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Bisbee Deportation: Dynamite, Copper, and Jingoism Liam Donovan Senior Division Historical Paper 2261 words 1

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This paper analyzes the Bisbee Deportation using a variety of primary and secondary sources.

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Page 1: Bisbee Deportation

Bisbee Deportation: Dynamite, Copper, and Jingoism

Liam Donovan Senior Division Historical Paper 2261 words

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It was 1917 and WWI was underway. The United States was finally committed to the war,

consuming over one million metric tons of copper every year (Gunter and Kundig 7), with much of it

going to the war effort (Nicholl). Across the country, every issue was increasingly stripped of

nuance, framed in black and white, patriotic and enemy. In this dichotomy, the IWW, or

International Workers of the World, were firmly lumped on the side of the traitors. Referenced

colloquially as “I Won’t Work” (Brockbank) or, more derisively as “I Will Work ­­ for [Kaiser]

Wilhelm”, the IWW was widely seen as more interested in undermining the war effort than

contributing. Indeed, there was plenty of truth to this, as their view of the war as simply an

oppressive capitalist device meant that they attempted to evade the draft (Morse 11) and sold “IWW

bonds” in an attempt to divert funding for the war in the form of Liberty Bonds (Beerman 3).

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Growth in Copper Production, from Gunder & Kundig

In this context, conflict between the IWW and patriotic citizens seemed inevitable. The spark

occurred in July 1917, when the IWW organized a nationwide strike from Butte to Bisbee in an

attempt to bring down the war machinery and especially to halt the draft (Haywood 1). Initially, they

succeeded, especially in Arizona, reducing copper production by 75% (Tombstone Daily Review).

However, this was met with staunch opposition from locals, leading to one of the largest vigilante

actions of the 20th century: the Bisbee Deportation. Although the deportation is widely viewed today

as an illegal triumph of capital over labor, the true history is much more nuanced, including a

staunchly pro­labor sheriff, deception by the mining companies, and fear of IWW terrorism.

The history of labor in Bisbee started long before the IWW arrived in town in 1917. As

wartime demand for miners shifted from silver and gold to the copper mines of Bisbee to produce

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bullets, WFM (Western Federation of Miners) members from Colorado migrated to Bisbee, taking

their union with them (Brockbank). The WFM successfully organized and held a strike as early as

1907 (Nicholl), though they received few of their demands. Nonetheless, conditions were good and

wages high in the mines (Park 120), and the WFM successfully organized relief efforts for the

families of dead miners, and provided an effective front for bargaining with the company. However,

as demand for miners continued to grow, new cohorts of more radical miners from Montana and

Idaho arrived (Brockbank), providing fertile ground for the IWW to organize. The IWW itself,

however, didn’t significantly establish itself in Bisbee until the war started. As their own papers

(Executive Committee 1) show, wages were already above the union scale, and conditions for miners

were similarly acceptable. As a result, the primary impetus for the IWW to move in was the unique

ability Bisbee afforded for them to disrupt the war effort.

But how receptive was Bisbee to these plans? Prior to the arrival of the IWW, the miners

were split between “cousin­jacks”, skilled and highly­paid Cornish and American workers, and

“bohunks” less skilled workers from Eastern Europe who often spoke poor English (Houston). As

the war commenced, the cousin­jacks were extremely jingoistic (due to their affiliation with the

Allied Powers), attempting to do everything in their power to produce as much copper as possible.

This sentiment, of course, meshed well with the mine owners, for whom the rise in copper demand

caused by the war meant increased profits. However, for the bohunks, many of whom were from

Axis Powers, the story was more complicated. Even if they were patriotic Americans, they were

regarded with suspicion by most citizens, and comparatively few bought liberty bonds

(Characteristics of Bisbee Deportees 36). Most of those eventually deported were Bohunks or

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Mexicans, who were not even allowed to work in the higher­paid underground jobs (Dodge),

supposedly for safety reasons relating to their accented English (Houston).

The stable balance between the mine owners and labor, as represented by the WFM, was thus

disrupted when 6­8 IWW organizers moved in to Bisbee, in an attempt to poach members from the

WFM and especially recruit the foreign immigrants most labor unions excluded (Phillips 13).

“Big” Bill Haywood, the main IWW organizer in Bisbee (Anarchy Archives)

The IWW attempted to project a thuggish reputation to accomplish their goals, even deriding

fellow union leader Samuel Gompers as being too “soft” on the capitalists (“Good for Bisbee” 1), an

approach that inspired fear among law­abiding citizens. When the IWW set its sights on Bisbee in an

attempt to disrupt the nexus of the war effort (Morse 10), they were true to form. Bereft of a real

labor agenda, the as they moved in on WFM membership, fights broke out both above and below

ground (Brockbank), and many citizens felt unsafe as a result (Goldwitzer). Not only that, but they

quickly escalated attacks against the rival WFM, even threatening to firebomb the WFM newspaper

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(State v Wooton). Of course, the main target of their ire was the mine owners themselves, and the

IWW called a strike on the 26th of June, more interested in bringing the mines to their knees than in

obtaining any reasonable concessions (Morse 11). As part of their efforts to disrupt the mines, they

threatened the families of those miners who continued to work (Goldwitzer), mainly cousin­jacks

(Houston). There were even multiple reports of dynamite planted in the mines (Woods), a single

stick of which could halt the copper production for months (Bledsoe 3). With these clear threats to

the safety of the town, the organization later known as the Loyalty League was built, with the

purpose of stopping IWW interference. Interestingly, the WFM viewed the Loyalty League and the

IWW as two sides of the same coin, both paid by the mining companies to disrupt the WFM

organizing efforts (“Letter to The Members of Citizens Protective League and Loyalty League” 4).

The last background factor that allowed the deportation to occur was the patriotic fervor

surrounding World War I. That same month, the Bisbee Evening Ore, which was linked to the WFM

and billed itself as the “People’s Paper” (Bisbee City Directory 21) warned of “Russian and German

agitators” circling the town hoping to find classified information, and warned citizens to “guard their

mouths” (3), for fear of information about this important copper production facility leaking out to the

Central Powers. Closer to home, Arizona was worried about Pancho Villa’s raids into the United

States (“Red Lopez” 5), incursions that took on increasingly sinister implications with the discovery

of the Zimmerman Telegram. Combined with the deep­seated mistrust and racism against Mexicans

in Bisbee (O’Neill 7), a message from Germany inciting Mexico to take over Arizona made Bisbee

residents increasingly inclined to see traitors around every corner. When the IWW came to town,

their attempts to agitate for higher pay for Mexicans and their involvement in the Mexican

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Revolution (O’Neill 5), combined with their street brawls and IWW bonds, painted them as a perfect

scapegoat.

But what were the motivations of Sheriff Wheeler, the man who organized the deputization and

deportation? Far from being a company hack, as one might expect, Wheeler was the epitome of the

cowboy Robin Hood. Like a hero out of a western novel, Wheeler was known for his heroism

against banditry and kindness to his prisoners, paying for their food in jail out of his own salary (“A

Russian Trick”). One famous story has him fatally wounding a bandit in a gun duel, then bidding

onlookers to treat the bandit first because he was “hurt worse”, demonstrating both his keen aim and

soft heart (Medigovich 4). These tendencies made him naturally reluctant to deputize against labor

(Beerman 2), and he refused to take bribes from the companies, who were understandably eager to

see the IWW out of town. Indeed, in an 1907 Bisbee strike called by the WFM, he was the man

responsible for preventing the companies from calling in federal troops to crush the picket lines

(Lindquist 4). What, then, changed his mind and turned him against the IWW? Initially, he claimed

it was the same fear that gripped the town as a whole: that the IWW’s organizing was part of a

larger, German­backed conspiracy (Wheeler 1). However, later investigation by the Governor of

Arizona, George Hunt, revealed no evidence of German spies among those deported (Hunt 3), and

Wheeler later claimed to be “unconcerned” about the threat of German spies (Bruère 13). In fact, as

Wheeler revealed in an interview later that year, he was less worried about the the strike than that

Bisbee Mexicans would “take advantage of the disturbed conditions of the strike” to “murder

American women and children” (Bruère 14), the same racist undertones that plagued Bisbee

throughout the war.

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After weeks of strikes, on July 12th, 1917, Sheriff Wheeler and his 1500 deputies decided to act, on

a secret plan known only to those involved (Lindquist 3): to deport the strikers to the New Mexican

desert. To this end, they rounded up around 800 strikers, all those who would not work (“A Russian

Trick”), and loaded them in boxcars. Although every effort was made to spare the loyal miners,

some innocents were inevitably deported as well. Most egregiously, one man who had taken 30 days

leave to build himself a house was deported for “refusing to work” (Vercellino). Compounding the

problem, many deported spoke little English and so could not explain themselves (Medigovich 6).

The IWW miner, a Mr. Cleary, was also deported. Despite all this, the deportees were treated well

(Hunt 2), and set up in army camps with adequate food, water and shelter. Incredibly for such a large

and violent action, only two men were killed, when a particularly quick­witted miner shot through

the door at the men coming to deport him, killing one before being shot in turn by another deputy

(Nicholl).

Inside Bisbee, the mood was initially jubilant. State senators praised the deportation for turning

Bisbee into an “All­American camp” freed from IWW troublemakers (O’Neill 10), and citizens

zealously defended the deportation as “saving lives and preventing sabotage” (Bledsoe 5). In one

particularly memorable incident, a reporter who asked too many incisive questions was beaten on the

behind by a garden hose until he fled town to Tombstone (Bledsoe 4). The companies, of course,

moved quickly to secure the advances they had made against potential strikers, requiring every

incomer to have a passport and a means to support themselves, and continuing small deportations

into the fall of 1917 to root out the last of the IWW sympathizers (Lindquist 6). However, the strike

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even yielded tangible benefits for the miners: the companies ended up acquiescing to many IWW

demands, such as wetting drill bits and replacing unsafe carbide lamps, after the deportation to quell

further unrest (Houston). Thus, ironically enough, the initial strategic calculation of the IWW that

Bisbee was capitalism’s soft point during a period of unprecedented copper consumption was

exactly on target.

When the passion of the moment subsided and the rumors of Russian spies quashed (Hunt 2), on the

other hand, the citizens of Bisbee were held in opprobrium by the whole nation. The Bisbee Evening

Ore, a cheerleader for the deportation, published a scathing report by Wilson, the president at the

time. Very selective bolding (of the parts potentially justifying the deportation) did not conceal the

report’s description of the Deportation as a “blot on the state’s image” ("Governor Campbell Flays

IWW” 1). Furthermore, this condemnation had tangible consequences, both for Wheeler and the city

of Bisbee. A letter to the Loyalty League from its delegation to Washington states that their attempt

to convince Wilson to set a minimum price for Bisbee copper (profitable to both company men and

workers) was stymied due to his opposition to Deportation (3). Instead of agreeing, Wilson

condescendingly lectured them on the “need to make sacrifices”, with the implication of atonement

for the extrajudicial action of the Deportation. The consequences visited on Wheeler, who assumed

the whole blame for the action as opposition mounted ("Governor Campbell Flays IWW” 1), though,

were more severe. Internally torn by his actions, he enlisted in the Army to escape the town he rent

apart (Larkin). However, when he came back, he lost his next election due to his support of the

Deportation (Houston), receiving less than one­third of the primary votes (“Hunt Carries County” 1).

In a final disgrace, he was reduced to being a carnival trick shooter, a sad end for this proud Western

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sheriff (“A Russian Trick”). And beyond the travails of disgraced politicians, many Bisbee homes

were torn apart, with the company refusing to let deported miners back in the town to reunite with

their wives and children (a sad irony, for Wheeler claimed he authorized the deportation for the

protection of women and children). Furthermore, although aid to the families of the deported was

initially generous, it was soon replaced by one­way train tickets and other encouragements to get out

of town (O’Neill 6), excluding a group of families permanently from the beautiful town of Bisbee.

Nonetheless, despite the popular conception of the Deportation as an illegal, cruel, and

blatantly extrajudicial action, it was supported by the majority of the Bisbee citizens, and even the

union newspaper (“Arizona Justified and Willing” 2). In the rounding up of 800 potentially violent

men, only one deportee was killed, a remarkable and humane feat. Furthermore, deportees and their

familieswere well cared for, and considering the speed necessary to act before the IWW blew up the

mines and disrupted the war effort it was perhaps the best available option, and arguably justifiable

in the heat of the moment. It quelled worse violence, but cemented the control of Big Copper over

Bisbee and planted the seeds of dissention that persist to this day.

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Bisbee Deportation Annotated Bibliography

Liam Donovan

Senior Division Historical Paper

Bibliography Length: 2258 words

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Primary Sources

"Arizona Justified and Willing; Now Let Washington Do Her Part." The Bisbee Evening Ore 13 July

1917: 2. In contrast with the legacy of the IWW as fighters for labor deported by the

capitalists, this WFM newspaper article is jingoistic and anti­IWW, recommending that

the government put them in internment camps.

Bisbee City Directory. 1918. Business Directory. Bisbee.

This source has information on many figures involved in the Bisbee Deportation: the

Bisbee Ore magazine, which according to testimony was threatened by the IWW, was a

labor paper, not affiliated with the mine companies. Also, it provides evidence Mr.

Wootton’s prominent place in the town’s business community (as a hardware store owner,

he was unaffiliated directly with the copper companies), the defendant in the Bisbee

Deportation test case State v Wootton (showing the wide reach of the deputization).

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Bledsoe, Wilson. Bisbee Deportation. TS 06467, Bisbee Deportation Ephemera. Arizona Historical

Society Archives.

This recollection represents the view of Doctor Bledsoe, who was seen beating up

deportees, regarding the immense threat the IWW “terrorism” posed to the mines.

Beerman, William S. History of The Bisbee Deportations. 1969. TS, Bisbee Deportation Ephemera.

Arizona Historical Society Archives, Tucson. This recollection claims that Wheeler was

duped by the companies into thinking the IWW were traitors.

Brockbank, Walter. Interview by Carl V. Nelson. Bisbee Museum Oral History Project. Bisbee

Mining and Historical Museum. Web. 1 Feb. 2015.

Primary source interview with a miner working at the Shattuck Mine at the time of the

Bisbee Deportation.

Brooks, Pearl. Interview. Bisbee Museum Oral History Project. Bisbee Mining and Historical

Museum. Web. 1 Feb. 2015.

Primary source interview with the son of a Phelps Dodge private investigator. Some

statements regarding the deportation contradict other sources.

Bruère, Robert W. Following the Trail of the I.W.W., a First­hand Investigation into Labor Troubles

in the West, a Trip into the Copper and Lumber Camps of the Inland Empire with the Views of

the Men on the Job. New York: New York Evening Post, 1918. Print.

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This primary source book is an investigative report on the activities of the IWW written the

year after the deportation. It contains information on the background racism and paranoia that

allowed the deportation to occur.

Carnahan, Charlie. Interview by Art Kent. Bisbee Museum Oral History Project. Bisbee Mining and

Historical Museum. Web. 1 Feb. 2015.

An interview with the son of a miner and staunch company man who was deputized

during the deportation.

Characteristics of Bisbee Deportees. Raw data. Bisbee Mining & Historical Museum, Bisbee.

The questions asked of the deportees are revealing; for example, the data records who

bought liberty bonds as an investigation into patriotic sentiments. Out of 887 miners, 281

had bank accounts, 773 were property owners, 196 bought liberty bonds, 355 were

registered for the draft, and 230 were married.

"Compromise with "Rattlesnakes" Impossible." Bisbee Globe 10 July 1917.

Describes the response of the mining company to the strikers, as well as newspaper tone

in the time period.

Dodge, Cleveland. Interview. Bisbee Museum Oral History Project. Bisbee Mining and Historical

Museum. Web. 1 Feb. 2015.

Interview with the son of a founder of Phelps Dodge; it gives a vivid description of the

trial.

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"Drivin' Them Out." Bisbee Deportation. Web. 13 Jan. 2015.

Primary source representing a jingoistic, corporate perspective on the IWW.

Deportees. Bisbee: Bisbee Mining and Historical Museum, 2005. PDF.

This is a digitized roster of deportees, by name, marital status, and race, and is so a

primary source despite being an online file. It shows trends in those targeted for

deportations (many immigrants and Germans, in particular).

Douglas, Walter. Interview by Robert Munson. Bisbee Museum Oral History Project. Bisbee Mining

and Historical Museum. Web. 1 Feb. 2015.

Interview with the president of Phelps Dodge (a mining company) and son of the Copper

Queen mine developer.

Goldweitzer, Ed. Interview by Henry French. Bisbee Museum Oral History Project.

Bisbee Mining and Historical Museum. Web. 1 Feb. 2015. Interview by a very anti­IWW

employee of Shattuck Mines.

"Good for Bisbee." Tombstone Daily Prospector. Anonymous. 5 Aug. 1917.

This newspaper article represents another strong anti­IWW stance and describes their

huge impact on labor (made it harder for legitimate unions to organize) and the war effort

(by reducing copper production by 75%).

"Guard Your Tongue These Days." Bisbee Evening Ore 13 July 1917: 3.

This article raises the possibility of German and Russian spies in town, and confirms the

war hysteria.

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"Governor Campbell Flays IWW." Bisbee Evening Ore 20 July 1917: 1.

This article is more consistent with the current legacy of the Deportation than earlier articles in

the newspaper, describing it as a blot on the state's history.

Harris, Floyd. Interview by Beverly Woods. Bisbee Museum Oral History Project. Bisbee Mining

and Historical Museum. Web. 1 Feb. 2015.

Interview with the son of a deputized citizen. Interestingly, his father was a union

sympathizer and tipped off all his friends, allowing them to escape deportation.

"Hunt Carries County; Senate Race Is Close." Bisbee Daily Review 13 Sept. 1922: 1. ADNP. Web. 2

Feb. 2015.

Provides a primary source to confirm Houston's assertion that Wheeler lost his race for

Sheriff after the deportation.

Hunt, George. Letter to Woodrow Wilson. 3 Sept. 1917. MS. Phoenix, Arizona.

Evidence of the backlash against the deportation by government authorities and citizens.

International Workers of the World. The Deadly Parallel. International Workers of the World, 1917.

This primary source documents the anti­war beliefs of the IWW, who organized the strike

on the production of a strategically important resource during wartime

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Investigation into the Bisbee Deportation. Lowell Court. 5 Aug. 1917. University of Arizona Web

Exhibits. University of Arizona. Web. 14 Jan. 2015.

Discusses the treatment of workers by the deputized sheriffs.

"IWW Denials." New York TImes [New York] 17 July 1917. . Shows the anti­worker tone of

national newspapers at the time, and the fear that the strike Was funded by germany to

harm war production.

IWW On Cars. 1917. Bisbee, AZ. Deportation of Bisbee. Web. 13 Jan. 2015.

This photo shows the way the strikers were maltreated as they were shipped out of Bisbee.

IWW Secretary­Treasurer. Letter to Executive Committee. 16 July 1917. MS. Bisbee Mining &

Historical Museum, Bisbee, Arizona.

This letter both confirms the intentions of the IWW to hold a national strike and confirms

that many typical union demands (such as decent wages) were already met in the Bisbee

Mines.

Lazevich, Lefty. "A People's History of Bisbee." Interview by Susan Willard. A People's History of

Bisbee.

I use this source for some first­person background on the deportation, and especially the

current attitudes towards the deportation in Bisbee.

Letter to Jack F. Norman. 24 Aug. 1917. MS. Bisbee Mining & Historical Museum, Bisbee,

Arizona. This source shows the nationwide coordination of the IWW strike in Bisbee, and

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its links to those of other cities in the West, such as Butte, Montana.

The coordination that this letter is evidence of was part of a nationwide attempt by the

IWW to bring down the capitalist system.

Letter to The Members of Citizens Protective League and Loyalty League. Sept. 1917. MS. Arizona

Historical Society Archives, Tucson, Arizona.

This letter describes Wilson’s harsh reaction to the deportation, and his refusal to accede

to Loyalty League demands.

Medigovich, George. Letter to Claire Ellinwood. 2 Apr. 1979. MS. Arizona Historical Society

Archives, Tucson, Arizona.

This letter discusses the role of the Masons in organizing the deportation, and shows the

view of a WFM leader on the Deportation.

Morse, Samuel, comp. The Truth About Bisbee. Ivy Lee Report on the Bisbee Deportation.

Contemporary report (and thus a primary source) requested by Phelps Dodge on the

deportation.

Moyer, Charles. Letter to Tom White. 1917. MS. Bisbee Mining & Historical Museum, Bisbee,

Arizona.

Moyer, a WFM leader, says that the IWW strike is not endorsed by the WFM, and that

workers who continue to work at the “patriotic cause” of copper production would not be

considered scabs.

Pictures of Big Bill Haywood. Anarchy Archives. Web. 8 Feb. 2015.

A picture of Bill Haywood, one of the main IWW organizers, that evokes his hard­nosed

tactics.

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Preamble and Constitution of the Industrial Workers of the World. 1919.

Very uncompromising document outlines the views of the IWW that led to the

confrontation. Memorably, it states that no contract may be made between capital and

workers, supporting the assertions of Sheriff Wheeler and others that the IWW was not

agitating for better working conditions but instead for the complete destruction of the

copper companies.

"Red Lopez Back of the Mexican Row." The Arizona Republican [Phoenix] 26 Mar. 1916: 5. Print.

This newspaper article bears witness to the fear felt in Arizona towards Pancho Villa's

raids across the border.

Riddle, Jack. Interview by Boyd Nicholl. Bisbee Museum Oral History Project. Bisbee Mining and

Historical Museum. Web. 1 Feb. 2015.

Interview with a mining engineer that discusses the details of work conditions and

workweek at the Bisbee mines.

Rinic, Anita. Interview by Beverly Woods. Bisbee Museum Oral History Project. Bisbee Mining and

Historical Museum. Web. 1 Feb. 2015.

Interview with a relative of several shopkeeper deportees discussing the reasons for their

deportation.

Roosevelt, Theodore. Letter to Felix Frankfurter. 19 Dec. 1917. MS. Bisbee Mining & Historical

Museum, Bisbee, Arizona.

Very vitriolic, anti­bolshevik letter to a member of a commission set up to investigate the

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deportation. It accuses Frankfurter of "taking a Trotskyist attitude", and admonishes him

that he hasn’t sufficiently stressed the unjust and criminal nature of the IWW. A good

representation of national sentiment in some quarters post­deportation.

State v Wootton. Phelps Dodge. Superior Court of Arizona. 1920.

This test case against the deporting deputies has important testimony regarding IWW

intentions and threats, against everybody from pro­labor newspapers to working miners.

"The Great Wobbly Drive." The Bisbee Daily Review 13 July 1917: 1.

An astoundingly anti­IWW article published in the Bisbee Daily Review, a company

paper.

United States. Arizona Council of Defense. Federal and Interstate Relations. By W. P. Hunt, J. H.

Kibbey, Henry F. Ashurst, Carl Hayden, Mark Smith, and W. H. Sawtelle. Arizona

Council of Defense.

Discusses the conditions in the army camp set up for the deportees, and confirms

statements in the company newspaper that the deportees were treated decently by the

Army.

Vercellino, John. Interview by Rod Hutchinson. Bisbee Museum Oral History Project. Bisbee

Mining and Historical Museum. Web. 1 Feb. 2015.

Interview with a son of a non­IWW deportee who had the bad luck to be on leave during

the strike (and thus assumed to be affiliated with the strikers).

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Wheeler, Harry C. 30 June 1917. Telegram. Bisbee Mining and Historical Museum, Bisbee.

A request from the Bisbee Sheriff to send federal troops to combat “pro­German and

anti­American” influences.

Woods, Edna. Interview. Bisbee Museum Oral History Project. Bisbee Mining and Historical

Museum. Web. 1 Feb. 2015.

Interview with the daughter of a mine foreman who personally discovered dynamite

stockpiled by the IWW to blow up the Bisbee mines.

secondary sources:

Fathauer, Isabel Shattuck., and Lynn R. Bailey. Lemuel C. Shattuck: A Little Mining, a Little

Banking, and a Little Beer. Tucson: Westernlore, 1991. Print.

A book written about the owner of the Shattuck mine, it confirms Nichol’s report that the

attitude of the mine was more pro labor than the others.

Houston, Robert. Personal interview. 2 Feb. 2015.

Personal interview with the author of "Bisbee '17", a dramatic account of the Bisbee

Deportation. Discusses the contents of his many interviews with survivors, as well as the

results of his archival research for his book.

Joseph, Günter, and Konrad J. A. Kundig. Copper: Its Trade, Manufacture, Use, and Environmental

Status. Materials Park, OH: ASM International, 1999.

This book gives statistics on copper consumption during WWI.

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Larkin, Annie. Personal interview. 26 Feb. 2015.

Brief discussion with a Bisbee Mining and Historical Museum curator about her research

and personal stories of the deportation. Most notably, her family had to flee the town due

to IWW threats.

Lindquist, John H., and James Fraser. "A Sociological Interpretation of the Bisbee Deportation."

Pacific Historical Review 37.4 (1968): 401­22. Print. Gives additional details about the deportation and its aftermath.

Nicholl, Boyd. "Bisbee Deportation." Personal interview. 31 Jan. 2015.

Interview giving an excellent background of the Bisbee Deportation as told by a local

historian, with interesting local details not readily available elsewhere.

O'Neill, Colleen. "Domesticity Deployed: Gender, Race and the Construction of Class Struggle in

the Bisbee Deportation." Labor History 34.2­3 (1993): 256­73. Print.

This journal article had extensive footnotes of useful primary sources, as well as a description

of what it portrayed as a racist and sexist milieu in Bisbee. It also expanded on the effects of on

the town after the deportation.

Park, Joseph F. "The 1903 "Mexican Affair" at Clifton." Journal of Arizona History 18 (1977):

119­48. Recollections: Herbert Young. University of Arizona, 2005. Web. 24 Jan. 2015.

This book describes the wages available to strikers: wages were quite high for whites, as

about $100/day in today's dollars.

"Russian Trick Pulled In Cochise County By Anti­Labor Mining Co. In 1917."Gateway Times

[Bisbee] 3 Sept. 1960.

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This biographical newspaper article gives humorous information and anecdotes on Sheriff

Wheeler's biography. Note: this article was found clipped and archived in the AZHS

Tucson, so no page number can be ascertained.

Phillips, Sara. Buried Voices, Fractured Homes: A Women's Role in the Bisbee Deportation of 1917.

Proc. of FORTY­FIFTH ANNUAL ARIZONA HISTORY CONVENTION, Quality Inn,

Safford.

This paper presents a feminist view of the deportation, and specifically focuses on the

legacy of broken homes left behind by the event.

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