BLACKLIVESMATTERANDSAYHERNAME:HOWINTERSECTIONALSOLIDARITYSTRENGTHENSMOVEMENTSFORSOCIALJUSTICE

LaurelWeldon,KaitlinKelly-Thompson,JaredWright,DanGoldwasser,AviralMansingka,AmarHussein,RachelEinwohner,ValeriaSinclair-Chapman,andFernandoTormos

Work-in-Progress

PreparedforPresentationattheMPSAAnnualMeetingPalmerHouseHotelChicago,Illinois

April2018CommentsandSuggestionsWelcome

Correspondingauthor:LaurelWeldonweldons@purdue.edu

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Introduction:SolidarityandDifferencein#BlackLivesMatter Movementsforsocialjusticeareoftendoggedbyconflictsamongactiviststhatmirrorbroadersocialstrugglesforequalityandliberation.Women’smovementsfrequentlyfacecriticismsofemphasizingtheconcernsofwhitewomen,elitewomen,andstraightwomenattheexpenseofwomenofcolor,workingclasswomen,undocumented,immigrantandrefugeewomen,andsexualminorities(Roth2004;hooks2000;davis1998).Movementsforracialjusticeareaccusedofsexismandclassism,andlabormovementshavebeencalledoutforracismandsexismaswell(Simien2004;2005;Frymer2011;Weldon2011).Inmanycases,thesecriticismsarewell-founded.Howshouldactivistsinthesebroadermovementsrespondtotheseconcerns?Howcanmovementsforsocialjusticemaintainaunitedfrontwhiledealingwithsuch“internal”conflict?Highlightinginternalproblemscanseemlikeitweakensmovementsandunderminestheirlegitimacy(Gitlin,1995;Tarrow,1998;TaylorandWhittier,1999;Echols,1989;Harvey,1996).Inthepast,thishasledsomeobserverstoarguethatprogressivesbecomepreoccupiedwithanimpossiblegoalofinclusivenesswhilethoselessconcernedwithinclusionreapthebenefitsandgrowstrongerpolitically-theleftismarchingontheEnglishDepartmentwhiletheRight“TakestheWhiteHouse”(Gitlin1995).

Theseolddebatesfromthe1990shavenewrelevancetoday,asintheaftermathofthe2016election,manyobservershaveonceagainpickeduptherefrainthatemphasizingthespecificinstancesofgroupmarginalizationandoppression,orwhatissometimescharacterizedas“identitypolitics,”weakenssocialmovementsandpoliticalcampaigns,andisaprimeculpritforweakenedsolidarityontheleft(e.g.Lilla2017).Theresurgenceofthislineofcriticism-anditsapparentenduringappeal-reviveslongstandingpopularcriticismoftheemergingmovementsfortheliberationofwomenandpeopleofcolor(e.g.Gitlin1995;foradiscussionseeWeldon2006).Movementsandcampaignsforracialjustice(like#BlackLivesMatter)andfeministmovementsareoftenexplicitlyorimplicitlyinvokedasexamplesofso-called“identitypolitics.”Politically,suchlanguageissometimesusedtodiminishtheclaimsofmarginalizedgroups,falselyportrayingthemasprimarilyoronlyfocusedonsymboliccharacteristics,andashavingselfishgoals(Gutmann2003).

Againstthisview,othershavearguedthatcampaignshighlightingtheoppressionandmarginalizationofspecificgroupsandproblemsengagesnewgroupspolitically,callsouttothemintheiridentities,andbroadenspoliticalengagementandparticipation.Thesescholarsseedifferenceasapoliticalresource(Young1990;2002;Weldon2006;2011;Tormos2017;SimienandClawson2005).Wetakeupthislineofargumentinthispaper,positingthatastrategyofintersectionalsolidarityactuallystrengthens,ratherthanweakens,socialmovements.WeexplorethisdebateempiricallybylookingatfeministactivismrelatingtotheBlackLivesMattermovement.Weuseananalysisofon-linerelationshipsbetweenactivistsintwoon-linecampaignsthatarepartofthemovementcontestingpoliceviolenceagainstpeopleofcolor-the#blacklivesmattermovementandthe#sayhernamecampaign-toexploretheimpactofsuchidentity-specificsocialjusticeclaims-makingonsolidarityprojects.Weuseanoriginaltool(calledGeeViz)thatwedevelopedtoanalyzetwitterdatatocreategraphsoftherelationshipsbetweenusersoftwitterwhoparticipatedintheon-linecampaignsfor#BlackLivesMatterand#SayHerName.Wefindthathighlightingandseekingtocounterinternalrelationsofoppression–sometimescalledintersectionalmarginalization-canstrengthensocial

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movements.Moreover,ouranalysissuggeststhatfailingtomaintainattentiontotheseconcernsofmarginalizedgroupsisamissedopportunityforstrengtheningsocialmovementsandensuringtheirpersistence,andlikelyweakensmovementsofmarginalizedgroupsinthelong-term.Indeed,intersectionallymarginalizedgroupsdependvitallyonsolidarityfrombroaderpublics.HowIntersectionalSolidarityCanStrengthenSocialMovements Socialmovementscholarshavelongpointedtothechallengesofdiversity,notingthewaysthatdiversitycausesfragmentationorbalkanization(Gitlin1995;Tarrow1996;McAdam).Thoughmanyscholarsagreethatdiversitycanbeachallenge,thereislessdiscussionofandlessagreementaboutpreciselyhowmovementsshouldrespondtodiversity.

Somehavearguedthatthebeststrategyforsocialmovementsconfrontedwithchallenginginternaldivisionsistoemphasizeuniversalelementsofactors’identity,ortoavoididentitypoliticsaltogether(Lilla2017).Socialpsychologicalresearchhasshownthatappealstomoreuniversalidentitiescanstrengthenpoliticalsupportforsocialsolidarityintheformofsupportforsocialprograms(HuddyandKhatib2007).Othershavearguedthatasortofstrategicessentialism,acollectiveidentitythatemphasizessimilaritiesoverdifferences,maystrengthensocialmovementsandmagnifypoliticalinfluenceincertaincircumstances(RuppandTaylor1999;Gitlin1995;Spivak1996).

However,democratictheoristsandactivistsarguethatifemphasizinguniversalityrequiresrepressingdifference,itmaybackfireasastrategyofstrengtheningsolidarity.Normatively,suchanapproachworsensrelationsofdominationamonggroups,astheviewsoftheprivilegedareassertedasuniversalperspectivesthatcrowdoutorsilencethemarginalizedvoices(Young1990;2000).Indeed,withoutformalmeasurestoensuretheirvoicesareheard,theissuesconfrontingmarginalizedgroupstendtofallthroughthecracksofsocialmovementorganizationsaspartofthe“tyrannyofstructurelessness”(Freeman1972;Strolovitch2007;Polletta2004).Whenmembersofmarginalizedgroupsdonotseethemselvesrepresentedamongmovementleadersorspokespeople,andwhentheirideasandconcernsrepeatedlyfailtoattracttheattentionofthebroadermovement,membersofmarginalizedgroupsmayfeelalienatedandexcluded(Davis1998).Theymayexittheorganization,ratherthancontinuetoexercisevoice(Hirschman1970).Onthisview,theproblemofdiversityisaproblemofpowerdifferentials,andafailuretoaddressthem,notaproblemofdiversityinitself.

Inaddition,anemergingbodyofresearchsuggeststhatdiversitylikelybringssignificant,perhapsunderappreciated,resourcestosocialmovements.Somescholarsarguethatdiversityisapoliticalresource,providingawidersetofexperiencesonwhichtobasepoliticaldecisionsandcreatingabroadersetofgroupswhocanpotentiallybedrawnintopoliticalaction(ChatelainandAsoka2015;Young1990;SimienandClawson2005;Tormos2017;Weldon2006).Diversegroupsarebetteratproblem-solvingandaremoreinnovative(Page2008).Marginalizedgroupshavedistinctiveperspectivesandconcerns,andthesepointsofviewareunlikelytobearticulatedintheabsenceofseparateorganizingbymarginalizedgroups(Mansbridge2001;MorrisandMansbridge2001;Weldon2011).Thebenefitsofthediverseperspectivesandgreaterlegitimacycanonlybeenjoyed,however,iftheorganizationalpracticesofthemovementensurethatdiversegroupsfeelincludedsymbolicallyand

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substantively,andareabletoarticulatetheirviewsaspartofmovementdeliberations(Einwohneretal2017;Weldon2006;2011;Young1990;2002).

Theliteratureontheorganizationalbenefitsofdiversityemphasizesthatthebenefitsofdiversitydependonthewaysthatorganizationsarestructured.Forexample,Page(2008)showsthatthesebenefitsdependongroupprocessesthatallowdiversememberstocontributetodiscussionsandsharetheirideas.Whensomegroupsaresilencedorexcluded,orifcollaborationismerelyformal,withdominantpeopleunilaterallymakingallthedecisions,thebenefitsofdiversitywillnotberealized.Goingfurther,proponentsoftheideaofcriticaldiversityemphasizethatnotalldiversitymattersequallyfromapoliticalstandpoint.Themostimportantaxesofsocialdifferencearethosethatsystematicallyadvantagesomegroupsanddisadvantageothers;thatempowersomeanddisempowerothers(HerringandHenderson2011).

Proponentsofintersectionalsolidaritysimilarlyemphasizetheimportanceof“standinginsolidarity”withthemostmarginalized.Theargumentsforsuchsolidarityareprimarilynormative,orvalue-based,arguingthatjusticedemandsthatactivistsclaimingtofightforsocialjusticemustattendtothoseintheirmidstwhoseconcernswouldotherwisefallthroughthecracks(CohenandJackson2017;Hancock2011;Strolovitch2007).Butsomescholarsalsoarguethatsuchanapproachisbeneficialintermsofpoliticalimpactandorganizationalpersistence:Movementsthataremoreinclusive,thatworkhardtocoordinatewithandrepresentsecondarilymarginalizedgroups,willbemoresustainableandimpactful,becauseofthegreaterlegitimacyandinnovativepoliticaldiscourseandtacticsthataccompanyinclusion(Tormos2017;Weldon2006;2011).

Inthecaseofsocialmovementsconfrontedwithorganizedeffortstohighlightsecondarymarginalization,then,whatisthemosteffectivestrategy?Theintersectionalsolidarityargumentsuggeststhatamplifyingandseekingtoremedytheexclusionandelisionofsecondarilymarginalizedgroupsshouldstrengthensocialmovements,bringingnewadherencesandmoreintenseengagementwiththeircampaigns.Againstthisview,sometheoristsequateuniversalitywithsameness,expectingthathighlightingsimilaritieswillbringgreaterengagement.Wecontendthatignoringordownplayingdifferencewilldolittletoaddressthesedivisionsorconcerns,andmayevenweakenmovementsinthelongrunasactivistsseekmorerewardingopportunitiesforpoliticalexpression.WeapplythisargumentbelowinananalysisoftherelationshipbetweenSayHerName,acampaignthatraisedtheconcernsofasecondarilymarginalizedgroup(BlackWomen)inthecontextofamovementforracialjusticeinmattersofpoliceviolence(BLM).BlackLivesMatterandSayherName:BackgroundandContextTheBlackLivesMattercampaignisoftendatedfromthe2012killingofTravyonMartinbyneighborhoodwatchvolunteerGeorgeZimmerman.1Martinwaskilledonhiswaytobuysome

1FortimelinesoftheBlackLivesMattermovementseeABCNews,BlackLivesMatterTimeline.http://www.abc.net.au/news/2016-07-14/black-lives-matter-timeline/7585856andthetimelineofthemovementhousedattheGeorgetownUniversityLibrary

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candy.Initially,Zimmermanwasnotchargedbypolice,butapublicoutcryledtohisbeingchargedwithseconddegreemurderandmanslaughter.HisacquittalsparkedprotestswhichareseenasmarkingthebeginningoftheBlackLivesMattermovement,acampaigntoprotestthelackofattentionorconcernaboutlethalpoliceviolenceagainstAfricanAmericans(Hooker.Thiscampaign,begunbythreeAfricanAmericanwomen,hasdrawnattentiontothekillinganddeathsofmanyAfricanAmericansinpolicecustody,includingtheAugust2014KillingofMichaelBrowninFerguson,Missouri.Activiststooktothestreetsandtosocialmedia,usingthehashtags#blacklivesmatterand#icantbreathe(afterthelethalpolicechokingofEricGarner)toprotestlethalpoliceviolenceagainstAfricanAmericansandtheimpunitywithwhichthisviolenceseemedtobecarriedout.BlackLivesMatterisfrequentlycategorizedasamovementitselforasacampaignthatispartofbroadermovementsforracialjustice,againstpoliceviolenceandintersectionalfeminism(BlackLivesMatter2018;Stewartetal2017;DeChoudryetal2016;Hooker2016).

#SayHerNameisacampaignthatdatesfromtheJuly162015killingofSandraBland,whodiedinpolicecustody.BlandwasarrestedJuly10foratrafficinfraction,andwasaccusedofassaultinganofficer.Shewasfounddead-hanged-inajailafewdayslater.ThephrasethatdefinesthemovementappearstohavebeenfirstcoinedbytheAfricanAmericanPolicyForuminaMay2015report(predatingBland’sdeath)entitledSayHerName:ResistingPoliceBrutalityAgainstBlackWomen(AAPF2015).Nevertheless,incontextofcontestationoftheBLMprotestofpoliceviolence,#sayhernamesoughttoremindAmericans“thatblackwomencanalsobevictimsofpoliceviolence.”ConcernedthatthemediatendedtoportraythevictimsoflethalpoliceviolenceagainstAfricanAmericansassolelyaproblemafflictingBlackMen,organizersaimedtoraiseawarenessofthemanyAfricanAmericanwomenwhohadalsodiedatthehandsofthepolice.Theusedthehashtag#sayhernametohighlightthemanyinstancesofsuchviolencethatinvolvedAfricanAmericanwomen,fromRenishaMcBridetoMyaHalltoAlexiaChristian(AAPF2015;Alter2015).

Examiningtherelationshipbetweenthesetwocampaignsaffordsustheopportunityexaminethethesesoutlinedaboveaboutidentitypoliticsandsolidarity:DidhighlightingviolenceagainstblackwomenweakenanddividetheBlackLivesMattermovement,orinspirenewparticipantstojointheon-linemovementorstrikeadeepercommitmenttothecampaign?Wecanlookatthisquestionasitaffectson-lineactivismbyexaminingtherelationshipsbetweenthoseusingtheplatformtwittertoparticipateintheBlackLivesMttermovementbefore,duringandaftertheemergenceofSayHerName.DidcallstoincludeBlackWomeninblacklivesmatteractivismstrengthenmovementnetworks,inspiringcloserengagement?Ordiditdivideandweakenthemovement,asmanifestinlooser,lessdenseactivistnetworks?

Theintersectionalsolidarityhypothesisleadsustoexpectthat#sayhernamewouldstrengthen#blacklivesmatterandcontentionagainstpoliceviolence.Theuniversalityassamenessargumentpredictsthatcampaignslike#sayhernameundermineandweakentheBlackLivesMattermovement.https://repository.library.georgetown.edu/bitstream/handle/10822/1040691/Black%20Lives%20Matter%20Timeline%20.pdf?sequence=1

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Socialmovementstrengthcanbereflectedinmanyphenomenaordimensions,butonemightbethatsocialmovementnetworksbecomemoredense-participantsengageinmorefrequentinteractionandinteractionsaremorereciprocal.Greaterdensitycanbeseenasanindicationofgreaterstrengthandvitality.Decliningdensitycanbeseenasweakeningofstrengthandvitality.DataandResultsWeuseadatabaseofallthetweetsusingcommonBlackLivesMatter2andSayhername3hashtagsovertheperiodfromMay2015(beforetheemergenceoftheSayherNameCampaign)toApril2016,adatabaseofapproximately8Milliontweets.Thistimeperiodincludestheemergenceof#Sayhername,whichbeganasanon-linemovementafterthedeathincustodyofSandraBlandonJuly162015.Ourstudyperiodalsoincludesasignificantperiod(aboutninemonths)aftertheemergenceofsayhername.FocusonTwitterWhyexamineon-lineactivism?Oneadvantageofon-linerelationshipsisthattheyarepublicandobservableinawaythatinterpersonalrelationshipsarenot.Thisallowsustogobeyondself-reportedperceptionsofstrengthtogetatactualrelationships,somethingthatiscriticalwhenaskingaboutsomethingafraughtassolidarityacrosslinesofsexandrace.Inaddition,priorworkonBLMandTwitterhasfoundthaton-linerelationshipscanbeimportantforthedevelopmentofcollectiveidentity(DeChoudhuryetal2016;Stewartetal2017)andthaton-lineactivismislinkedtoface-to-facepoliticalmobilization,andthathashtagscanbeusedto“tomarkparticipation,assertindividualidentity,promotegroupidentity,andsupportorchallengeaframe.”Usingaplatform/toolcalledGeeViz,developedspecificallyforthispurposebycomputerscientistsAviralMansingka,AmarHusseinandDanGoldwasser,wegeneratedgraphsforthemostactiveusersforeachhashtag(definedasthetopKusers)showingwhichusersretweetedeachother’stweets(thatis,sentthecontentalongtotheirownusers).Arrowsshowthedirectionoftheretweet.Thesegraphsrepresentanetworkoftheon-linerelationshipsbetweenthemostactiveparticipantsintheon-linecampaigns-thatis,theuserswhosetweetsmostfrequentlyemployedthehashtagsspecified.TheresultsaredisplayedintheFigures1-4below.Figure1showsthetweetsassociatedwithBlackLivesMatteroverthestudyperiod(excludingthetweetsthatonlyusesayhernamehashtags).ThetwolargespikescorrespondtotheshuttingdownofI-70byBLMactivistson

2Hashtags for BlackLivesMatter include Blacklivesmatter ICantBreathe Ferguson Handsupdontshoot Justice4EricGarner TamirRice MichaelBrown Anombrarlas (capturing all uses without regard to case sensitivity) 3Hashtags for SayHerName include SayHerName SandraBland BlackWomenMatter

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August10,2017(about25Ktweets)andthedecisionnottoindictthepoliceofficerwhokilledTamirRice(Dec28,2017,about32Ktweets).Figure1:BlackLivesMatterTweets,05/2015-05/2016

Figure2belowshowsthenetworklinkingthemostactiveusersoftheBLMtwitterhashtagsinMayandJulyof2015.BeforetheemergenceofSayHerName,themovementwasofaveragedensity,withaboutninehubsthatarelooselyconnectedtoeachother.Networkdensityduringthisperiodwas0.0258.WhenSayHerNamefirstemerged,however,onecanseethattheconnectionsbetweenactivistsbecametighteranddenser,reflectingmoremutualinteraction.Networkdensityinthisperiodincreasedto0.445.Thissuggeststhatintheperiodwhensayhernamefirstemerged,theBLMnetworkbecamemuchdenserandmoretightlyconnected.Theactivistsinthissecondnetworkaremoredeeplyenmeshedinthemovement,moreengaged.

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Figure2:NetworkGraphs,UsersofBLMHashtags,MayandJuly2015(Nodes=users,edges=retweets)BLMBeforeSHN(May1-July12015)

BLMDuringSHN(July15-Sept152015)

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Thissuggeststhattheemergenceof#SayHerNamedidnotweakenparticipationorengagementin#blacklivesmatter,atleaston-line.Indeed,thenetworkseemstohavebecomemoreactiveandtighter.SayHerNameusersbecameinvolvedinBLMoverthelongterm,becomingsomeofthemostfrequentusersofthehashtaginlaterperiods.Thisismoreconsistentwiththeapproachseeingdifferenceasapoliticalresourcethanwiththeapproachthatexpectstheemphasisofdifferencetodivideandweakenmovements.TheeffectsontheSayhernamenetwork,especiallyoverthelongerterm,maybemoremixed.Somesayhernameacivists,asnoted,becameabsorbed(orreabsorbed)intotheBlacklivesMattercampaign.Butingeneral,asFigure3shows,intheninemonthsaftertheemergenceofSayHerName,theon-linenetworkdeclinedindensityandvitality,dissolvingintoafewisolatedpockets.

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Figure3:NetworkGraphsofUsersofSayHerNameHashtags(Nodes=Users,Edges=retweets)SHNHashtags,July-Sept2015

SHNHashtagsFeb-April2016

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Indeed,whenwelookattheusersforbothhashtagstogether,overthelongerterm,weseemorebalkanizationandlessmutualsupportinFebruary2016comparedtoJuly2015(Figure4).ThenetworkdensityinJuly-Septemberis.02andinFebruarytoAprilis.01(.009rounded).IntheinitialperiodsurroundingtheemergenceofSayHerName,BLMactiviststookupandretweetedSHNtweets,andsomeSHNusersbecameseeminglynew,activeparticipantsinBLM.ByFebruary,however,BLMactivistsnolongerwereretweetingSHNtweetswiththesamefrequency.Activistsseemedmainlytoretweenotherusersemplyingthesamehashtags.Thesolidaritybetweentheseon-linegroupsofactivistsappearstohavedroppedoff.

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Figure4:NetworksofSayHerNameandBLMTwitterUsersJuly-September2015(Blue=BLM,Red=SHN)

February-April2016(Blue=BLM,Red=SHN)

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Thedroppingoffofmutualsupportappearstohavecoincidedwithadrop-offinnetworkdensityandparticipationinbothhashtags.Asnoted,participationinSHNdeclinedbetweenJuly-SeptandFeb-April.ThesameistrueforBLM,thoughthelowerlevelofdensityishigheroverall.Thismaysuggestthatthehighestlevelsofnetworkdensityandactivityreflectedthehighdegreeofmutualsupportbetweenthesedifferentgroupsofusers,andlowerlevelsofdensityandactivityreflectedlessmutualsupport.

Itisimportanttonotethatthedrop-offofdensityforBLMmerelyreturnsittothelevelofdensitybeforeSHN.BothbeforeandafterSHN,thedensityleveloftheon-linenetworkisabout.02.ThereisnoevidencefromouranalysisthatSHNreduceddensityorweakenedthemovement,evenifthebenefitsofmutualsupportwerenotsustained.SayHerName,however,mayhavebeenweakenedbytheinteraction,thoughwecannotruleoutthepossibilitythatotherfactorstriggeredthedecliningdensity.Wecansay,though,thatanyapparentbenefitswerenotsustainedforSHN.

Thissuggeststhatcampaignstoraiseissuesaffectingsecondarilymarginalizedgroups,likeSayhername,likelystrengthenmovementsbyengagingusersintheseon-linecampaigns,aspriorresearchsuggests(DeChoudhuryetal2016;Stewartetal2017).Inaddition,acampaignlikeSayHerNameoffersnewinsightandunderstandingthatenablesmovementstobemoreeffective.ChatelainandAsoka(2015)arguethat#sayhernamestrengthensmovementsagainstpoliceviolencebydocumentingblackwomen’sexperienceofpoliceviolenceexpandingourunderstandingofsocialandpoliticalworld.Intheabsenceofsuchmovements,theycontend“wefundamentallyfailtograsphowthelaws,policies,andtheculturethatunderpingenderinequalitiesarereinforcedbyAmerica’sracialdivide.”ConclusionandImplicationsThisstudysuggeststhatintheshortterm,emphasizingdifference,andhighlightingtheparticularproblemsofsecondarilymarginalizedgroupsthatwouldotherwisebeoverlooked,strengthenssocialmovementcampaignsandmovementsintheshortterm.Itengagesnewusersandencouragesmoreactiveparticipation,asonewouldexpectofoneseesdifferenceasapoliticalresource.Thepatternshereareconsistentwiththeoreticalexpectationsderivedfromanapproachthatemphasizesintersectional(or“active”)solidarity(Hancock2011;Tormos2017;Einwohneretal2017).Thelonger-termpictureismoremixed.Ninemonthsout,thetwogroupsofusersaremorebalkanizedandthedensityhasreturnedtonormalfortheBLMcampaign.Longtermbenefitsarelessapparent,thoughthismayreflectanerosionofaconsciousefforttomaintainmutualsupport.ItmightsuggestthatifBLMuserscontinuedtosupport#sayhername-forexample,byretweetingSHNuserswiththesamefrequencythattheydidinJuly-september,bothcampaignscouldhavemaintainedmorevitality.Last,SayHerNameasacampaignappearstohavedeclinedmostsignificantly.Thismaysuggestthatconcernsonthepartofautonomouscampaignsthatengagementwithbroadercampaignwilldivertresourcesfromtheirspecificissuestomoregeneralones,anddilutetheirimpact,

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maybecorrect.Intheshorterterm,however,itisclearthattheSHNusersbenefittedfromthesupportoftheBLMusers.Furtherresearchcouldexplorewhethercounterpublicsaredepletedbycloserconnectiontodominantpublics,orstrengthenedbysuchconnection,overall(Young1990;Fraser1992).Priorresearchsuggeststhatsecondarilymarginalizedgroupscanbenefitfromcoordinationwithbroadermovementsbutthisfindingmayraisequestionsaboutlongtermimpactsofcoordinationthatunderminesagroup’sabilitytoorganizeseparately(Weldon2011).Thisdiscussionisbasedonananalysisofon-lineactivism,butitisclearthaton-lineactivismmaybedrivenbyeventsoutsidethedigitalworldandalsothaton-lineactivismshapesthosereal-worldevents.ItispossiblethatthedeclinesinnetworksolidarityareunconnectedtotherelationshipbetweenSHNandBLM,reflectinginsteadsomeotherdevelopments.Still,theevidencepresentedhereraisesquestionsabouttheideathat“identitypolitics”dividesandweakensmovements,atleastintheshortterm.Italsoraisesquestionsabouttheexpectationthatcollectiveidentityonlyincreasesovertime,andthaton-lineparticipationnecessarilyalwaysdeepenscollectiveidentity.Moregenerally,thisfindingisconsistentwithevidencethataffirminggenderidentitydeepensracialsolidarityintheformoflinkedfate(ClawsonandSimien2004;Dawson2003)andsupportsanintersectionalapproachtobuildingsolidarity.ReferencesAAPF(AfricanAmericanPolicyForum).2015.“#SayHerName:ResistingPoliceBrutalityagainst

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