booklet iraq oz

8/3/2019 Booklet Iraq Oz

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I. ORTADOU KONGRES

IIRAKRAKININ GGELECEELECE: S: SYASALYASAL SSSTEMSTEM, G, GVENLKVENLKVEVE DDIIPPOLTKAOLTKA

1-4 Kasm 2006Dedeman Otel-Esentepe/stanbul

ANNUAL CONFERENCE ON THE MIDDLE

EAST

TTHEHE FFUTUREUTUREOFOF IIRAQRAQ::PPOLITICSOLITICS, S, SECURITYECURITYANDAND FFOREIGNOREIGN PPOLICYOLICY


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1-4 November 2006Dedeman Hotel-Esentepe/Istanbul

Organizasyon Komitesi/Organization Committee

Prof.Dr. Sema Kalaycolu (Bakan/Chair)Ik niversitesi/Ik UniversityAssoc. Prof. Blent Aras (ye/Member)Ik niversitesi/Ik UniversityDr. Salih Bakc (ye/Member)Ik niversitesi/Ik University

zge Gen (Konferans Sekreteri/Conference secretary)Ik niversitesi/Ik University

Bilimsel Komite/Scientific Committee

Ghassan Atiyyah (Iraq/Irak)Prof.Dr. Mustafa Aydn (Turkey/Trkiye)Prof. Vassilis Fouskas (England/ngiltere)

Prof. Blent Gkay (England/ngiltere)Prof.Dr. Emre Gnensay (Turkey/Trkiye)Mohammed Hossein Hafezian (Iran/ran)Prof.Dr. Ersin Kalaycolu (Turkey/Trkiye)Dr. Tayseer Al Khunaizi (Saudi Arabia/Suudi Arabistan)Prof. Dr. Lutfullah Karaman (Turkey/Trkiye)Nezir Krdar (Turkey/Trkiye)Prof.Dr. Kemal Kirii (Turkey/Trkiye)Prof.Dr. Cengiz Okman (Turkey/Trkiye)Prof. Dr. Gven Sak (Turkey/Trkiye)Dr. Hassan Abu Taleb (Egypt/Msr)

Day 1 / 1. Gn Wednesday 1st November 2006 / 1 Kasm 2006aramba

18.00 18.45 WELCOME COCTEIL/ HOGELDN KOKTEYL

Sema KalaycoluChair of MA Middle East Studies, Ik University

Ortadou almalar Anabilimdal Bakan18.45 19.45 Dinner / Akam Yemei


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Day 2 / 2. Gn Thursday 2nd November 2006 / 2 Kasm 2006Perembe

09:15-10:45 OPENING SPEECHES / AILI KONUMALARIErsin KalaycoluPresident, Ik UniversityRektr, Ik niversitesi

Gdrun HarrerAustria's Iraq envoy for the EU PresidencyAvusturya AB Bakanl Irak temsilcisi

Ahmet Davutolu

Ambassador, Chief Advisor to Prime MinisterBykeli, Babakanlk Badanman

Krat TzmenMinister of State, Turkish RepublicDevlet Bakan, Trkiye Cumhuriyeti(to be confirmed/onay bekleniyor)

10:45-11:15 Coffee Break/Kahve aras

11:15-12:45 FIRST SESSION / LK OTURUM

IRAQI CONSTITUTIONANDTHE POLITICAL SYSTEMIRAKANAYASASIVE SYASAL SSTEMChair/Oturum Bakan:Emre Gnensay

Speakers / Konumaclar

Ersin KalaycoluElections and Political ParticipationSeimler ve Siyasal Katlm

M. Hossein HafezianProblems of Civil SocietySivil Toplum ve Sorunlar

Vassilis FouskasConstitution and the Political ProcessAnayasa ve Siyasal Sre

Amer A. AbedPolitical System

Siyasal Sistem


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13:00-13:50 Lunch /le Yemei

14:30-16:00 SECOND SESSION/ KNC OTURUM

RESSTANCEAND TERRORIN IRAQ

IRAKTA DRENVE TERRChair / Oturum Bakan: Snmez Kksal

Speakers / Konumaclar

Ibrahim Al-MarashiBroader Parameters of the Iraqi ResistanceDirenii Oluturan Unsurlar ve Dinamikleri

Valentine MoghadamViolence and Roles of Gender in Iraq

Irakta Cinsiyet Rolleri ve iddethsan BalAlternative Scenarios in Struggling Against Terror in IraqIrakta Terrle Mcadele Alternatif Senaryolar

16:00-16:15 Coffee Break /Kahve Aras

16:15-17:45 THIRD SESSION / NC OTURUM

LOCAL BALANCEOF POWERIN IRAQIRAKTA G DENGESChair/Oturum Bakan: Blent Aras

Safeen M. DizayeePriorities and the Position of the KurdsKrtlerin ncelikleri ve tutumu

Bulent GokayPriorities and the Position of the Shiitesii Araplarn ncelikleri ve tutumu

Ghassan AtiyyahPriorities and the Position of the SunnisSnni Araplarn ncelikleri ve tutumu

Hassan Z. ZakiPriorities and the Position of the TurcomansTrkmenlerin ncelikleri ve tutumu

20:00-21:30 Dinner /Akam Yemei

Day 3 / 3. Gn Friday 3rd November 2006 / 3 Kasm 2006 Cuma


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07:30-08:45 Breakfast / Kahvalt

09:00-10:30 FOURTH SESSION / DRDNC OTURUM

TURKEYANDTHE NEW IRAQYEN IRAKVE KOMULARIChair / Oturum Bakan: Cengiz Okman

Gkhan etinsayaHistorical-Political Assessment of Turkish-Iraqi RelationsTrkiye-Irak likilerinin Tarihi-Siyasi Derinlii

Cengiz andarTurkeys New Vision of the Middle East and IraqiDimension: A Critical LookTrkiyenin Yeni Ortadou Vizyonu ve Irak Boyutu:Eletirel Bak

Mustafa AydnTurkeys Changing Iraqi PolicyTrkiyenin Deien Irak Politikas

Murat SomerTurkey, Kurds and IraqTrkiye, Krtler ve Yeni Irak

10:30-10:45 Coffee Break /Kahve Aras

10:45-12:35 FIFTH SESSION / BENC OTURUMTHE NEW IRAQANDITS NEIGBOURS

YEN IRAKVE KOMULARIChair / Oturum Bakan: Mehmet Kaytaz

Abboud Al-SarrajSyrian Policy towards IraqSuriyenin Irak Politikalar

Adnan M. HayajnehJordanian Policy towards Iraq

rdnn Irak Politikalar

Tayseer B. Al-KhunaiziSaudi Arabian and Kuwaiti Policies towards IraqSuudi Arabistan ve Kuveytin Irak Politikalar

Keyhan BazergarIrans policy towards Iraqrann Irak Politikalar

13:00-14:00 Lunch/ le Yemei

14:30-16:00 SIXTH SESSION / ALTINCI OTURUM


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IRAQI SHIAANDITS REGIONALIMPLICATIONSIRAKLVE BLGESEL BOYUTUChair / Oturum Bakan: Lutfullah Karaman

Saad Hariz Al Salihi

Iraqi ShiismIrak iilii

Amir M. Haji YousefiIraqi Shiism and its Regional Dimension: Iranian

PerspectiveIrak iilii ve Blgesel Boyutu: ran Perspektifi

Hassan Abou TaleebArab Reactions to Rise of Iraqi ShiaArap lkelerinin Irakta ii Etkisinin Artna Bak

16:00-16:15 Coffee Break/ Kahve Aras

16:15-17:45 SEVENTH SESSION /YEDNC OTURUM

REBUILDING IRAQI ECONOMY: TURKEYS CONTRIBUTIONIRAKEKONOMSNN YENDEN YAPILANMASI: TRKYENN ROLChair / Oturum Bakan: Sema Kalaycolu

Hussain Sinjari

Reconstruction of Iraq and the regionIrakn Yeniden nas ve Blge lkeleri

Zaki FattahModels of Economic Improvement and Development for

IraqIrak iin Ekonomik Gelime ve Kalknma Modelleri

Hakan FidanTurkeys Investments for Development in the Middle Eastand Iraq

Trkiyenin Ortadouda Kalknma Yatrmlar ve IrakGven SakTurkeys Industry for Peace Initiative and IraqTrkiyenin Ortadouda Bar iin Sanayi Giriimi ve Irak

20:00-21:30 Dinner and ClosingRemarksAkam Yemei ve Kapan Konumas

Ersin Kalaycolu

President, Ik UniversityRektr, Ik niversitesi


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List of Participants/Katlmc Listesi

Asoc. Prof. hsan Bal, Polis Academy, Ankara, Turkey

Dr. Keyhan Bazergar, Center of Middle East Studies, Tahran, IranDr. Ibrahim Al-Marashi, Sabanc University, Istanbul, Turkey

Cengiz andar, Journalist, Istanbul, Turkey

Prof. Gkhan etinsaya, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul,Turkey

Prof. Ahmet Davutolu, Ambassador, Ankara, Turkey

Safeen M. Dizayee, Foreign Affairs Office, Kurdistan DemocraticParty

Prof. Zaki Fattah, American University in Beirut, Lebanon

Dr. Hakan Fidan, TIKA, Ankara, TurkeyProf. Vassilis Fouskas, University of Stirling, UK

Prof. Emre Gonensay, Isik University, Istanbul, TurkeyProf. Blent Gkay, University of Keele, UK

Dr. Gudrun Harrer, University of Vienna, Austria

Prof. Adnan M. Hayajneh, United Nations University, Amman, Jordan

Prof. Ersin Kalaycolu, Ik University, Istanbul, Turkey

Prof. Mehmet Kaytaz, Ik University, Istanbul, Turkey

Prof. Fuat Keyman, Koc University, Istanbul

Prof. Kemal Kirisci, Bogazici University, Istanbul, TurkeySonmez Kksal, Isik University, Istanbul, Turkey

Prof. Tayseer B. Al-Khunaizi, Kral Fahd University, Dammam, SaudiArabia

Dr. Saad Hariz Al Salihi, Ministry of Health, Tiqrit, Iraq

Prof. Abboud Al-Sarraj, Damascus University, Damascus, SyriaHussain Sinjari, President of Iraq Institute for Democracy, Erbil, Iraq

Assist. Prof. Murat Somer, Koc University, Istanbul, Turkey.

Dr. Hassan Abou Taleeb, Ahram Center for Strategic and Political

Studies, Cairo, EgyptProf. Ziya Onis, Koc University, Istanbul


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Tayseer Al-Khunaizi

LecturerDepartment of Finance and EconomicsKing Fahd University

Biography

Faculty member at Department of Finance and Economics, King Fahd Universityof Petroleum and Mineral resources, Dhahran, Saudi Arabia Former Facultymember at Political Science Department, King Saud University, Riyadh, SaudiArabia. He received his Ph. D from University of Kansas in 1993 in the fields ofPolitical Economy, Comparative Politics and International Relations. He focuseson the Gulf and Middle Eastern Region. He has a Master Degree in InternationalRelations from University of Louisville and B.A in Political Science and Economicsfrom Eastern Kentucky University.

Large number of articles has been written on the Gulf Region and the largerregion of the Middle East with examples as follows: Political Economy of SaudiArabia; Saudi-American relations after the 11 September; The Saudi PeaceInitiative for Political Settlement in the Middle East; Extremism and PotentialPolitical Transformation in Saudi Arabia; The Saudi Educational Curriculum andDevelopment in Saudi Arabia; The Prospect of Civil Society Development in SaudiArabia

Abstract

This work seeks to examine Saudi policy toward Iraq and assess the factors that

shaped this policy by focusing on the post-Sadam era. Saudi policy in the years ahead will probably be dominated by four concerns with respect of Iraq's future:domestic stability; foreign penetration and Iraq's political evolution. (and oilproduction policy is out of scope of this paper).

The security and political integrity of Saudi Arabia is perceived to have a closelinkage to the stability and maintenance of Iraq's national unity. The recentactive Saudi support of national reconciliation within Iraq including itsendorsement of Sunni community participation in the political process is aimed atreinforcing national unity of Iraq. The recent Saudi plan of hosting a meetingbetween top Shiite and Sunni clerics is sought to halt mounting sectarianbloodshed between communities within Iraq. It became apparent that Saudinational interests can be served at maximum when it acts as balancing forceamong different Iraqi parties regardless of its ideological attachment of one partyor the other involved. Saudis fear a danger of a possible civil war within Iraq thatwould likely to draw all regional countries into the conflict. Therefore, peaceful,prosperous and strong Iraq is an important for the stability of Saudi Arabia andthe region as whole.

Saudis objected from the start to the US military action on Iraq where it regardedsuch action associated with it political and military consequences would probablypresent threat to its political interests and stability of Saudi Arabia. They fearedthe change in the status quo within Iraq would likely to lead to rise of new groups

whom perceived to be hostile to Saudi interests and close to Iran. With thisscenario, Saudis conceived potential future alliance between the two


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predominantly Shiite countries (Iraq and Iran) that would likely to disturb theregional balance of power in the region as well as threaten the political integrityof Saudi Arabia. Moreover, the US military occupation of Iraq was seen by Saudisas presenting a direct threat to political integrity of Saudi Arabia in the wake ofstraining relations between the two countries after the 11 September terroristattacks.

The Saudi policy toward Iraq has political and military implications for the Saudi-US relations. A primarily concern for Saudis is that its Iraq policy does not appearto be antagonistic to American interests inside Iraq. Seemingly, there has beenmore convergence of interests between Saudi Arabia and the U.S with respect toIraq than what was predicted prior to the war. Apparently, both countries sharethe objective of maintaining the existing political unity of Iraq; containing Iranianinfluence within the country and defeating terrorism. Saudis have suffered greatdeal of terrorism and can see a further escalation of terrorism and Cayuse withinIraq is very likely to be felt within Saudi Arabia. The current Saudi Arabia'sexperience of terrorism of those fighters returning from Afghanistan following the

Soviet pullout in the late 1980s remains a fresh and lives in Saudi eyes. They fearthe terrorist consequences of the Afghanistan's experience will be repeated ifthose foreign fighters inside Iraq were given support and shelter. The Saudis arebeing put in very complicated position and they had to balance among differentobjectives and issues involved as well as to balance between international andregional requirements.

Ibrahim Al-Marashi

Department of International Relations

Ko University

Biography

Dr. Ibrahim Al-Marashi lectures at the International Relations Department at KoUniversity in Istanbul, Turkey. He received his Dphil at University of Oxford,completing a thesis on the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. Al-Marashi received a MA in

Politics/Arab Studies at Georgetown in 1997. He is an Iraqi-American who lived atvarious times in Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Egypt and Morocco.

Abstract

Broader Parameters of the Iraqi Resistance

The mainstream media, in addition to both the Iraqi and US government tends tofocus on insurgent military tactics or terrorist acts. However, one cannotunderstand the broader parameters of the Iraqi resistance without examining the

narrative of the Iraqi resistance. This paper seeks to provide an analysis revealof the internal dynamics of the insurgency, based on the insurgencys narrative.Doing so can reveal the policy and rhetoric of its various movements, in addtion


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to their military actions and future vision for Iraq. Such an analysis of insurgentdiscourse helps to establish the ideological foundations of the various insurgentgroups in Iraq, and reveals that it is far from a monolithic resistance.Additionally, examining insurgent discourse also reveals which of thesemovements seek political participation in Iraqs post-war politics, and whichgroups seek to undermine the process entirely.

Blent Aras

Lecturer, Department of International Relations

Ik University

Biography

Dr. Bulent Aras is Associate Professor in the Department of InternationalRelations at Ik University. He received his BA in Political Science andInternational Relations from Bogazici University, and his Ph.D. in InternationalRelations from the same university in 1999. Her was visiting scholar at Indiana

Universitys Center for Eurasian Studies in 1998, Oxford Universitys St.Anthonys College in 2003 and was research scholar at Paris based EuropeanUnion Institute of Security Studies.

Dr. Aras is the author of Palestinian- Israeli Peace Process andTurkey(Novascience,1998), New Geopolitics of Eurasia and Turkeys Position(Frankcass, 2002), Turkey and the Greater Middle East( TASAM,2004) and co-editor of Oil and Geopolitics in Caspian Sea Region(Praeger,1999), andSeptember 11 and World Politics(FUB:2004).His articles have appeared in MiddleEast Policy, Journal of Third World Studies, Journal South Asian and MiddleEastern Studies, Futures, Journal of Southern Europe and Balkans, MediterraneanQuarterly, Nationalism and Ethnic Policy and Central Asia/Caucasus. His articles

have been translated into Persian, Russian and Arabic. He serves in the editorialboards of Turkish Studies, Alternatives :Turkish Journal of International Relations,and Central Asia/Caucasus.

His research interest has so far focused on Turkish Foreign Policy, Middle EasternPolitics, Central Asia and Central Asian expert. He organized several internationalconferences on the political and security problems of Turkey, Middle East andAsia. Dr. Aras has done consulting work with such organizations as OxfordAnalytica, Microsoft, Center for Turkish-Asian Strategic Studies, Human RightsWatch, Eurasian Center for Strategic Studies and Canadian Government.


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Ghassan Attiyah

Director, Iraq Foundation for Development and Democracy

Biography

Founder and Executive Director of the Iraq Foundation for Development andDemocracy in Baghdad. He is a political scientist, and was a formerly exiledopponent of Saddam Hussein's regime, living in the UK and publisher of theoppositionist periodical The Iraqi File.

Dr. Atiyyah resigned his post in the League of Arab States in 1984 as well as hispost in Baghdad University and moved to England, where he became an activemember of the Iraqi Democratic movement in exile. Upon the fall of SaddamHussein regime in Iraq returned to Baghdad in April 2003 to establish one of thefirst Iraqi NGO (Iraq Foundation for Development and Democracy). The IFDD withthe help of European and international institutions as well as UN, succeeded inpresenting an Independent, secular and liberal stand and was instrumental inconvening several meetings and conferences in Iraq and outside it, with aim atnational reconciliation and power sharing in Iraq.

Recently he was a visiting scholar at the Center for Democracy, Development

and the Rule of Law at Stanford University.

Mustafa AYDIN

Professor of International Relations

TOBB-Economy and Technology University

Biography

Mustafa Aydin is Professor of International Relations at the TOBB-Economy andTechnology University; as well as at the Turkish National Security Academy,Ankara, Turkey. He was UNESCO Fellow at the Richardson Institute for PeaceStudies, UK (1999); Fulbright Scholar at the JFK School of Government, HarvardUniversity (2002); Alexander S. Onassis Fellow at the University of Athens (2003);and Research Fellow at the EU Institute for Security Studies, Paris (2003).

Prof. Aydin is the Director of International Policy Research Institute (IPRI) ofAnkara, and the President of the International Relations Council of Turkey. He is


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also member of Economy and Foreign Policy Study Group of the PresidentsOffice, as well as Board member of strategic research centers of both TurkishMinistry of Foreign Affairs and Turkish Armed Forces, Ankara, Turkey.

His most recent works include New Geopolitics of Central Asia and the Caucasus:Causes of Instability and Predicament (2000); Ten Years After: Turkeys Gulf

Policy Revisited (2002); Turkeys Foreign Policy in the 21st

Century: A ChangingRole in World Politics (ed. with T. Ismael, 2003); Greek-Turkish Relations in the21st Century: Security Dilemma in the Aegean (ed. with K. Ifantis, 2004); Turkish-

American Relations; Past, Present, and Future (ed. with C. Erhan, 2004); TurkishForeign Policy; Framework and Analysis (in English and Greek, 2004); Central

Asia in Global Politics (ed. in Turkish, 2004); International Security Today;Understanding Change and Debating Security (ed. with K. Ifantis, 2006);Redefining Regional Security in Wider Europe and the Broader Middle East (ed.,2006); and International Security Today; Understanding Change and DebatingStrategy(ed. with K. Ifantis, 2006).

Abstract

TURKEYS CHANGING IRAQ POLICY

The purpose of this paper is to look at Turkeys changing approach to Iraq fromthe prism of three wars: The hands-off policy of the Cold War years was replacedby a policy of engagement and intervention into the territory of Iraq after the GulfWar of 1990-91, which in turn led to Turkeys cautious approach to the mostrecent Iraq War. The American invasion of and the regime change in Iraq alsoforced Turkey to reevaluate its policies towards this country and the Middle East

in general. Along the way, however, Turkeys primary interests regarding Iraqhave not changed. Maintaining the status quo beyond its southern border andpreventing the rise of Kurdish nationalism during the Saddam era still holds trueafter the American invasion, maybe even more so. What forced Turkey toreconsider its Iraqi policy and perhaps combine alternative means andapproaches was the inclusion of the US in the picture as an active player in Iraq.With the American intervention and Turkeys non-cooperation with the US duringthe operation, Turkey ceased to be the main external player in northern Iraq,which also had important effects on Turkish-American relations. Accordingly, thispaper will analyze and compare the different considerations that shaped TurkeysIraq policy during the Cold War, before and after the Gulf War, and finally before,during and since the most recent Iraq War. It is hoped that this analysis would

provide a meaningful tool to predict Turkeys future Iraq policies.

HSAN BAL

Lecturer, Police Academy

Head, International Security, Terrorism and Ethnic Studies,

International Strtategic Research Organisation


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Biography

hsan Bal was born in Ordu in 1966. In 1988, he graduated from Turkish Police

Academy, and he recieved his master degree from the University of Leicester in1992. In 1999, after writting his dissertation on Prevention of Terrorism in LiberalDemocracies in the University of Leicester, he obtained his Ph.D studying. Heworked as an Associate Professor at Institute of Security Sciences in Ankara in2004. And in 2004, he was head of the International Security, Terrorism andEthnic Studies Centre at ISRO located in Ankara. He published some articlesrelated fields of Fight against Terror and the Police Ethics, Police Operations,Organized Crime and Terrorism, Kurdist Movements. By some articles mentionedabove, he is writer of some books published under the name of PoliceProfessional Ethics (2002), Police Ethics (2003), Ethnic Terrorism in Turkey andthe Case of the PKK: Roots, Structure, Survival, and Ideology (2004), EuropeanUnion with Turkey (2005), Terrorism (2006)

Abstract

Alternative Scenarios in Struggling Against Terror in Iraq

After Saddam Husseins abdication in 2003, Iraq has unable to find stability as aresult of the American led power. Since 2003, violent events cannot be avoidedand within the country hundreds of thousands, many of them civilians, have died.Various reasons have led to the influx of violence; each side has its own

justification and rationality in attacking the other side. In short, there are manyreasons to kill and not enough to keep people alive. Multiple groups and partiesutilize terrorist strategies by either exploiting these tactics in part or in whole. Asa result the strategy in combating terrorism conveys a complex situation in Iraq.

To save Iraq from this vicious situation, many scenarios have been produced.This article will describe a three-prong formulation based on the rejection ofusing of terrorist organizations and strategies, which are used by all actors inIraq, even in periodical terms. Defining a central authority in Iraq, anddemonstrating the applying the use of police security, preventive, and criminalintelligence in an efficient manner are the central points of the aforementionedformulation.

Kayhan Barzegar

Assistant Professor of International Relations,

Islamic Azad University

Biography


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Kayhan Barzegar is Assistant Professor of International Relations at Islamic AzadUniversity; Science and Research Campus in Tehran. He is Editor-in-Chief; Journalof Law and Politics and Managing Editor; Discourse,An Iranian English LanguageQuarterly. He has been an Associate Fellow at the Center for Middle EastStrategic Studies (since 1977) and the Center for Strategic Research (since2000). He is a comparativist of Middle East international relations and politics andteaches Middle East Area Studies and International Relations Courses at theuniversity. He is currently working on Irans foreign policy towards the new Iraqand Arab countries and Iran-US relations. Dr Barzegar has participated innumerous international conferences in the Middle East, Europe and the US andextensively published on the regional issues both in English and Persian. Hislatest articles entitled Understanding the Roots of Iranian Foreign Policy in theNew Iraq published in Middle East Policy (Summer 2005), and Roles at Odds:Roots of Iran-US Conflict after 9-11 in Rahbord, Journal of the Center forStrategic Research (Spring 2006). He is the author of books entitled TheIslamicRepublic of Iran and International System: Understanding the Past andForecasting the Future (Summer 2002) and the book on Irans National Interests

in the New Iraq (Summer 2006). Dr Barzegar spent the 2002-2003 academic yearas a Post-Doctorate Fellow at the London School of Economics. He has been asenior member of Pugwash since 2003.

Abstract

Irans National Interests in the New Iraq

This article investigates Irans national interests in the new Iraq from political-security, economic and cultural aspects. In the political-security arena, Iranattempts to shift Iraq from a traditional military and strategic adversary to afriend and ally and by which creating grounds of opportunities not only inbilateral relations but also with the Arab world and the great powers.Economically, given Irans relative privileges such as the length of borders andgeographical linkage, appropriate relations with the current government, cultural-religious commonalities and joining the necessary economic potentials andtechnological experiences, the country considers Iraq as a best consumptionmarket for its economic activities in the region. And culturally, Irans nationalinterest is to expand its cultural connections with various political groups which

have historical-cultural attachments with Iran and by which enhancing relationsboth at the states and nations levels. The author discusses the substance ofIrans national interests in the new Iraq is based on considering the newdevelopments as an opportunity to redefine its role and place at the national,regional and international levels. In this respect, the author is of the believe thatthe best approach in achieving Irans national interests goals is to establish long-term relations by creating Strategic Linkages in various political-security,economic and cultural arenas at the state levels, rather than focusing on short-term security-conflictual approach. At the end, the author concludes Iran-Iraqspast confrontational relations was because of the foreign powers role andinterventionist self-interested policies in defining the two countries as twostrategic enemies which endangered peace and security in the entire region forlong. With removing the grounds of tension in Iran-Iraqs relations, a turning point


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has emerged in redefining the regional peace and security as well as economicand cultural cooperation.

Ahmet Salih Bakc

Lecturer, Department of International Relations

Ik University

Biography

Dr. Ahmet Salih Bakc is a faculty in the department of International Relations ofIk University. Dr. Bakc received his BA in the department of history ofMarmara University in 1994. He completed his MA in Turkic Studies Institute ofMarmara University. Later, he had his PhD in Tel Aviv University in 2004 andteaches Middle East in International Politics, International politics. Dr. Bakcparticipated in various international projects on identiy and politics. He had fieldexperience in Israel, Palestine and Uzbekistan. He focuses on the Middle East andCentral Asia.

Gkhan etinsaya

Professor of History

Department of Humanities and Social Sciences

Istanbul Technical University

Biography

He is a professor of history at Istanbul Technical University, Department ofHumanities and Social Sciences. He works on Turkish political history, Turkishforeign policy and the Middle East. Some of his publications include: Ottoman

Administration of Iraq, 1890-1908 (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2006);Turkeys Stature as a Middle Eastern Power, Turkish-Israeli Relations in aTrans-Atlantic Context: Wider Europe and the Greater Middle East, eds. BruceMaddyWeitzman and Asher Susser (Tel Aviv University, The Moshe DayanCenter for Middle Eastern and African Studies, 2005), 45-50; The Caliph andMujtahids: Ottoman Policy towards the Shii Community of Iraq in the LateNineteenth Century, Middle Eastern Studies, 41 (July 2005), 561-574;Essential Friends and Natural Enemies: The Historical Roots of Turkish-Iranian Relations, Middle East Review of International Affairs (September


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2003); The Ottoman View of British Presence in Iraq and the Gulf: The Era ofAbdulhamid II, Middle Eastern Studies, 39 (April 2003), 194-203.

Abstract

Historical Assessment of Turkish-Iraqi Relations

Turkey has had historical relations with Iraq for over four hundred years sincethe early 16th century. The political and economic relations have continuedduring the Republican era. Turkey and Iraq started to improve their relationsas soon as Iraq achieved its independence despite the imprints of theperception of Ottoman legacy in general, the Arab revolt and the questionof Mosul in particular. Turkey and Iraq signed the Sadabad Pact in 1937 ascountries having similar perception of threats and overlapping national and

regional interests. The Baghdad axis which emerged in Turkish foreignpolicy in the 1930s has continued until 1990/91, despite the changes ofgovernments and regimes. Turkey defined and pursued its relations with theArab world over this axis. Regardless of the regimes in Iraq, the integrity andstability of Iraq has always been important for Turkey.

Vassilois K. Fouskas

Reader,

Department of Politics and International Relations

Stirling University

Biography

Vassilis K. Fouskas read international relations and history at the Universities of

Athens, Perugia and London. He is the author of, among others, (with BulentGokay) The New American Imperialism; Bush's War on Terror and Blood for Oil(Praeger, 2005) and Zones of Conflict; US Foreign Policy in the Balkans and theGreater Middle East (Pluto and Michigan University Press, 2003). He is thefounding Editor of the refereed periodical Journal of Southern Europe and theBalkans (Routledge, 3 issues per year) and teaches international politics atStirling University, UK. His articles have appeared, among others, inContemporary European History, European Security and Mediterranean Quarterlyand his work has been translated into more than 10 languages. Vassilis has beena Leverhulme Trust Fellow (2002-03) and a Stanley J. Seeger Fellow at PrincetonUniversity (Spring 2005).

Abstract


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The main obstacle thwarting America's objectives in Iraq is a peculiar type ofnationalisdeveloped by ethnic and religious groups, all of which see control of oilresources as a means to sovereign statehood and/or regional independence. Thesocio-political dynamics of those movements have been crystalised in the new

controversial Constitution of the country, which, unsuccessfully, tried toaccomodate the Shi'a and the Kurds at the expense of the Sunnis. What we cancall 'petroleum nationalism' is a social phenomenon which is being imbedded inthe Constitution and which acts, in certain ways paradoxically and discursively,as a progressive force opposing America's neo-imperial strategies in Iraq and theGreater Middle East.

Zaki Fattah

Lecturer, American University in Beirut

Biography

Former Chief, Economic Development Issues and Policies Division, ESCWA. He isan economic advisor to Kurdistan Regional Government and teachesdevelopment economics at American University in Beirut.

Abstract

Economic Development in Iraq

The presentation would be composed of three parts. Part one highlights the typeof economy Iraq received from the old regime. This part would produce indicatorsof main social and economic performance in the economy to draw a picture forthe state of the economy the old regime left behind.

The indictors would be selective representing: i) Social development, (Health,Education, Housing, Water, Electricity); ii) Economic development (Per capitaincome, Unemployment, Trade, Oil sector, Private sector, Banking system,Insurance system, Economic sector performance, Transportation,Communication; iii) Governance and rule of law; iv) Environment protection.

Part two explores the main pillars of the present economic strategy andexamines the arguments behind them. Part three presents some critical remarksregarding the effectiveness of the strategy and offers some alternatives. Thediscussion would touch on water issues, population increase, governmentrestructuring, reorientation of education system, decentralization, WTO issues,and sustainable growth, and other interrelated issues.


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Blent Gkay

Reader


Kele University

Biography

Bulent Gokay is a Reader in International Relations at Kele University. He is also

the Director of Master Programmes of the University. Bulent Gokay's researchand publications record covers two main interrelated strands- the first relates tothe history of post-WWI settlements in the Near and Middle East and theCaucasus; the second to contemporary political and policy issues such as thegeopolitics of oil,nationalism and human rights in Eurasia. He has co-authoredwith Richard Langhorne Turkey and the New States of the Caucasus and CentralAsia (HMSO, 1996). He edited twelve volumes of British Documents of ForeignAffairs (Turkey, 1923-52). Blent Gkay's A Clash of Empires: Turkey betweenRussian Bolshevism and British Imperialism was published by IB Tauris in 1997.His The Politics of Caspian Oil was published by Palgrave in 2001. His text-book,Eastern Europe Since 1970, has just been published by Longman. He is the co-editor of 11 September 2001: War, Terror and Judgement. His book, The NewAmerican Imperialism: Bush's War on Terror and Blood for Oil, co-authored withVassilis K. Fouskas was published by Greenwood Publishing Group on 30/10/2005.Bulent Gokay's SOVIET EASTERN POLICY AND TURKEY, 1920-1991, has just beenpublished by Routledge in 2006.

Abstract

Shiites move to fill vacuum in Iraq

The recent war in Iraq has produced an unintended consequence a fearsomeShiiteMuslim geopolitical bloc that will dominate the political life in the MiddleEast for many years. Following the US-led military operations in 2003, religiousShiite groups and militias in Iraq have stepped into the gap resulting from thecollapse of the Baath Party, especially in the sacred shrine cities. Among the bigsurprises of the months following the fall of the Baath Party in Iraq is the way inwhich Shiite religious leaders and parties moved immediately into the vacuum.All this has strengthened Iran's strategic viability and increased its regionalpopularity. Since 1979, for a rising generation of ambitious Shiites, no figure wasmore inspiring or influential than Khomeini. It seems that twenty-seven yearsafter Ayatollah Khomeini outmaneuvered Iran's religious and political

establishment, his spiritual disciples in Iraq are now attempting a similar clericaltakeover. Within the increasingly volatile conditions of post-Saddam Iraq, where


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the American occupation of Iraq is very unsteady, the power of the Shiites hasemerged as one of the wildcards. If the state of affairs in Iraq worsens further,the whole Middle East would be at risk of a sectarian conflict between Shiitesand Sunnis.

GUDRUN HARRER

Lecturer, Vienna University

Foreign Editor, Der Standard

Biography

Gudrun Harrer was in born in 1959 in Austria. He was educated in Orientalstudies at Vienna University. After finished MAs thesis studying on transcriptionproblems of Arabic, he obtanied MA degree in the department of Arabic andIslamic Studies at Vienna University. Before starting to work as a Foreign Editorat the Head of the foreign desk of "Der Standard, he also worked at "DerStandardas a Middle East editor. Gudrun Harrer is a lecturer at Vienna. He hasbeen charged as Former Special Envoy of the Austrian Presidency of theEuropean Union to Iraq. Gudrun is the author of three books on other thanMiddle East issues and a book on the reasons of the Iraq war: Kriegs-Grnde. Ein

Versuch ber den Irak-Krieg, Mandelbaum, Vienna 2003.

Abstract

The six months of the Austrian Presidency of the European Union (January to June2006) and my presence in Baghdad as Special Envoy coincided with adeterioration of the security situation in Iraq especially regarding inter-sectarianviolence. The hopes of the international community that the first regular Iraqigovernment would be formed quickly after the election of December 2005 andthat a government of national unity would bring the stabilization of the countrywere in vain. However, the government of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki investsconsiderable efforts, among them the initiative of national reconciliation, theimprovement of the basic infrastructure, and the fight against corruption andembezzlement, especially in the oil sector. It is a race against time: Iraqis arelosing confidence that the new government is strong enough to take control ofthe situation.

We can observe that Iraq today is discussed mainly in the context of US policy,not in Iraqs own rights and interests. Iraq has to be put back on the internationalagenda. The upcoming Iraq Compact Conference could be an opportunity forthat. The conference will provide the framework for a defined, prioritized andbenchmarked economic programme, as the Secretary General of the UN, which

is co-chairing the process, puts it. However, the EU has the strong opinion thatthe Compact should address not only economy reform, but also the likewise


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crucial questions of politics and security. It is another format for Iraq to use fordomestic consensus-building.

Mohammad Hossein Hafezian

Assistant Professor of Political Science,

Islamic Azad University, Karaj Branch-Iran

Biography

Mohammad Hossein Hafezian was born in Babol, north Iran in March 1975. In1993, he began studying political science at the Faculty of Law and PoliticalScience, Tehran University. In 1997 he succeeded in entering the MA program ofpolitical science in Tehran University. He wrote his thesis on political participationof women during the Islamic Revolution. A revised version of the thesis waspublished in 2001 under the title ofWomen and the Revolution: The Untold Storyin Persian. He began his Ph.D education in Tehran University in 1999 by focusinghis research on political sociology, political development, and especially MiddleEastern Stuides. From 2000, he started working as a senior research fellow at theCenter for Scientific Research and Middle East Strategic Studies. He is theassistant editor of an English-language journal, Discourse: An Iranian Quarterly,

and a member of the editorial staff of a Persian-language journal, Middle EastStudies Quarterly, both published by the Center. In June 2004, he defended hisdissertation on Poltiical Elites and Political Development in the Middle East: AComparative Study of Iran, Turkey and Egypt. He has written extensively onwomen's issues, development, Iranian foreign policy, and Middle East politics invarious Persian, English and Arabic journals. He is a member of the directorate ofthe Iranian Association of Womens Studies since early 2005. Now he works as asenior research fellow at the the Center for Scientific Research and Middle EastStrategic Studies and an assistant professor of political science at the IslamicAzad University Karaj Branch.

Abstract

Problems of Civil Society in Iraq: Thinking of a Better Future amid Chaos

Unlike many Middle Eastern nations, Iraq has a long record of having civil societyorganizations. Iraq has long possessed a vibrant civil society just less strong thanIrans one in the entire Persian Gulf region. However, age-old civil societyorganizations that smoothed the edges between Arab and Kurd, Shia and Sunnialong with most of the underpinnings of Iraqi society were damaged by the long

Saddam Hussein dictatorship. For that reason, since 60 percent of the Iraqipopulation is under 21 years of age, they do not know anything other thanSaddams regime. Hence, it is no surprise that they seek their identity in their


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primary groups rather than secondary groups. That is because under Saddammost of civil society organizations, i.e. secondary groups, were suppressed andeven ceased to exist. So, after the fall of Saddams regime, the only possible areaof social activity and identity-seeking was primary groups such as religious,ethnic, and community-based groups that regularly survive dictatorshipseverywhere in the world. Instead of being identified with their ideology, politicaltendency, professional association and so on, the Iraqis were identified as beingKurds, Shia Arabs and Sunni Arabs

Now Iraq needs the reconstruction of its age-old voluntary associations and civilsociety organizations based upon professional and ideological attachments ratherthan religious, ethnic, tribal or sectarian ties and affinities. Those who just talkabout the tough realities of Iraq, questioning the actual readiness of the Iraqipeople to take on democracy and justifying their rejection of the possibility ofdeveloping a strong civil society, ignore the fact that Iraqs civil society was justin a coma under Saddams regime and now it just needs to be reconfigured. So, itcomes as an insult to those who wish a strong civil society and viable democraticgovernment in Iraq.

At the same time, the international forces also weaken the process ofdevelopment of civil society by supporting some specific ethnic or religiousgroups in Iraq as the country becomes a battleground for such forces in order toincrease their respective influence in the Iraqi political scene. It happens at atime when it becomes clear that all international forces still have commoninterest in a democratic, stable, and unified Iraq.

Encouraging Iraqis in the past three years to emerge from three decades ofdictatorship and embrace a vibrant civil society including labor unions andprofessional associations, could be a difficult task to do, because the people'smain concern has become basic survival and not building their civil society. None

of the civil society institutions can function without a basic foundation of peaceand security. To create a civil society based on principals of democracy and therule of law in a post-Saddam Iraq requires the stability and security that Iraqlacks today. But in the future, to guarantee a vigorous civil society depends ontransforming Iraq from a command economy that lives and dies on oil revenuesinto a diverse, free market. As long as the structure of rentier state has notwithered away, there is little hope for the fundamental change in governmentstructure and the building of a strong civil society independent of the state.Another important point is women's involvement in efforts to rebuild civil society.

Their involvement tends to moderate political extremism, thus encouragingfemale-centered civil society groups would help undermine the male-dominatedelites that have done so much damage to Iraq. The cause of womens rights can

be a suitable theme that unites women from all walks of life and from differentethnic and religious groups.

Sa'ad F.Hariz


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Biography

Dr. Saad F. Hariz is a leading intellectual in Iraq. He comments on major Iraqiproblems and attends international conferences on the Middle Eastern issues. Hecontributes to scholarly and practical understanding of the Iraqi issues and otherMiddle Eastern problems.

Abstract

Shiism in Iraq

The paper reviews chronological evolvement of Shiite in Iraq during the pastcentury focusing in particular on the critical changes that took place after theAmerican invasion to topple the regime of Saddam Hussein.

Starting by a brief introduction since British occupation & stepping through themost influential factors that brought the Shiite in Iraq their distinguished statusuntil the appearance of Saddam Hussein who played major role in the brutalrepression of Shiite in the contemporary history of modern Iraq.

American invasion & fall of the regime of Saddam Hussein will transfer thesituation to another horizon of analysis greatly mixed with a lot of local &regional factors tailoring the ongoing status of Shiite in Iraq, together with

appearance of violence & emergence of Al Qa'ida , a status that confuses theperspectives of Sunni, Shiite & secular blocks in the country to identify the righttrack for finding solutions out of the chaotic turmoil. Stepping toward sectariancivil war is the most critical concern of this paper & the way to face this tragedywill be thoroughly detailed in order to clarify what could be considered undercertain agendas whether local or regional or even improvised by the force ofsectarian hatred & social retardation.

Adnan M. Hayajneh

Associate Professor of Political Science

Program of International Relations & Strategic Studies

The Hashemite University, Jordan

Biography

He is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the Hashemite University


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(1999-P). He established a new department International Relations and StrategicStudies one of its first kind in the region. He has held several Academic andAdministrative positions in many institutions at the United Nations University:-International Leadership Institute, as Senior Programme Officer, Al-Al-BaytUniversity, Jordan, The Emirates Center for Strategic and Research, Abu Dhabi,UAE, The University of Jordan, University of Arizona, USA, Pima CommunityCollege, Tucson, Arizona, USA.

Dr. Hayajneh graduated from the University of Arizona, where he obtained aDoctorate of Philosophy in Political Science in May 1995 majoring in InternationalRelations and American Politics. Previously, he received his M.A. from CaliforniaState University, Chico in International Relations and American Government. Hewent to Yarmouk University in Jordan for his undergraduate degree.

Dr. Hayajneh is a specialist in international relations and research methodology.He is an expert on American foreign policy, Gulf security and strategic andleadership development. Dr. Hayajneh has more than 30 published books and

journal articles in Arabic and in English. He has participated in more than 40

international, regional, and national conferences. He appeared on many TVshows including regular appearance on Jordan TV and BBC World. He hasnumerous activities related to the importance of leadership development withregard to democratic governance and international dialogue.

Abstract

Jordanian Policy towards Iraq

The paper will analyze Jordanian policy towards Iraq. It will consist of three parts:an analysis of the relationship between Iraq and Jordan over the past 50 years.Second, Jordan policy, and the new Iraq after the US occupation. Third, Jordanand the future scenarios in Iraq.

Jordan and Iraq have had historical relationship that goes back to many decadesand have witnessed many developments in this period. Iraq and Jordan havedeveloped an interdependent relationship over the past decades. Jordan reliedheavily on Iraqi oil while Iraq relied heavily on the Jordanian market for itssources of supply; Jordan was the only lifeline for Iraq during the sanction years.

Jordan and Iraq enjoyed good relations after Jordan sided with Iraq in its war withIran and when Jordan took a strong position toward an Arab solution for the Iraqi

invasion of Kuwait. In addition, the American war on Iraq has presented Jordanwith many dilemmas towards its regional role and its relationship with the newIraq. Jordan is trying to play a vital role in rebuilding Iraq. Jordan prime ministerswere the only Arab Prime ministers to visit the new Iraq. Jordan is the safe-heaven for more than 600, 000 Iraqis.

The paper will discuss Jordan policy towards the new Iraq taking intoconsideration the following factors:

First: the state of internal affairs of Iraq including the Iraqi civil war, the spill overof terrorism and the internal conflict among the factions of several nationalitiesand religions. The state of affairs in Iraq is of a failing state. No education, no

jobs, no health services, no security, no state. These developments will affect

Jordan and it will influence its calculations and what it can and cannot do.


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Second the State of the regional affairs surrounding Iraq including the role ofIran, Turkey, Syria, and Saudi Arabia and how their views of the future of Iraqmay influence Jordans policy. In addition, the relationship between Iraq and theArab Israeli conflict will be discussed. The view of the role of Iran in the regionand the building of new alliances plays an important role in Jordanian policytowards Iraq.

Third, the role of international factors namely the role of the US in reshaping theregion will be analyzed. The latest report in the US shows that the war on Iraqhas encouraged terrorism in the region and it more likely to spread toneighboring countries, which makes Jordan tense about these developments.

Thus, the US and its strategy are under more scrutiny. The US and its allies are inawkward position. According to King Abdullah II we ran out of arguments in aninterview with the Times.

Jordan policy towards Iraq is clear. It wants an integrated and stable Iraq, which ispart of the Arab nation, a democratic one that will include all, and an enhancedbilateral relationship. This is the ideal case for Jordan in Iraq. However, this is not

promising due to many factors that the paper will discuss. Moreover, the paperwill discuss and analyze Jordan policy towards various scenarios that the paperwill offer regarding the new Iraq.

Emre Gnensay

Professor of Economics,Department of Economics

Ik University

Biography

Professor Emre Gonensay is a full time professor at the Department of Economicsat Ik University. He received his BA degree in Humanities from Robert College,his MA degree in economics from Columbia University and his PhD in economics

from London School of Economics. He has worked as the former Minister ofForeign Affairs. He has also worked as the Dean at Boazii University Faculty ofEconomics and Administrative Sciences during the years 1971-1976. He iscurrently teaching Economic Policy at undergraduate level and Energy Economicsat graduate level in the Middle East Program at Ik University. His major fields ofacademic interest are Collective Decision Making and Politics, Energy Economicsand the Middle East.

Ersin Kalaycolu


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Professor of Political Science

President, Isik University

Biography

Dr. Kalaycioglu is a Full Professor of Political Science and Rector (President) of IsikUniversity, Istanbul, Turkey. Prof. Kalaycioglu is a student of comparative politicsand specializes in political representation and participation. He has published onthose two fields internationally. He has authored and co-edited four books in

Turkish on Comparative Political Participation, Turkish Political Life (co-edited),and Contemporary Political Science (text-book), Turkish Politics (co-edited), and

co-edited Turkey: Political, Social and Economic Challenges in the 1990s (Leiden,New York, Kln: E. J. Brill, 1995). He has recently been involved in conducting aresearch project on political participation, and womens socio-political status in

Turkey. Most recently Prof. Kalaycioglu has published a book on the socio-economic and political status of women in Turkey with Binnaz Toprak. Dr.Kalaycioglu has contributed a chapter on Turkey in Mark Kasselman, Joel Kriegerand William A. Joseph (eds.) Introduction to Comparative Politics, Third Ed.(Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 2005). He has recently authored a book called TurkishDynamics: A Bridge Across Troubled Lands (New York: Macmillan-Palgrave,2005). He has another book, co-authored with Ali arkoglu of Sabanci Universitycalled Turkish Democracy Today: Elections, Protest and Stability in an Islamic

Society, (London: I. B. Tauris), forthcoming in 2006. Currently, Prof. Kalaycioglu iscarrying out studies of socio-political orientations and attitudes toward politics inTurkey in collaboration with Ali Carkoglu of Sabanci University.

Abstract

Elections and National Solidarity through Democracy in Iraq

Elections are occasions for the people to participate in the affairs of theirnation. Through such a practice the legitimacy of governments are established.

Thus national elections contribute to national integration through meaningful

participation of the masses in the legitimate political processes of their country.Indeed, hopes were also pinned on the Iraqi elections as a participatorymechanism providing for the jump start of democratic integration of Iraq.

The results of the December 15, 2005 elections in Iraq come closest to agenuine democratic electoral process the country has come to experience inrecent years. A close examination of the election results seem to indicate ethnicand sectarian consolidation of voting patterns across the political geography ofIraq, which seem to reinforce differences and further consolidate the local powerstructures and elites. A mosaic of sectarian and ethnic differences seemed to betaking hold of the socio-political reality of Iraq and elections seem to bereinforcing such differences, rather than glossing over them and initiatingnational solidarity across sectarian and ethnic lines.

National elections alone cannot bring about national integration anddemocratic consolidation, though elections do not necessarily and normally work


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to undermine the latter either. However, the Iraqi elections of December 15,2005 seemed to show that elections are effective mechanism in reinforcingexistence power structures and the socio-political milieu within which they takeplace. The pre-election conditions being so dysfunctional to democracy, theDecember 15, 2005 elections seemed to also function to bolster that picture,rather than promote democratic consolidation and national integration in Iraq.

Sema Kalaycolu

Chair, Department of EconomicsChair, Middle East Studies

Ik University

Biography

She received BA in Economics at Istanbul University (1973), MA in Economics atUniversity of Iowa (1977) and PhD in Economics at Istanbul University (1982).She is currently working as a professor of economics at Ik University, where sheis the chairperson of the Department of Economic and Middle East Studies. Hermain research areas are international economics, economic development,regional cooperation and integration, political economy of the Middle East and

Turkey and sustainable development. She has authored numerous books andarticles on regional cooperation and the economy of the Middle East and Turkey.

M. Lutfullah Karaman

Professor of Political History


Fatih University

Biography

M. Lutfullah Karaman is a Professor of Political History in the Department ofInternational Relations at Fatih University. He received his Ph.D. in 1991 inPolitical Science and International Relations from the Istanbul University, wherehe had also graduated from. Before starting to work at Fatih University since late1996, he also worked at Bogazici University, from 1984 to 1996, as first aresearch assistant then a lecturer.

Dr. Karaman is the author of "Uluslararasi Iliskiler Cikmazinda Filistin Sorunu(the Question of Palestine within the Complexity of International Relations)," (Iz

Yayincilik, 1991), and the co-author of "Ad Yemen'dir: Belgelerle Milli McadeleDneminde Yemen'deki Son Osmanllarn Hikayesi (Yemen was its name: theStory of the Last Ottomans in Yemen during the National Struggle, reflected by


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Archival Documents)," (Ufuk Kitaplar, 2003). He has also written a good numberof articles, both in Turkish and in English; those in the latter having appeared in

Journal of Economic and Social Research, Journal of South Asian and MiddleEastern Studies, Meria Journal, and Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society. Hisservices to the profession are mainly as follows: editorial board memberships of"Liberal Dsnce" and "Journal of Economic and Social Research", andinternational advisory board membership in "Alternatives: Turkish Journal ofInternational Relations".

His research interest has in particular focused on historical background of TurkishPolitics, selected issues in Middle Eastern Politics, Democratization and relatedissues in regard to Turkish Political System.

Mehmet KaytazDean, Faculty of Economics and Administrative SciencesIk University

Biography

Mehmet Kaytaz, Ph.D. is currently professor of economics and Dean of Faculty ofEconomics and Administrative Sciences at Ik University. He received his B.A.degree from Boazii University (1972), his M.A. From the University of

Manchester (1974) and received his Ph.D. degree from the University ofNottingham (1978). He was a faculty member of Boazii University between1978-2005. He also served as deputy President and President of State Institute ofStatistics; as Undersecretary of Treasury and as alternate director in EuropeanBank for Reconstruction and Development; published articles and books on small-scale enterprises, income distribution, economic growth, statistics and education.

Snmez Kksal

Chairman of the Board of Trustees of Istanbul Commerce UniversityLecturer, Department of ManagementIk University

Biography

He is a graduate of the Faculty of Political Sciences, the University of Ankara. Hestarted his diplomatic career at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as a candidateofficial at the Department of the United Nations. Later on, he worked, in


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sequence, as Second Secretary at the Department of Bilateral EconomicRelations, as Chief Secretary at the Standing Representation of Turkey to theGeneva Office of the UN, as Chief of Branch at the Department of InternationalEconomic Relations, as the Consul General in Burgas, as Undersecretary at theEmbassy to Paris, as the Head at the Research and Middle East Departments, asDeputy Director General at the International Economic Relations, as Ambassadorto Baghdad, and as the Standing Representative of Turkey to the EuropeanCouncil. On 09 November 09 he was appointed as the Undersecretary of the MIT(National Intelligence Agency) which he left on 11 February 1998. He worked asthe Ambassador to Paris until his retirement in 2002..

Valentine M. Moghadam

Chief, Gender Equality and Development

Social and Human Sciences Sector and

Director of Womens Studies &

Purdue University

Biography

Valentine M. Moghadam joined UNESCO in May 2004; prior to that she wasDirector of Womens Studies and Professor of Sociology at Illinois StateUniversity. Her work at UNESCO has involved networking with and capacitybuilding of womens organizations, as well as policy-oriented research onglobalization and womens human rights, cultures and gender equality, and thegender dynamics of conflict, peace, and reconstruction. In January 2007 she willbe joining Purdue University as Professor of Sociology and Womens Studies, andwill direct the Womens Studies Program.

Born in Tehran, Iran, Dr. Moghadam received her higher education in Canada andthe U.S. After obtaining her Ph.D. in sociology from the American University in

Washington, D.C. in 1986, she taught the sociology of development and womenin development at New York University. From 1990 through 1995 she was SeniorResearcher and Coordinator of the Research Program on Women andDevelopment at the WIDER Institute of the United Nations University(UNU/WIDER), and was based in Helsinki, Finland. She was a member of the UNUdelegation to the World Summit on Social Development (Copenhagen, March1995), and the Fourth World Conference on Women (in Beijing in September1995).

Dr. Moghadam is author of Modernizing Women: Gender and Social Change inthe Middle East (first published 1993; updated second edition 2003), andWomen, Work and Economic Reform in the Middle East and North Africa (1998).

Her third book, Globalizing Women: Transnational Feminist Networks, waspublished by The Johns Hopkins University Press in early 2005. Her edited book


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Identity Politics and Women: Cultural Reassertions and Feminisms inInternational Perspective (1994) was the first to examine fundamentalismscomparatively and cross-culturally.

Dr. Moghadams areas of research are globalization, transnational feministnetworks, civil society and citizenship, and womens employment in the Middle

East. She has lectured and published widely and consulted many internationalorganizations. She is a contributor to a 2001 report, coordinated by CAWTAR andthe UNDP, on the impact of globalization on womens economic conditions in theArab world. She also prepared a background paper on Islam, culture, andwomens rights in the Middle East for the UNDPs Human Development Report2004. She is co-editor, with Massoud Karshenas, of Social Policy in the MiddleEast: Economic, Political, and Gender Dynamics (Palgrave Macmillan and UNRISD,2006). Her latest edited book, Empowering Women: Participation, Rights, andWomens Movements in the Middle East, North Africa and South Asia will bepublished by Syracuse University Press in 2007.

Abstract

Human Security, Human Rights, and Citizenship: What Prospects for Women inIraq?

The paradox of a liberated Iraq which has held democratic elections is thatviolence and insecurity continue to grow more than three years after theU.S./U.K. invasion and occupation. Serious constraints on human security, humanrights, and citizenship are felt by all Iraqis but especially by women, who alsoface new patriarchal pressures. The global womens rights agenda has givenfeminists and womens organizations in Iraq some political space, and there hasbeen pressure on the political leadership to include womens rights in the newlegal frameworks. And yet formidable tensions exist between legal rights andofficial discourses, on the one hand, and the socio-political, economic, andcultural realities on the other. I argue that political compromises on the role ofIslamic law, the focus on ethnic representation, the difficulties of reconstructionand development, and a heightened and aggressive masculinity on the part ofboth the occupiers and the resistance have combined to undermine womenshuman security, human rights, and citizenship.

Amir M. Haji-Yousefi

Associate Professor of Political Science and International Relations

Director of Center of Excellence: Middle East Studies & Globalization

Shahid Beheshti (National) University/Tehran, Iran


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Biography

Amir M. Haji-Yousefi is Associate professor of Political Science and InternationalRelations at Beheshti (National) University in Tehran and Director of Centere ofExcellence for Middle East Studies and Globalization in the Department ofPolitical Science and International Relations at Behehsti University. During 2004-2006, he was Chair of the Department of Political Science and InternationalRelations at Beheshti University.

Born in Yazd, Iran, Dr. Haji-Yousefi received his B.A. and M.A. in Islamic Studiesand Political Science in Tehran, Iran. In 1989 he went to Canada to continue hishigher education. He received his second M.A. in International Relations fromMcGill University and obtained his Ph.D. from Carleton University in 1995. He

joined the Department of Political Science and International Relations at BeheshtiUniversity as a tenure-track member immediately after he went back to Iran in1996. He taught courses in International Relations Theory and Middle EastStudies.

Dr. Haji-Yousefi is author of four books written in Farsi (Persian) namely, State,Oil, and Economic Development in Iran (Tehran, 1999); Iran and Israel: FromCooperation to Conflict (Tehran, Imam Sadegh University, 2003); Iran and theMiddle East (Tehran, Centre for Strategic Studies, 2004); and Islamic Republic ofIran`s Foreign Policy; 1991-2001(Tehran, Institute of Political and InternationalStudies, 2005). He has also translated 3 books from English to Persian andpublished in Iran namely David Marsh and G. Stoker (eds.), Theory and Methodsin Political Science (London: Macmillan Press, 1995); B. C. Smith, Understanding

Third World Politics (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996); and PaulRogers, Losing Control: Global Security in the Twenty-First Century (Pluto Press,2000)

Dr Haji-Yousefis areas of research are Irans foreign policy, globalization and theMiddle East. He has published many articles in Farsi as well as in English andlectured widely in Iran and abroad. He is currently working on a book named TheGreater Middle East: Security Implications for Iran which will be published by theCenter for Strategic Studies, Tehran, Iran. He is also editing a book namedGlobalization and the State in the Middle East which will be published by BeheshtiUniversity. His latest research focuses on the Shanghai Cooperation Organizationand Irans Look East foreign policy orientation.

Abstract

The Shia Factor in Iran-Iraq Relations and Its Regional Implications

The three consecutive elections after the fall of Saddam finally brought to powera Shiite-dominated government in Iraq. This, in turn, paved the way for moreIranian-Iraqi cooperation and it can be said that this even made an Iranian-Iraqialliance in the region more feasible. Because of an existing close relationshipbetween Iran and the Lebanese Shiite on the one hand, and the Iranian-Syrianalliance on the other, the new developments in Iraq made some people refer tothe establishment of a Shia axis (the so-called Shia Crescent) in the region. This

article seeks to speculate on the prospects of Iran-Iraq future relations and itsregional repercussions. If the Iranian-Iraqi alliance is made in the near future, the


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idea of a Shia Crescent may come to reality. However, although this alliance onthe ideological ground may seem to be possible, but I argue that it will notmaterialize since on the one hand the Iraqi Shia government has no other optionexcept to keep a balance among the United States, its neighbors particularly theArab countries and Iran in order to survive the current chaotic situation internally.On the other, because of Irans threat perceptions it will continue to adopt apolicy of self-restraint not self-extension, regarding Iraq.

Cengiz Okman

Chair, Department of International Relations

Ik University

Biography

Prof. Dr. Cengiz Okman is currently the Chairman of the International RelationsDepartment of the Isik University. Dr. Okman graduated from the faculty of thePolitical Science of the Ankara University. Receiving a Government Fellowshipcompleted masters and doctoral studies at the New York University. He initiallyworked as the official member of the Turkish Naval Academy and taught varioussubjects in the course of 13 years. In the following years worked at the Marmara

University initially as the Deputy Director of the Institute of European Affairs thenas the Chairman of the Department of the International Relations in the Faculty ofEconomics and Administrative Sciences. His research areas are Theory ofInternational Relations in general, Strategic Theory in broader sense in specific.

Gven Sak

Vice President,

TOBB Economy and Technology University

Executive Director, Economic Policy Research Institute (TEPAV)

Biography

Gven Sak holds a Ph.D. degree in Economics from the Middle East Technical University

and M.A. degree from University of East Anglia. He was a founding member of the Monetary


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Policy Council of the Central Bank of Turkey, to which he was appointed as an external

member in 2001 for a five-year term. His past policy-making experience includes prominent

positions in Turkish social security reform projects in 1995 and 1999, and a leader position in

Turkish capital market modernization project in 1991 - 92.

Dr. Sak was a professor of public economics at the Faculty of Political Sciences of the AnkaraUniversity. He joined the faculty in 1995 as an assistant professor and worked there until

2006. Dr. Sak is a founder member of the board of trustees of the newly established TOBB

Economy and Technology University. He is also the Vice President of this university and

teaches banking, international finance, and public economics courses.

Dr. Sak wrote a column for Radikal newspaper between 1996 - 2001 and currently writes on

economic issues on Referans newspaper. Gven Sak is the executive director of TEPAV, the

Economic Policy Research Institute.

Abstract

Turkeys Industry for Peace Initiative and Iraq

In the entirety of Eurasia, with a developed Western European frontier and arapidly developing East Asian frontier, Turkey has the strongest private sector inthe geography between Italy and China. Of all Middle Eastern and North Africancountries, Turkey is the largest industrial exporter, with 65% of total volume. The

Turkish private sector has been undergoing a transformation process, which hassignificant implications for Turkeys foreign policy. Turkish firms have been

rapidly integrating into the global economy. A key component of this integrationprocess entails regional integration. More than ever before, Turkish businessmenare trying to seize the business and investment opportunities in the countriessurrounding Turkey. As both the investment and trade volume of such a regionalintegration process booms, the interests of the Turkish private sector will soonbecome a key determinant of Turkeys foreign policy towards the region.With the above changes in mind, the Union of Chambers and CommodityExchanges of Turkey (TOBB) and the Economic Policies Research Foundation of

Turkey (TEPAV) initiated the Industry for Peace Initiative in Palestine in April2005, involving business organizations from Palestine, Israel, and Turkey. Theaim of the initiative is to create employment opportunities for the Palestinianpopulation in the Gaza Strip through revitalization of a specific border industrial

zone that has been desolate since Israeli forces evacuated it in August 2005. Theinitiative also aims to create business opportunities for Turkish businessmen inthe region.

This paper will explain the current stage of the initiative and outline the lessonslearned, which should also be useful for Iraq. Turkish businessmen, incooperation with local business leaders, can engage in similar ventures in Iraq.

Turkeys successful economic transformation in the past, its historicalconnections with the region, its proximity and the know-how of its private sectormakes it a good candidate to be an active economic player in Iraq. Even thoughthere are already Turkish companies in Iraq that are involved in infrastructuredevelopment and construction projects, Turkey can play an even more active role

through concrete economic projects like the Industry for Peace Initiative.


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Murat Somer

Associate Professor, Department of International Relations

Ko University

Biography

Associate Professor Murat Somer teaches international political economy andcomparative politics at Istanbuls Ko University. His research addresses privateand public polarization, ethnic and religious identity politics, nationalism, anddemocracy, and focuses on Turkey, the Kurdish question, Iraq, Eastern Europe,

and the EU. His recent publications appear in journals such as ComparativePolitical Studies and the Middle East Journal.

Hussain Sinjari

Biography

Hussain Sinjari, was born in Mount Sinjar, northwest of the biblical Nineveh on theRiver Tigris. He was educated in Iraq, Austria and England. In his youth, he wasactive in the students Union and was elected in 1970 in Baghdad as one of thedeputies of the Secretary General. He participated in the Kurdish armed struggleuntil 1991 when he became deputy minister of Reconstruction and Developmentand then Minister for Municipalities as an independent minister.

In 1991 he resigned from the Regional Government and founded the IraqInstitute for Democracy, the firs such a foundation in Iraq, still active in the fieldof dissemination of democratic culture, opinion rolling and tolerance-building

sessions. In 2003 he founded alahali newspaper, www.ahali-iraq.net, the firstliberal independent newspaper published in Iraq.

Abstract

Iraqi Reconstruction and Neighboring Countries

Iraq and its neighbors need each another. While their neighbors could contributepositively for a better future, Iraqis complain and accuse a number of regional

countries for their miseries.Iraq is an important country. Its integration or
http://www.ahali-iraq.net/http://www.ahali-iraq.net/


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disintegration is a matter of stability or otherwise instability for the whole of theregion.

In the place of suspicion, tension and conflict-building, ethnic and religiouscomponents of Iraqs social mosaic fabrique should serve as bridges for economicenhancement, stability and peaceful coexistence: The Shiites in the south are

the Iraqi bridge of this kind with Iran and the Shiites communities beyond.The Sunnis are the bridge with the Arab neighborhood. In the North, Kurds arethe economic bridge with our Northern neighbor Turkey. Since 1991, when theSafe Heaven was declared, thanks to Turkeys hospitality and generosity forhosting thousands of fleeing Iraqi Kurdish families into Turkey, and the cross-border trade flourished dramatically.

Now, wherever you go shopping in any shop in the Kurdish three Governorates ofErbil, Duhok, Suleimaniyah and beyond, you will not only find Turkish products,but find whole shops full of them. This Vision of the Bridge certainly leads tostability, shared interests and democracy.Among all of our neighbors, Turkeymay become increasingly the most important one. Turkish companies committed

to quality-control and not merely fast-money fast-go as Iraqis say, will findunlimited opportunities all-over Iraq after leaving a good example in the region ofKurdistan in Iraq.

Hassan Abou Taleb

Assistant DirectorAhram Center for Political and Strategic Studies (ACPSS)

Biography

Dr Hassan Abou Taleb is Assistant Director at ACPSS in Egypt. He is also Editor inchief of "Arab Strategic Report an Anniversary publication issued by ACPSS since1985, and head of Head of Internet Unit in A.C.P.S.S. After studying his Ph.Dthesis on The Egyptian Arab Relations 1970-1981, he recieved his PhD degree in

the department of international relation at Faculty of Economics & PoliticalScience in Cairo University. Dr. Hassan Abou Talebs areas of research areRegional Cooperation in Arab Area and Middle East, Regional Arab System,Regional Security, Political Development in Arab Gulf Countries, Computing andAnalysis of International and Regional Events and Information management.

Abstract

Arabs reaction towards Shiite rising in Iraq


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The rise of Iraqi Shiites under US occupation is of concern for Iraq , all Arab statesand Middle East region. The fact that Iraqi Shiites were able to assume topgovernment positions constitutes a political incentive for large communities ofShiites in Gulf countries, who still demand what they consider to be theirlegitimate political rights. For the first time in any Arab country, the Shiitesassumed leadership of the government and thus had a major say in the countrysfuture. Top Shiite clerics, such as Ayatollah al-Sistani, became politicallyinfluential to the point where all Shiite and non-Shiite politicians, including the USoccupation forces, ask for their advice and help.

Being the majority, Iraqs Shiites believe they are entitled to lead the country,reversing decades of injustice, discrimination, and exclusion. The Sunnis,however, see the shift in power as being politically and religiously risky. Thepolitical rise of the Shiites coincided with the near exclusion of the Sunnis fromthe process of rebuilding Iraq. The intense feeling of historic injustice, commonamong many Shiites, has fuelled feelings of revenge and violence against theSunnis, which was met by counter-violence. The sectarian violence seen so farinvolved an attempt to empty large swathes of Baghdad and other Iraqi citiesfrom their Sunni population. Under such circumstances, it is necessary toexamine the nature of whats happening in Iraq. Are we faced with a muted civiland sectarian war, or with random acts of violence motivated by sheer revenge?

Several Shiite leaders, including Ahmad Chalabi and Abdel Aziz al-Hakim, haveurged a federal rule in the dominantly-Shiite southern Iraq. Skeptics, however,claim that the Shiites want to divide Iraq on sectarian lines. Should south Iraqcome under Iranian influence, the regional balance would be upset. And a newpolitical map would emerge in the Gulf area, one that may have far reachingimplications.

The political rise of the Iraqi Shiites should not be a problem, so long as it

remains a strictly Iraqi affair, governed by an Iraqi national constitution, andconducted in a manner that is satisfactory for all Iraqis. But in the official Arabmind, the rise of the Shiites is a turning point, for it may allow Tehran a say inIraqs countrys affairs. Many wonder if the Iranian intelligence is involved infomenting sectarian violence against the Sunnis, as in financing and trainingShiite hard-line groups. Many wonder about the true goals of Iran in new Iraq, andwhether it is related to a long-run policy. Is Iran, for example, interested indestabilizing Gulf countries? Or is Iran merely hoping to use Iraq as a bargainingchip in its current confrontation with the US?

Arab politicians, especially those interested in what happens in Iraq, view thecurrent developments as a harbinger of things to come. Some are worried thatthe current developments may lead to profound changes in Gulf dynamics andthe whole Arab regional system. Gulf societies, where a significant part of theinhabitants are Shiites, are likely to be affected by the developments in Iraq. Inbrief, the official Arab reaction focuses on two matters:

1. An attempt to prevent Iraq from getting divided, undergoing civilwar, or falling under the influence of only one of its communities.

2. An attempt to stop Iraqi events from affecting other Gulf countries.In other words, Shiites in other Gulf countries must not be encouraged toupset the present balance of power or to change Gulf societies in aradical manner. The best way forward, some say, is to address theinjustices suffered by Shiites in the Gulf in a fair manner, so as to allow

the Shiites to participate gradually in political life. This is why some Gulfcountries, especially those with significant Shiite communities (Saudi


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Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait) began taking a number of reform measures andimplementing major development schemes in Shiite areas. Often, theShiites have been advised not to resort to violent methods. And yet, thedomestic rise of the Shiites has provided cause for evident officialconcern.

One can single out three instances where Arab officials voiced reservations overthe political rise of Iraqi Shiites:

a. The King of Jordan has warned against the possible emergence of aShiite crescent in the region. The warning, which was greeted with angryIraqi comments, came three months ahead of the January 2006 Iraqielections. The king warned of the possible spread of Iranian influence inthe Arab region as well as of the consequences of excluding the Sunnisfrom Iraqi elections.

b. The Saudi foreign minister, during a visit to New York, said that theUS invasion of Iraq and the errors made by the US forces helped boostIranian influence in Iraq in an unprecedented manner. The minister was

obviously trying to alert US officials to the real risks involved in Iraqscoming under Iranian hegemony.

c. Egyptian President Mubarak, speaking to the press in April 2006,said that the Iraqi Shiite loyalties were greater to Iran than to theirhomeland. When Iraqi officials protested, Egyptian officials toned downthe remarks by saying that the president meant religious and doctrinal,rather than political, loyalties.

The obvious note of concern detected in the above statements, by leaders andtop officials of influential Arab countries, suggests that the developments in Iraqare of direct bearing on Arab nations. Furthermore, the fact that the Arab League

became so active in preventing civil war in Iraq confirms the urgency with whichArab leaders view Iraq. The Arab concern over Iraq can be described as havingfive dimensions: The first dimension has to do with Iraqs geographical unity. Thepartition of Iraq along sectarian line would inevitably change the regional balanceof power as well as the political map in the east of the Arab world. Should thishappen, the domestic cohesion of various Arab countries, especially in thesocially and politically fragile Gulf area, would be jeopardized.

The second dimension has to do with federation. Should the Shiites succeed insetting up a sectarian federal system in Iraq one lacking a strong centralgovernment - this would entice Gulf Shiites to call for similar arrangements intheir countries, which could be politically destabilizing.

The third dimension has to do with the prospects of civil war. It has been arguedthat the political rise of the Shiites and the excessive marginalization of theSunnis may lead to civil war. Iraq, President Mubarak said, is either facing a civilwar or already in the middle of one. A civil war in Iraq could lead to confrontationand instability across the region.

The fourth dimension has to do with the disproportionate influence of Iran in Iraq.Arab leaders are worried that Tehran may take Iraq out of its traditional Arabsphere and use it to promote Iranian aims.

The fifth dimension has to do with sectarianism. The confrontations in Iraq mayradicalize Shiites and Sunnis across the Arab world, which would be undesirableto say the least.

The above suggests that the political rise of Shiites in Iraq is not something thatconcerns the Iraqis alone, but all Arabs, especially Gulf countries.


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