people from the start. One main reason was to develop the image of the common touch which was laclang in her perceived makeup. Another was to gain a personal feeling for the concerns of the people. Appearances by the candidate in a multitude of towns and villages over the seven month period were intended to leave ‘... nothing but scorched earth behind for Lenihan’ (O’Reilly, 1991, p.55). Because Robinson was an independent candidate she did not enjoy the advantage held by her opponents of using party members as surrogates to speak on her behalf This underlined the importance of her personal appearances and their role in the integrated plan In this campaign, relatively less reliance could be placed on the active support of volunteers, because unlike her opponents, she did not have the

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CAMPAIGNS, CANDIDATES AND MARKETING IN IRELAND

h e & of an established party machine.

T h e p m d In marketing goods and services, most promotion activity is p u n h a d . Politicians and other public figures, however, rely more on unpaid publiciw and public relations events being reported in the media. They depend less on advertiskg and other directly bought means of promotioh TheRobinsoncampaignteamhadanumberofpromotionalotjectives. Oneoftheae was that its candidate be associated with examples of successful Communitg-based action An internal campaign paper expressed this objective:

'Mary must be seen on the mve, rneetingthe right people, almost always m a caring dimension ... [for example] Mary must visit LIlIIlDnllDity dinia - but dinics whi& B F ~ fun of fight back;..oduary people am full of pity but they hate whinm...' (aa cited by Oaeiny, 1991, p.62).

Another key objective throughout the promotion strategy was that Robinson be presented and perceived from the outset as a real winner, rather than as an 'also- ran'. In this way, the psychological cost, and ultimately the price of a vote for her, would be effectively reduced.

The strategic fit b e e n the promotional objectives and the media employed was outlined in the marketing plan. The two main methods proposed were posters and photo-opportunities: the posters were to be 'presidential' and to create confidencm in Robinson's Flhjlity and authority, whereas the p v - . w m u t o

Z s i g n a l t h a t s h e w o u l d n b e r i g i d ~ ~ sohthisperceptionbygivinga "

The television medium requires yet a Merent approach and offers distinct opportunities. In particular, television coverage of political campaigns tends to promote the image of the candidate rather than the substance of his or her policies. Denton (1988) maintainsthat becaw television spots are short, campaign speeches have become shorteq 888eTtions and conclusions have triumphed over argument anddiscussion Toacertainextentthiswouldfavourthecandid following or 'brand loyalty' over the candidate who needed to build up a following through explanation and debate. Robinson utilised the medium succxsfully to put across fundamental points of her policy with the necessary succinctness. She was conscious that longer contributions might be edited out of final broadcasts.

. .

Conclusion Political marketing is a continmu process which cannot be divorced from other aspects of politics. The electorate is the constant focus of marketers' attention. This paper sets out to examine one p a r t i a h election using concepts drawn from an established model of mar-. It can be seen that the marketing concept is useful in highlighting the managerial aspects of political campaigns rather than the political s@cance of the context or its elemoral outcome. The perspective in no way devalues elections as vehicles for public choice, institutional legitimation or political recruitmenk Nor is the phenomenon described here new. But it is an increasingly overt feature of modem elections and requires greater academic attention. Marketing is perceived as unethical and trivialising by many political activists and observers. Nevertheless, the importance of marketing methods and insights is recognised by those charged with running election campaigns at national level. Increasingly, this appreciation will spread to local party workers also (Butler and Collins, 1991). It is possible that some activists distrust marketing from an exaggerated assessment of its impact (Harrop, 1990).

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PATRICK BUTLER AND NEIL COLLINS

In the mature democracies of Europe and North America, elections are conditioned by long-term forces of social class, e o n , tradition and family sociahation It is fanciful to expect mar- strategies to alter radically the intentions of people for whom the vote is primarily a form of social affirmation. Nevertheless, with increaging electoral volatility, more marketing activity is likely. Further, much political marketing is about cementing voting behaviour by re-establishing the visual and symbolic links between the individual and the party. It seems safe to say that the effect of marketing strategies on voting on most occ88io118 is maq$naL The recipients of the message, however well-packaged and aimed, are far h m neutral or easily influenced. If conversion is the criterion moat marketing effort is wasted. Controlled experiments in which some parties resist from campaigning while others do not are, however, unlikely to occur. The 1990 presidential election indicates change in the form and impact of campaigns in Ireland Rmilnr changes are evident in other democracies. The marketing perspective of the management of the campaign counters the notion that Irish elections are anachronistic. This case helps to put the politics of the Republic of Ireland in a more general context. The paper utdises the marketing mix analogy without much emphasis on broader tools such as stratxgic positioning, research and analysis, and organisation and control Inapplyinga~p~~analogy,itdoesnotfbcusdirectlyonsomesignificant subthemes of the Robinson campaign, notably the targeting of women voters. Although the.se aspects of marketing would need to be addressed in a more comprehensive amount, the Robinson case has provided an example of how a marketing model can usefully augment our understanding of elections and campaigns. References Borden, N.H. (1964) The concept of the marketangmix', Jounzal o f A d & i s i n g R , June. Butler, P. and C o b , N. (1991) Marketing Mrs. Robinson: Cansidemtkms on a pditical

Manketing Model. Paper preeented to political Studies Aasociation Annual Conkrene, U ~ n i t y o f L a n ~ r , Apd.

Collins, N. (1991) The Irish pmidential election of 199O',Eledwal SaLdieS, 1q2). Denbn, R E. (1988) The Primetime P r e S h ofRanald RerrgM: The Em ofthe Teleuisian PFeSidency. New Yo& Praegar.

FmIl, D (1986) The strategy to market F'ine Gee1 in 198l', Irish P d W studies, 1. Farrell, D. (1987) 'campaign strategies' in Laver, M., Mair, P. and R Sinnott (eds.) How Ireland

Vded. Galway. Political SMies Associaton of hlmd FarreD, D. (1991) 'Review of Bartolini, S. and Mair, P. %entity, competition and Electoral

Adabil i ty The Statilkation of European electorates, 1885-1985". Cambridge: Cambridge Umvemity Press, 1990, Irish Pditical Studies, 6.

Finlay, F. (1990) Masy Robinson:A h i d e n t with a Purpose. Dublin: OThien h. €lamp, M. (1990) 'political marketuqf, P ' Affhirs, 43 (3). NifEme#pr*P.B. (l~)Shategiesfor~~~liti~marketers',JownalofConsumer

Markding, 6 (1). (YReily, E. (1991) Cbdidde: The M Behind the Presidezahl CMZpaign. Dublin Attic h a s . O'Shaughneesy, N.J. (1990) The Phsuunenon ofPditical Mwketing. Hampshin?: Maanillan. Reid, D. U (1988) 'Marketing the political pmduct', Ewvpwz Journal of Marketing, 22 (9).

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