bill clinton - road to moscow (via kgb)

8/8/2019 Bill Clinton - Road to Moscow (via KGB)

1/36

Bill Clinton: Road to Moscow (KGB)Bill Clintons Early Activism from Fulbright to MoscowBy Fedora

http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/post s

Summary

During the 1992 campaign, Bill Clintons student protests and Moscow trip generatedmuch controversy, but few answers. While Clintons government files from that eraseemingly remain unavailable even today, there is at least more information availablethan in 1992. The public record reveals that Clintons social network and views on

Vietnam were influenced by a pattern of contact between Communist agents andsympathizers and Clintons academic and political associates. This pattern is

documented here through an analysis of Clintons antiwar activity up through the timehe left Oxford in 1970. Included are quotations from a June 9, 1969 profile of Clinton bythe Frederick, Maryland Post which does not seem to have been previously citedelsewhere.

As a Georgetown junior, Clinton inherited his antiwar orientation from his part-timeemployer, Senator J. William Fulbright. Fulbrights views on Vietnam had in turn beeninfluenced by scholar Bernard Fall. Fall had an academic background at institutionslinked to Chinese Communist apologist Owen Lattimore. He had recently co-authored abook on Vietnam with Marcus Raskin, cofounder of the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS),which disseminated Marxist propaganda aimed to sway Fulbright and other decision-makers. Fulbrights office was also in regular contact with Igor Bubnov, a KGB operativeon Capitol Hill. President Johnson had ordered the FBI to monitor Fulbright and his staff for suspected Communist contact at the time Clinton went to work for Fulbright.

Clinton remained relatively quiet about his war views during his first year as a gradstudent at Oxford from fall 1968 to spring 1969. He took an activist turn in summer1969 while seeking to avoid being drafted. During summer vacation, he worked withthe Vietnam Moratorium Committee (VMC), a US antiwar group which was helping aCommunist-dominated coalition called the New Mobe organize fall protests.

Upon Clintons return to Oxford that fall, he and his friend Richard Stearns helped aBritish VMC counterpart called Group 68 organize Americans in England for Moratoriumprotest events. (A supplementary background profile of Group 68 follows the body of the article, exploring the groups links to a British antiwar network centered aroundBertrand Russell and Russells associate Tariq Ali. Russells network helped the North

Vietnamese and Soviets disseminate anti-US propaganda through channels such as theInternational War Crimes Tribunal, sponsored by the Soviet front the StockholmConference on Vietnam.)
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/postshttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/posts


2/36

Over winter vacation of 1969-1970, Clinton toured Moscow, where he had beenpreceded by his roommate Strobe Talbott. Talbott was then translating the memoirs of former Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, which had been leaked to him by Victor Louis,a KGB disinformation agent and talent spotter. Clinton and Talbotts other roommateFrank Aller was doing similar work on the unpublished notes of Edgar Snow, anacademic associate of Lattimore.

The conclusion suggests possible directions for further research, considering whereadditional information on Clintons early activity might be found in government files andother sources.

Before Oxford: Clinton, Fulbright, and the Legacy of Owen Lattimore

The story of how Bill Clinton became an antiwar activist begins when he was aGeorgetown undergraduate working part-time for Arkansas Senator J. William Fulbright.Fulbright, who chaired the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, was a leading criticof President Lyndon Johnsons Vietnam policy. Over the course of Clintons junior andsenior years, his views on Vietnam turned antiwar under the influence of Fulbright andhis staff. As Washington Post writer David Maraniss quoted Clinton:

When I went to work for [Fulbright] I was basically for the war, or at least I was notagainst it. As a matter of fact, I had a long debate I remember about whether I oughtto drop out of school, whether even undergraduate deferments were all right, whetheranybody ought to have a deferment when there was a war on. These were discussionswith people who worked for Fulbright, who were on the staff. The older onesencouraged me to at least make a study of it, make up my own mind. . .And I sort of wound up turning against the war the way Fulbright did, after a thorough study of it.

Tracing the origin of Fulbrights antiwar views reveals an intriguing ancestry forClintons views. Fulbright had not initially opposed the 1964 Gulf of Tonkin Resolution,which was originally viewed as a measured, flexible alternative to full-scale escalation in

Vietnam. But after a major increase in US ground deployment in summer 1965, andafter Fulbrights relationship with President Johnson became strained over DominicanRepublic policy that September, he began questioning Johnsons Vietnam policy.Pentagon Papers, a set of classified military documents on the Kennedy-Johnsonadministrations Vietnam policy.)

Fulbrights reading on Vietnam was guided by a mentor Lowenstein had introduced himto in fall 1965, Howard University Professor of International Relations Bernard Fall. Fall

was a specialist in so-called Asian nationalism, which is what the antiwar movementpreferred to call what less sympathetic critics might characterize as Marxist-inspiredinsurgencies against Western-friendly governments. Fall, along with CornellsIndonesian nationalism specialist George McTurnan Kahin, led a chorus of academicantiwar activists insisting that the Vietcongs guerrilla war was motivated bynationalism, not Marxism. This argument aimed to undermine the Johnsonadministrations position citing Cold War containment policy as grounds for USintervention in Vietnam.


3/36

Fall and Kahin had both emerged from a group of Asian nationalist specialists whocongregated in the late 1940s and early 1950s at Johns Hopkins University, a major

Asian studies center. Johns Hopkins Asian studies program had been influenced by pro-Chinese Communist propaganda channeled through a Soviet-infiltrated think tank calledthe Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR).

One influential Johns Hopkins Asian specialist linked to IPR was Chinese Communist

apologist Owen Lattimore, accused by Joseph McCarthy in 1950 of being Moscows topspy and one of the principal architects of our Far Eastern policy. Declassified filesavailable today indicate that while McCarthy was exaggerating by calling LattimoreMoscows top spy, Lattimore had been flagged by the FBI as a suspected Communistand potential security risk as early as May 1941, when he was being considered for aposition as the Roosevelt administrations political advisor to Chinese Nationalist leaderChiang Kai-shek. Lattimore did not run any of the Soviet spy rings known to USintelligence, and there was no direct surveillance evidence of him acting as a literal spy(at least judging by a 1949 report which is heavily censored in certain key sections), buthe did have a well-documented pattern of regular contact with Communist front groups,party members and agents. Soviet agents Lattimore was in contact with during the1930s and 1940s included Comintern agent Willi Munzenbergs lieutenant Louis Gibarti;

Agnes Smedley and Chen Han-seng of the Sorge spy ring; Michael Greenberg of theCambridge Five; Soviet agent Joseph Bernsteins Amerasia coconspirators Philip Jaffeand T.A. Bisson; and Silvermaster Group spy ring members Lauchlin Currie and HarryDexter White. Currie and White, who were two key agents in the Soviet campaign toundermine the Chinese Nationalists, were the ones who recommended Lattimore for hisposition in the Roosevelt administration, and when Lattimore got the job he worked outof a desk in Curries office in the State Department Building (contradicting his laterSenate testimony that he never had a desk at the State Department). Whether or notLattimore was a full-fledged spy, his views on Asia were at least viewed by agents like

Currie and White as sympathetic to Soviet foreign policy goals.Lattimores sympathies were passed on to a younger generation of scholars whichincluded Fall and Kahin. An FBI file on Lattimore records a conversation where hementioned that Kahins appointment to the John Hopkins faculty was part of a broadereffort to promote comparative work on nationalism in different Asian countries,including China, Mongolia, and Kahins specialty, Indonesia., Another John Hopkinsexpert in Indonesian nationalism, Amry Vandenbosch, taught a class called Nationalismand Colonialism in Southeast Asia. Fall took Vandenboschs class in 1952 after movingto the US from France, where his family had relocated to escape Nazi-occupied Austria.Because of Falls French background, Vandenbosch encouraged him to studynationalism in Vietnam, a former French colony. Fall subsequently went to Southeast

Asia in 1953 to study the Vietminh insurgency for his doctoral dissertation.

Upon his return to the US in late 1953, Fall soon stopped to visit IPR. He begancontributing to IPRs journal Pacific Affairs , and IPR commissioned him to do a study on

Vietnam in 1957. He continued to travel to Southeast Asia regularly, making five moretrips from 1957 to 1967 (when he was killed by a Vietcong landmine) and receivingNorth Vietnamese literature shipped through a Hong Kong publisher.


4/36

Fall had fought in the French Resistance during World War II, and his research receivedassistance from French military sources, who sometimes allowed him to see classifiedinformation. Some of Falls associates began to suspect he was a French agent. The FBIplaced him under surveillance to evaluate these accusations and make sure he was notreceiving any classified information from US sources, but apparently found nothing tosubstantiate Falls involvement in any intelligence activity (at least according to Fallswidows interpretation of the portions of his file that have been declassified). Chalmers

Wood of the State Departments Vietnam Working Group saw Fall as less of a spy andmore of a sympathizer: Bernard Falls recommendations certainly follow very close tothe neutralist, crypto-Communist line. I dont think that he is a Communist, but hisemotions have been so long wrapped up in Viet-Nam that his judgement is false.

Falls work proved useful to antiwar propagandists who travelled significantly fartherwith Communists than Fall himself did. From 1964 to 1965 Fall collaborated on The

Viet-Nam Reader with his friend Marcus Raskin, cofounder of the Institute for PolicyStudies (IPS). IPS was a New Left think tank founded in 1962 by dissenters from theKennedy administration who advocated nuclear disarmament enforced by a globalgovernment. Despite its professed goal of world peace, IPS travelled with terroristgroups that were being trained by Cuban and Vietcong revolutionaries, such as theBlack Panthers, the Weathermen, and the Venceremos Brigade. IPS was characterizedin FBI files as a Washington-based Think Factory, which [has] helped trainextremist[s] who incite violence in the United States and whose educational researchserves as a cover for intrigue and political agitation. IPS also helped disseminatepropaganda critiquing US domestic and foreign policy from a Marxist perspective. Anarticle clipped by the FBI aptly described IPS as The perfect intellectual front for Sovietactivities which would be resisted if they were to originate openly from the KGB.

The Viet-Nam Reader was one of IPS earliest successful propaganda operations.

According to Falls widow, Fall and Raskin hoped that their book would persuadesufficient numbers of readers to see the folly of the war and demand a negotiatedsettlement. The book achieved this goal, becoming a standard reference for antiwaractivists after being featured by The New York Review of Books in September 1965. Itwas presumably high on Fulbrights reading list in December 1965. IPS also influencedFulbrights Vietnam stance through channels such as Members of Congress for PeaceThrough Law, an IPS-spawned lobby Fulbright joined.

Meanwhile the KGB tried to influence Fulbrights staff directly. In 1967, Sovietambassador Igor Bubnov, an active KGB operative on Capitol Hill, initiated regulardiscussions with Fulbrights chief of staff Carl Marcy. (After retiring from government

service in 1973, Marcy would work for several organizations associated with Communistor IPS activity, including the Council for a Liveable World, the Center for InternationalPolicy, and the the American Committee on United States-Soviet Relations aka AmericanCommittee on East-West Accord.)

US intelligence came to suspect Communist influence on Fulbright. In February 1966,President Johnson ordered FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to investigate whetherFulbright and other Senate critics of US policy in Vietnam were receiving informationfrom Communists. Hoover produced a report which demonstrated a correlation between


5/36

the Soviet party line and the public statements of Fulbright and Senator Wayne Morse,but without authorization for wiretaps he was unable to confirm any direct contact withCommunists or foreign agents. Ordered to seek confirmation, Hoover spent the nextweeks producing a 67-page review of FBI wiretap records of contacts between Sovietbloc embassies and US Senators, Representatives, and Congressional staff, covering theperiod from July 1965 to March 1966. Hoover continued submitting biweekly follow-upreports to Johnson through January 1968. Johnson tasked other intelligence agencies to

conduct similar inquiries. In 1968 Johnson boasted that he knew within minutes whatFulbright was saying over lunch at the Soviet embassy. Secretary of State Dean Rusk conveyed this fact to Marcy, telling him, We know every time that you or people onyour staff meet with people in the Soviet bloc.

While US intelligence was investigating Fulbright and his staff, Georgetown junior BillClinton joined Fulbrights staff in summer 1966. Clinton had looked to Fulbright as a rolemodel since high school, when he first learned that Fulbright had attended EnglandsOxford University as a Rhodes Scholar, a career path Clinton would follow as a graduatestudent. He got the job with Fulbright through Jack Holt, a local politician who wassupported by Clintons uncle Raymond. After Uncle Raymond got him on Holtscampaign, Clinton approached Holt and expressed his interest in working for Fulbright.Holt recommended him to Fulbrights administrative assistant Lee Williams. Williamsoffered Clinton a job as an assistant clerk on the Senate Committee on ForeignRelations.

Clinton continued working for Fulbright into his senior year. According to hisautobiography My Life, he worked in the document room of the committees offices onthe fourth floor of what was then called the New Senate Office Building (later renamedthe Dirksen Senate Office Building), while Carl Marcy and a few committee senior staff worked in a larger room at the Capitol Building. Clintons primary duty was taking

memos and other materials back and forth between the Capitol and Senator Fulbrightsoffice, including confidential material for which I would have to receive propergovernment clearance. Beyond that, I would do whatever was required, from readingnewspapers and clipping important articles for the staff and interested senators toanswering requests for speeches and other materials, to adding names to thecommittees mailing list. He often read material stamped confidential and secret thatI had to deliver from time to time.

According to Clinton, he adopted an antiwar position while working under Fulbright. A few months after he began working for Fulbright, he had the Senator autograph a copyof his book The Arrogance of Power , which criticized US foreign policy on Vietnam and

other topics. Clinton says his antiwar orientation was also influenced by members of Fulbrights staff who encouraged him to study the issue of draft deferment.

One staff member who influenced him was Fulbrights speechwriter Seth Tillman, whoClinton says taught at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies andhad become a friend and mentor. Tillman, along with Committee on Foreign RelationsLatin American specialist Pat Holt, had recently helped shape Fulbrights opposition toJohnsons Dominican Republic policy, arguing that Dominican rebels were not Marxistsand did not pose a threat similar to Cuban dictator Fidel Castro. (Holt, who advocated


6/36

working with Castro rather than removing him, had previously encouraged Fulbright tooppose the Bay of Pigs invasion. In retirement he would participate in seminars andpublish books for the Center for International Policy, an IPS spinoff cofounded byOrlando Letelier, a Chilean Marxist linked to agents of Cuba, East Germany, and theUSSR. Holt recently published an article titled, Was Cuba ever really a threat to theUnited States?)

Others Clinton mentions he worked with on the Committee on Foreign Relations staff were Carl Marcy, who Clinton says worked over in the Capitol Building, and whopresumably received the documents Clinton delivered from the New Senate OfficeBuilding to the Capitol; Lee Williams, who talked Clinton out of quitting school to jointhe military; documents clerk Buddy Kendrick, who was Clintons supervisor; Kendrickspart-time assistant Bertie Bowman; and Phil Dozier and Charlie Parks, two of Clintonsstudent counterparts.

By Clintons senior year, his academic papers were expressing antiwar views. However,Clinton was not yet an activist. Clintons pro-war roommate Christopher Kit Ashbyrecalled that among their roommates, Bill was the most against the war, but not in ahysterical way. . .Bill was not out demonstrating on the streets.

Clintons antiwar views would begin to take a more activist turn after he won a RhodesScholarship his senior year. Following in Fulbrights footsteps, he left for England toattend Oxford in fall 1968.

March 1969: Bill Clinton Attends His First British Antiwar Protest

When Clinton arrived at Oxford he initially kept his antiwar views relatively quiet. HisOxford friend Cliff Jackson, later to become a critic, recalled his impression that Clintonwas not vocally antiwar his first year at Oxford. As related by Maraniss:

It was during that first year at Oxford that Clinton met the fellow Arkansan, Cliff Jackson, who became his bete noire this year by releasing letters indicating that Clintonhad not told the complete story of how he avoided the draft. . .Jackson contends thatClinton was not overtly anti-war that year--that in fact, several more radical Americanstudents considered Clinton spineless and a fake for not being more vocal--and thathis activism did not become evident until his body was on the line.

Jackson got the impression that Clinton did not become vocally antiwar until after hebegan facing the strong possibility of being drafted in April 1969.

By this time Clinton had absorbed the antiwar atmosphere circulating at Oxford. InMarch 1969, he accepted former Miss Arkansas Sharon Evans invitation to attend hisfirst British antiwar protest. A detailed profile of Clintons Oxford days by Timesreporters Nick Rufford and David Leppard recorded:

Whatever his delight at being at Oxford, Clinton could never escape the war. At theUnion debating society, Clinton's eyes were opened to the depth of feeling provoked by

Vietnam. The atmosphere in Oxford was decidedly anti-American, recalled [RhodesScholar Alan] Bersin.


7/36

It began to play on Clinton. He had worked during the previous summer for SenatorWilliam Fulbright, an outspoken critic of the Vietnam war, and was proud of a set of books inscribed by Fulbright which set out the senator's objections to war. This, and theclimate of student unrest, aroused the first stirrings of militancy in Clinton.

In March 1969, he went to his first anti-war demonstration in Britain, accompanied bySharon Evans, a former Miss Arkansas. Evans said she persuaded Clinton to attend.

We were down at Trafalgar Square for a Sunday afternoon. I said: Y'all, I want to go,I've never been to a demonstration. So Bill said Gosh, I'll go too.

According to another article that ran in Londons Times on October 25, 1992, formerEugene McCarthy campaign organizer Richard Stearns introduced Clinton to the Britishpeace movement. The time when this occurred is not specified, but from the availableinformation it may be inferred that it took place either in spring 1969, or in earlyOctober 1969 when Clinton stayed with Stearns while helping him organize protests.(Clinton later considered Stearns for a possible nomination as FBI Director.)

Over spring break that April, Clinton toured Bavaria with his Georgetown girlfriend AnnMarkusen, a former McCarthy campaign volunteer; Stearns; and Rudy Lowe, who camefrom Bamberg on the East German border. Clinton had met Lowe in November 1967 atGeorgetowns Conference on the Atlantic Community (CONTAC), a series of seminarsand lectures attended by student delegates from the US, Canada, and Europe.

June 1969: A New Star in Oxfords Antiwar Community Attracts Attention

Clinton spent the early part of June 1969 touring Paris. His tour guide was AliceChamberlain, whom he had met through mutual friends in London.

By this time, Clintons antiwar views were attracting attention. On June 9, 1969, theFrederick, Maryland Post ran an article by Tom Cullen on antiwar sentiment among the29 American Rhodes Scholars attending Oxford. The star of the article was Bill Clinton.The article includes a picture of Clinton relaxing with two unnamed fellow RhodesScholars. It quotes Clinton describing his views on the Vietnam War and the antiwarmovement:

. . .The latest U.S. casualty figures from Vietnam are just as real whether you readthem in the New York Times or the London Times.

And that's the way it should be, says William J. Clinton, 22, of Hot Springs, Ark., who

is one of the current crop of Rhodes Scholars. There would be something wrong withus if we could put the war out of our minds when our friends are being shot up in Vietnam.

. . . Clinton, who is fairly typical of the present American Rhodesmen at Oxford, isreturning to Arkansas to be drafted in July, although his scholarship still has anotheryear to run. For brown-eyed, curly-headed Clinton it has been an agonizing decision tomake, for he is opposed to the war. . .

Politically he describes himself as a moderate.


8/36


9/36

Meanwhile, Clinton began working for the Vietnam Moratorium Committee (VMC), thecore of an antiwar coalition then planning major demonstrations scheduled for that fall.Clinton wrote to University of Arkansas ROTC head Colonel Eugene Holmes that winter:

I have written and spoken and marched against the war. One of the national organizersof the Vietnam Moratorium is a close friend of mine. After I left Arkansas last summer, Iwent to Washington to work in the national headquarters of the Moratorium, then to

England to organize the Americans here for demonstrations October 15 and November16.

The VMC had been conceived in April 1969 by Massachusetts antiwar activist JeromeGrossman, who proposed the idea of a committee to coordinate a nation-wide,grassroots-generated series of demonstrations against the Vietnam War. To help himorganize these demonstrations, Grossman recruited the help of 1968 antiwarPresidential candidate Eugene McCarthy and former McCarthy campaign organizers SamBrown, David Hawk, David Mixner, and Marge Sklencar.

Through Brown, the Moratoriums national director and principal organizer, the VMC joined forces with the New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, or NewMobe, a national coordinating group for antiwar protests. The New Mobe coordinatedits actions with the Soviet Union and North Vietnam through the KGB-linked WorldPeace Council (WPC) in Stockholm. A 1970 Congressional report found that the NewMobe was under communist domination by the Communist Party and the SocialistWorkers Party, a rival Trotskyist group linked to Cuba.

The New Mobe, which organized national gatherings in Washington, DC, worked incooperation with the VMC, which organized protests and political activism on a locallevel. The VMC was represented on the New Mobes steering committee from the NewMobes first meeting. Sam Brown organized for the New Mobe while he directed the

VMC. The New Mobe formally endorsed a major protest the VMC scheduled for October15, 1969, and the VMC in turn supported a major New Mobe protest scheduled forNovember 15, 1969. The New Mobe shared its headquarters with the VMC at 1029

Vermont Avenue NW in Washington, DC, which would presumably be the buildingwhere Clinton says he worked when he went to Washington to work in the nationalheadquarters of the Moratorium.

Clinton met VMC leaders Brown and Mixner at a gathering of former McCarthycampaign organizers held at Marthas Vineyard in 1969. Clintons attendance waspublicized by the Bush campaign during the 1992 election. Clinton confirmed his

attendance in interviews with TV host Phil Donahue and with the Boston Globe butemphasized it was a reunion for McCarthy organizers rather than a VMC meeting. Bushcampaign statements described the event as occurring in early 1969, but a U.S. News & World Report article by Steven Roberts and Matthew Cooper placed it a few days after aSeptember 9 letter Clinton wrote to Richard Stearns, and Clintons autobiography placesit near the end of September. Accounts also varied as to whether the meeting was apolitical organizing or social event, with Brown denying that the event involved anyantiwar planning, and Clinton campaign staff chief Eli Segal telling Boston Globereporter Curtis Wilkie, We spent most of our time water skiing and eating frankfurters.


10/36

. .To call this a cabal of the left is so preposterous. However Clinton in his 2004autobiography seemingly conceded that he made what little contribution I could totheir deliberations about that falls protests:

Near the end of September, while working my way back to Oxford, I flew to Marthas Vineyard for a reunion of anti-war activists who had worked for Gene McCarthy. Of course, I hadnt done so. Rick Stearns invited me, I think because he knew I wanted to

come and they wanted another southerner. The only other one there was TaylorBranch, a recent graduate of the University of North Carolina, who had just been inGeorgia registering blacks to vote. . .Besides Rick and Taylor, there were four othermen at the reunion whom I kept up with over the years: Sam Brown, one of the mostprominent leaders of the student anti-war movement, later got involved in Coloradopolitics and, when I was President, served the United States with the Organization forSecurity and Cooperation in Europe; David Mixner, who had begun organizing fellowmigrant workers at fourteen, visited me several times in England and later moved toCalifornia, where he became active in the struggle against AIDS and for gay rights, andsupported me in 1992; Mike Driver became one of my most cherished friends over thenext thirty years; and Eli Segal, whom I met in the McGovern campaign, became chief of staff of the Clinton-Gore campaign. . .The group was planning the next large protest,known as the Vietnam Moratorium, and I made what little contribution I could to theirdeliberations.

Brown, Mixner, and other eyewitnesses, including Strobe Talbott, have also describedthe event.

Fall 1969: Clinton Organizes London Antiwar Protests

That October, when Clinton returned to Oxford, he temporarily moved in with RichardStearns for a couple weeks. He helped Stearns organize Americans in England forprotests to be held there in solidarity with October 15 and November 15 protests the

VMC and New Mobe were planning in America and other countries. An October 1992Boston Globe article by Curtis Wilkie summarized Clintons recollections of his activitythat fall:

In an interview with The Boston Globe last April, he said he had taken part in twodemonstrations and a teach-in while a student in England.

I remember once we did a teach-in that I was asked to participate in. . .at the LondonSchool of Economics, the University of London, one of those schools in London, he

said. And I remember once I demonstrated around the US Embassy. I rememberwhatever we did around the embassy in Grosvenor Square, I remember Paul Newmanand Joanne Woodward came.

He said he later went with a group from Oxford to an antiwar demonstration in London that I wasn't part of putting together.

Maraniss article gave a similar account:


11/36

He took part in two anti-war demonstrations, helping to organize a teach-in at theUniversity of London and serving as a marshal at a peaceful vigil outside the U.S.Embassy. . .

The protest was relatively small and orderly and rather self-conscious as well, said[Clintons roommate Douglas] Eakeley, now a lawyer in New Jersey. Paul Newman andJoanne Woodward were there, and a few hundred people. It did not require months of

organizing; it was not a full-time protest movement.

Rufford and Leppards Times article provided additional details:

Stepping up his campaigning against the war, Clinton joined meetings with Group 68, Americans backed by the pro-Soviet British Peace Council. Tariq Ali, the former radicalstudent leader, described Group 68 as being on the soft wing of his hardline coalition.

In the autumn, Clinton helped organize demonstrations outside the American embassyin Grosvenor Square. In the evening, protesters held a candlelit vigil attended byJessica Mitford, the writer, and Paul Jones, the pop singer.

Clinton's role in organizing that protest was a natural extension of his voluntary work for the peace movement in America. But the extent of his involvement is unclear, andnot as influential as right-wing critics have alleged. The notion that Bill was a nationalorganizer is not accurate, said Bersin. He took on the chore of contacting Americansin London. He was at the edge of it.

A month later, Clinton took part in a weekend of demonstrations near GrosvenorSquare. On the first day, protesters led by Vanessa Redgrave dropped cards with thenames of war victims into a black coffin. [Tom] Williamson said he and Clinton servedas unpaid marshals. We were very much part of the peaceful demonstration, rationalistapproach, he recalled.

On the second day, Clinton organised a church service to provide Americans with analternative to more radical protests by British Marxists. He asked an American priest,Richard McSorley, to read a prayer at the service in St Mark's American church near theembassy. McSorley recalled that afterwards they paraded in front of the embassycarrying white crosses, an indication of our desire to end the agony of Vietnam.

Tariq Ali insists that Clinton was never prominent in the peace movement. He knew the Americans who led the marches, and after checking his records he is certain Clinton

was not among them.

Two events described above can be identified as London counterparts to a pair of majordemonstrations the VMC and New Mobe organized in the US and other countries thatOctober 15 and November 15. (I have not been able to clearly identify the teach-in atthe London School of Economics or University of London that Clinton and other sourcesrefer to.) As Rufford and Leppards article mentions, Clinton organized these events onbehalf of Group 68, a British counterpart to the VMC formed by expatriate formersupporters of Eugene McCarthys 1968 Presidential campaign. Group 68 had emergedfrom the Stop It Committee, which was part of the Viet Nam Solidarity Campaign (VSC),


12/36

a Trotskyist-controlled antiwar coalition financed by Bertrand Russell and led byRussells associates Ralph Schoenman and Tariq Ali. ( For more information onGroup 68 and related groups, a detailed background profile is provided belowafter the body of the article. )

The event Clinton remembered Paul Newman and Joanne Woodward attending took place outside the US embassy in London on October 15, 1969, the same day the VMC

held its first major protest in the US, with New Mobe support. Newspaper descriptionsof attendance ranged from 200 to 400, describing the crowd as mostly American. A UPIwire of the event appearing in the San Antonio Light included a photo showing Newmancarrying a sign that said Moratorium. An Associated Press account carried bynumerous papers noted that American Rhodes Scholars at Oxford University deliveredpetitions to the London Embassy. In coordination with this petition, Forty members of the British Parliament signed a letter demanding the withdrawal of American forcesfrom Vietnam.

The Grosvenor Square demonstration where Clinton served as a marshal was held onNovember 15, the day the New Mobe had scheduled the Washington, DC culmination of a multi-day event called the March Against Death, which was supported by the VMC. A UPI wire which ran in various papers the next day summarized the event:

From Tel Aviv to Manila, from London to Sydney, in Kobe, Japan, Buenos Aires andBonn, antiwar demonstrators massed on the streets and in front of Americangovernment buildings to express their support of the second Vietnam moratorium in theUnited States. . .

Actress Vanessa, Redgrave and folk singers Peggy Seeger and Judy Collins were amongthe celebrities who joined more than 1,000 antiwar demonstrators in London in a lie-in in front of the U.S. Embassy in Grosvenor Square. The group, however, was madeup largely of American teen-agers and college students studying in England.

The St. Marks church service Rufford and Leppard refer to was another Moratorium-related ceremony held on November 16. According to Richard Stearns, as quoted byRoberts and Cooper in U.S. News & World Report , Clinton organized it to give young

Americans an alternative to a more radical event planned by British Marxists. Clintonwas spotted at the ceremony by Fr. Richard McSorley of Georgetowns Center for PeaceStudies. McSorley, who was on sabbatical visiting antiwar groups around the world,later recalled in his book Peace Eyes :

[On] Nov. 15, 1969, I participated in the British moratorium against the Vietnam War infront of the U.S. Embassy at Grosvenor Square in London. . .

That day in November about 500 Britons and Americans were meeting to express theirsorrow at America's misuse of power in Vietnam. . .

The activities in London supporting the second stage of the moratorium and the Marchof Death in Washington, were initiated by Group 68 (Americans in Britain).This grouphad the support of British peace organizations, including the Committee on Nuclear


13/36

Disarmament, the British Peace Council, and the International Committee forDisarmament and Peace.

The next day I joined with about 500 other people for the interdenominational service. ..As I was waiting for the ceremony to begin, Bill Clinton of Georgetown, then studyingas a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford, came up and welcomed me. He was one of theorganizers. . .

Late 1969: Clintons Roommates, the KGB, and the Road to Moscow

That December McSorley would again encounter Clinton in Oslo, Norway. Clinton, whohad recently spent Thanksgiving vacation in Ireland with his fellow Moratoriumprotestor Tom Williamson, was now on his way to the Soviet Union, following in thefootsteps of his new roommate Strobe Talbott.

Talbott was a Russian affairs scholar and intern journalist for TIME. He had begunvisiting Moscow in 1968 and had developed contacts in the USSR. In summer 1969 hewas in Moscow acting as a replacement for vacationing TIME Moscow bureau chief Jerrold Schecter. At this time he met Victor Louis (Vitali Yevgenyevich Lui), a KGBdisinformation agent and talent spotter who specialized in influencing journalists andplanting stories in the Western media.

For the past several years, under the control of KGB General Vyacheslav Kevorkov,Louis had been helping the KGB with damage control by acting as a sort of literaryagent supervising the leaking of the memoirs of various former Soviet officials andcelebrities, including Joseph Stalins daughter Svetlana Alliluyeva, former ForeignMinister Vyacheslav Molotov, and former Premier Nikita Khrushchev. In 1967, withapproval from KGB Chairman Yuri Andropov, Kevorkov and Louis began seeking apublisher for Khrushchevs memoirs. Louis first approached Jess Gorkin, editor of Parade magazine, which had run an article on an NBC documentary on Khrushchev thatLouis had arranged. Parade turned down the project because it seemed too expensive.Parade chief editor Lloyd Skip Shearer then suggested Louis approach Talbott, hisfuture son-in-law. Louis approached Talbott through Schecter, whom he met at a partyin Moscow in August 1968. In fall 1969, Louis broached the idea of TIME publishingKhrushchevs memoirs to Schecter. Schecter secured approval from TIME-LIFE New

York news service chief of correspondents Murray Gart, then contacted Talbott to offerhim the job of translating Khrushchevs memoirs. Talbott agreed on the condition thathe could enlist the help of a Russian friend from Oxford, Yasha Zaguskin, a WhiteRussian emigre who roomed with Boris Pasternaks sister Lydia.

Talbott then began working on the project with Louis, launching a relationship thatwould last until 1992. However, it was not until 1999 that Schecter met Keyorkov at aCIA conference and learned that Louis had kept the KGB informed of the Khrushchevproject the whole time.

In late 1969, after staying with Richard Stearns for a couple weeks in October, Clintonbegan rooming with Talbott and their friend Frank Aller. Aller, a draft dodger and Chinascholar, was doing academic work similar to Talbotts, making trips to Switzerland toreceive the unpublished notes of Edgar Snow, an academic advocate of the Chinese


14/36

Communists who was linked to the old Institute of Pacific Relations network. (In 1971the Chinese government would use Snow to mediate an invitation to Owen Lattimore,making sure there would be no Soviet objections if Lattimore visited China.) Clintonsautobiography recalls how he often made Talbott and Aller breakfast while they weredoing their work:

After more orthodox conservative forces removed him from power and installed

Brezhnev and Kosygin, Khrushchev secretly recorded his memoirs on tape, andarranged, I think through friends in the KGB, to get them to Jerry Schecter, then Timemagazines bureau chief in Moscow. Strobe was fluent in Russian and had worked forTime in Moscow the previous summer. He flew to Copenhagen to meet Schecter andget the tapes. When he got back to Oxford, he began the laborious process of typingKhrushchevs words out in Russian, then translating and editing them. On manymornings, I would make breakfast for Frank and Strobe as they began their work.

Schecter similarly recalled meeting Clinton shortly after Talbott got the Khrushchevassignment:

Before leaving London, I also spent a day with Strobe at Oxford and met his long-haired, amiable housemate, Bill Clinton, who prepared omlets for our breakfast. I neverasked Strobe how he told Bill about his new assignment.

Talbott was again in Moscow about the same time Clinton was there in 1970, though heinsisted he did not travel there with Clinton, a Boston Herald article by Wayne Woodlief and Joe Battenfeld mentions. A dozen other Rhodes Scholars also followed up Talbottsvisit to Moscow by going there in 1969-1970, Maraniss article notes.

After Khrushchevs memoirs were published, Khrushchev issued a nuanced denial of their authenticity, Soviet news agencies claimed Talbott was a young sapling of theCIA, and the Soviets refused to allow Talbott back in the country. Western Sovietexpert Victor Zorza speculated that both the KGB and the CIAs disinformationdepartments may have played tug-of-war over the memoirs.

When Clinton later nominated Talbott for Deputy Secretary of State, Talbott wasquestioned about his relationship with Louis. He initially claimed he met Louis in the1970s, then under cross-examination he remembered that he had actually first metLouis in 1969.

(Talbotts brother-in-law Derek Shearer later developed numerous Communist and IPS

front associations and became one of Clintons closest advisors. Other Shearer familymembers also became part of the extended Clinton clan.)

Winter 1969-1970: Back in the USSR

Clintons trip to Moscow took him through Holland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, andFinland. According to his autobiography, he left for Amsterdam with his artist friend

Aimee Gautier. After some sightseeing they had a museum encounter with Rudolf Nureyev, a ballet dancer who had defected from the Soviet Union.


15/36

Clinton says he left Gautier in Amsterdam and got on the train for Copenhagen, Oslo,and Stockholm. McSorley saw him at the train station in Oslo. McSorley, who wascoming from Uppsala, Sweden, said Clinton had been on the same train.

At Clintons request, McSorley allowed him to come along on a visit to the Institute forPeace Research. They were given a tour by the Institutes Assistant Director and metthree conscientious objectors working there. They went on to visit Oslo University,

where they lunched with a professor and visited a peace center founded by two actors.

Clinton then went by himself to meet Jim Durham, a friend from Arkansas who wasstudying in Oslo.

Leaving Norway, Clinton went on by train to Stockholm, Sweden for a couple days, thentook an overnight ferry to Helsinki, Finland. There he spent about two days overChristmas with Georgetown classmate Richard Shullaw, whose father J. Harold Shullawwas deputy chief of mission of the US embassy in Finland.

Clinton then continued by train through Leningrad to Moscow. In Moscow, where hearrived on New Years Eve, he had booked through the Soviet travel agency Intourist tospend a week at the expensive Hotel National. His autobiography says the only personhe knew in Moscow was Tom Williamsons girlfriend Anik Nikki Alexis, a daughter of aFrench diplomat who was now studying at the Patrice Lumumba Peoples' FriendshipUniversity, a KGB training ground famed for turning out alumni such as the terroristCarlos the Jackal. Clinton recalls, One night I took a bus out to Lumumba University tohave dinner with Nikki and some of her friends. One of them was a Haitian womannamed Helene whose husband was studying in Paris. On the bus back home Clintonsays there was only one other passenger, Oleg Rakito, who spoke better English than Idid and asked me lots of questions and told me he worked for the government,virtually admitting he was assigned to keep an eye on me.

Perhaps referring to Alexis and her friends, Rufford and Leppard recorded that Clintonvisited friends at Moscow University.. Maraniss stated that he met many of the samecontacts previously made by Talbott and other Oxford Rhodes Scholars. Roberts andCooper reported that he spent most of his time visiting with members of an Americandelegation which was there to discuss an exchange of American prisoners of war withSoviet and North Vietnamese officials. This delegation also made contact with othernations embassies in Moscow. One of the delegates, Charlie Daniels, stayed at thesame hotel as Clinton. He remembered that Clinton always seemed to be out of moneyand hungry, and was often fed by the delegation. In his autobiography Clinton

elaborated on his contact with Daniels group:

My most interesting Moscow adventure began with a chance encounter in the hotelelevator. When I got in, there were four other men in the car. One of them waswearing a Virginia Lions Club pin. He obviously thought I was a foreigner, with my longhair and beard, rawhide boots, and British navy pea jacket. He drawled, Where youfrom? When I smiled and said, Arkansas, he replied, Shoot, I thought you werefrom Denmark or someplace like that! The mans name was Charlie Daniels. He wasfrom Norton, Virginia, hometown of Francis Gary Powers, the U-2 pilot who had been


16/36

shot down and captured in Russia in 1960. He was accompanied by Carl McAfee, alawyer from Norton who had helped to arrange Powerss release, and a chicken farmerfrom Washington State, Henry Fors, whose son had been shot down in Vietnam. Theyhad come all the way to Moscow to see if the North Vietnamese stationed there wouldtell the farmer whether his son was dead or alive. The fourth man was from Paris and,like the men from Virginia, a member of the Lions Club. He had joined them becausethe North Vietnamese spoke French. They all just came to Moscow without any

assurances that the Russians would permit them to talk with the Vietnamese or that, if they did, any information would be forthcoming. None of them spoke Russian. Theyasked if I knew anyone who could help them. My old friend Nikki Alexis was studyingEnglish, French, and Russian at Patrice Lumumba University. I introduced her to themand they spent a couple of days together making the rounds, checking in with the

American embassy, asking the Russians to help, finally seeing the North Vietnamese,who apparently were impressed that Mr. Fors and his friends would make such an effortto learn the fate of his son and several others who were missing in action. They saidthey would check into it and get back to them. A few weeks later, Henry Fors learnedthat his son had been killed when his plane was shot down. At least he had some peaceof mind.

The delegation Clinton met sounds like it may have been related to the activities of theCommittee of Liaison with Families of Servicemen Detained in North Vietnam(COLIFAM), an antiwar group formed in summer 1969 which negotiated POWexchanges in return for pro-Communist propaganda statements. However this is onlyinformed speculation that has not been verified.

Clinton stayed in Moscow about five days. Several accounts say he left via the Sovietairline Aeroflot, but Clinton says Nikki and her Haitian friend Helene put me on thetrain.

In either case, Clintons next stop was Prague, Czechoslovakia, where he arrived onJanuary 6, 1970. There he looked up the family of his Oxford friend Jan Kopold.Kopolds family was well-connected in Czech Communist circles. Clinton received aguided tour of Prague from Marie Svermova, the widow of Czech Communist Party heroJan Sverma, who was Jan Kopolds grandfather. In 1969 the Kopolds ostensibly helddissident political views against the ruling regime, which had grown unpopular amongreformers and student activists after the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia the previousyear.

Clinton stayed in Czechoslovakia through January 12. According to his account, he then

went on to Munich, West Germany to visit his friend Rudy Lowe and celebrateFaschingsfest, a Carnival Season festival with costumes similar to Mardis Gras orHalloween.

On January 19 Clinton arrived back at Oxford, according to a letter he wrote theKopolds four days later. He remained at Oxford into the summer. He spent spring break in Spain with Rick Stearns in April. In late May he was accepted into Yale Law School,and he left for New York on June 26, 1970.


17/36

Conclusion: Directions for Further Research

During Clintons 1992 Presidential campaign, much of the above information waspublicized, but newspaper articles and government files on the antiwar movement werenot available online for cross-referencing, archives documenting Soviet disinformationcampaigns and their relation to Victor Louis activities were not as available as they arenow, and the background of Group 68 and its role in the fall 1969 Moratorium protests

were not explored in depth. Today, with the benefit of online research tools, it may bepossible to delve further into the matter.

One possible direction for further research is suggested by the Johnson administrationssurveillance of Senator Fulbright and his staff. Given Johnsons relationship with thevarious segments of the US intelligence community at that time, it is likely that heassigned this surveillance to not only the FBI but also military intelligence and the CIA.Did the surveillance of Fulbrights staff by the FBI or other US agencies generate anyinformation on Clinton? Likewise, did the Soviets have any files on Fulbright whichWestern intelligence has since obtained?

Did US intelligence surveillance of the VMC or New Mobe generate any information onClinton?

Did US or UK intelligence monitor Clintons activity in Britain? (Articles on ThomasCulvers courtmartial, described in the appendix below, mention that Air Forceintelligence officers photographed protestors at antiwar events near Lakenheath AirForce base and the US embassy there in 1971. Was Clinton also photographed at theantiwar events he participated in near the US embassy in London in 1969?)

Do Soviet archives obtained by Western intelligence, or the East German intelligencefiles obtained by the CIA, or the extensive Polish intelligence files publicized in 2005,include any information relevant to the relationship between Victor Louis and StrobeTalbott, and Clinton? What about Edgar Snow and Frank Aller?

Is there any information available on the antiwar movement in Oslo relevant to Clintonsvisit there?

What did Soviet and US intelligence files record about Clintons visit with his friendsfrom Patrice Lumumba Peoples' Friendship University?

Were Clintons Czechoslovakian or German contacts mentioned in any of the East

German intelligence files that German intelligence requested back from the CIA whenClinton was President?

And finally, is it coincidental or significant that three years after Bill Clinton co-organizeda fall 1969 London antiwar demonstration attended by Jessica Mitford, his future wifeHillary took a job interning for Mitfords husband Robert Treuhaft, who like Mitford wasa former member of the Communist Party and still active in left-wing political activity?

As in 1992, there are still more questions than answers. But as more informationbecomes available, the questions keep getting more interesting.


18/36

* * *

Appendix: Who Was Group 68?

The involvement of Group 68 in the London Moratorium protests Clinton helpedorganize is noteworthy and worth some background elaboration. Group 68 wascofounded by Heinz Norden, who had been dismissed from a sensitive US Army position

after US intelligence discovered he had a background with Communist Party union andantiwar activity. Like Norden, Group 68 became involved with Communist activity,working closely with Marxist groups organizing antiwar activity among US soldiers.

Cofounder of Group 68: Heinz Norden

Heinz Norden had been born in Britain in 1905 to a family of German descent. Afterreceiving his education in Germany, Norden relocated to the US in 1924 to escapeGermanys economic depression. In New York he organized a pair of tenant unionswhich worked in coalition with the Communist Party on both tenant and foreign policyissues. Nordens Citywide Tenants Council (CWTC) followed the twists of the Sovietparty line as World War II approached, opposing US involvement in the war while theSoviets were allied with the Nazis, then doing an about-face after Germany attackedRussia.

Swept up by newfound patriotism, Norden joined the US Army in 1941. He stayed inGermany after the war to work for Army intelligence, editing the official U.S. German-language magazine Heute . In 1947 his tenant organizing background came underscrutiny and he was dismissed from his position. While spending the next few yearsbattling his dismissal in federal court, Norden went into editorial and advertising work that took him to Europe. In 1961 he relocated to Britain, where he came into the orbitof an antiwar network centered around academic celebrity Bertrand Russell.

Norden, Bertrand Russell, Tariq Ali, and Clinton

As an editor, Norden had worked with Albert Einsteins estate executor Otto Nathan onthe 1960 book Einstein on Peace , which featured a preface by Russell. Russell, who hadbeen active in the antiwar movement since World War I, had recently been circulating amanifesto with the late Einsteins name on it to promote various groups and eventsdisseminating nuclear disarmament propaganda.

Russell soon became a leading influence on the Vietnam antiwar movement in Britain

and the US. In April 1963 a letter published by Russells in the New York Times accusingthe US of using napalm and chemical warfare in Vietnam prompted US antiwar leaders A.J. Muste and David Dellinger to publicly refer to Vietnam for the first time, during anEaster anti-nuclear demonstration. This action, which departed from the current partyline of SANE and other US antiwar groups, was one of the earliest Vietnam War protestsin the US. (The earliest seems to have been some protests by Young Socialist Alliancedemonstrators at Berkeley in March 1962.) Russell sent a taped greeting to anotherearly US antiwar protest, the Vietnam Day Committee (VDC) Teach-in at Berkeley inMay 1965.


19/36

In 1963 Russell had also formed the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation, which accusedthe US and its allies of war crimes in Vietnam. Russell echoed these allegations onNorth Vietnamese radio broadcasts to US troops in May 1966, calling for anInternational War Crimes Tribunal to investigate alleged US war crimes in Vietnam. TheTribunal, which began under the aegis of Russells Foundation and spun off into anindependent entity, was sponsored by the Stockholm Conference on Vietnam (akaWorld Conference on Vietnam), a Soviet front group set up by World Peace Council

chairman Romesh Chandra, a KGB agent. Attendees at the second session of theTribunal included Wilfred Burchett, a journalist named as a KGB agent in sworn Senatetestimony.

Russells Tribunal interacted with American antiwar groups. In 1969 it became theinspiration for a pair of US counterparts: the Citizens' Commission of Inquiry on U.S.War Crimes (CCI); and the Winter Soldier Investigation (WSI), organized by Vietnam

Veterans Against the War (VVAW). In June 1971 CCI and VVAW sent representatives toa gathering of Russells Tribunal in Oslo, with a detour through Moscow along the way.

Russells American allies also included Americans in Britain. In 1967 a group of antiwar Americans in Britain organized the Stop It Committee: Americans in Britain for UnitedStates Withdrawal from Vietnam. (The choice of name apparently reflected planning forthe Stop the Draft Week demonstration at the Pentagon in October 1967, which alsospawned a Stop the Draft Week Committee.) The committee formed part of aTrotskyist-controlled coalition called the Viet Nam Solidarity Campaign (VSC), which wasfinanced by Russell and directed by Russells secretary Ralph Schoenman. On St.Patricks Day in 1967 the VSC organized the Battle of Grosvenor Square, a violentattack on the US embassy in London.

The VSCs most vocal spokesman was former Oxford Union debate club president Tariq

Ali, who also represented Russell at events sponsored by his Tribunal. In 1968 Ali joinedthe International Marxist Group (IMG), the British section of the international Trotskyistgroup the United Secretariat of the Fourth International (USFI). He would later headthe Transnational Institute (TNI), the European affiliate of IPS. He was a leading figurein the antiwar movement in Britain at the time Clinton arrived there.

Rufford and Leppards Times article noted that it was at Oxfords Union debatingsociety, which Ali had presided over, where Clinton's eyes were opened to the depthof feeling provoked by Vietnam. Rufford and Leppard quoted Ali describing Group 68as being on the soft wing of his hardline coalition. Ali insisted that Clinton was not amajor figure in his coalition and that he could not find any records mentioning Clinton

as one of the Americans leading marches.

The American Antiwar Network in Britain, Group 68, and Clinton

During the 1968 US Presidential campaign, the American antiwar community in Britainformed Americans Abroad for McCarthy, a committee to support antiwar candidateEugene McCarthy. McCarthys campaign did not survive the Democratic NationalConvention, and Americans Abroad for McCarthy was renamed Group 68: Americans inBritain for United States Withdrawal from Southeast Asia (preserving a modified version


20/36

of the full name of the Stop It Committee). Norden cofounded Group 68 and chairedthe organization from 1968 to 1973.

Group 68 survived McCarthys unsuccessful campaign by diversifying into otheractivities, such as organizing protests, disseminating propaganda, and supporting draftresisters and antiwar GIs.

In these efforts Group 68 worked with a coalition of British antiwar groups that includedthe British Peace Council, a UK affiliate of the WPC. As McSorley notes, the BritishPeace Council supported the November 1969 antiwar ceremony where he saw Clintonacting as an organizer. McSorley also refers to the Committee on NuclearDisarmament, possibly referring to the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), ananti-nuclear group Russell cofounded.

Clintons fellow Rhodes Scholar Alan Bersin specified that Clintons organizationalfunction was contacting Americans in London. This fits with Groups 68s roots in theStop It Committee and Americans Abroad for McCarthy, which served the function of coordinating American antiwar activity in Britain.

Group 68 After Clinton: 1970-1978

The character and connections of Group 68 are further illuminated by consideration of the groups activity after Clinton left Oxford for Yale in 1970.

In 1971 Group 68 joined Berrigan brothers lawyer Paul ODwyer in championing thecause of Captain Thomas S. Culver, a US Air Force JAG legal officer facing courtmartial.Culver had come from a pacifist family and had been opposed to the Vietnam Warbefore enlisting, but he had not seen his legal duties as contributing to the war effort.He was court-martialed after he participated in antiwar activity near Lakenheath Royal

Air Force base during a May 31, 1971 assembly attended by several hundred US AirForce personnel.

Many of the demonstrators belonged to the GI antiwar group PEACE (People Emerging Against Corrupt Establishment), which had branches at eight US Air Force bases inBritain. PEACE had been founded at a June 1970 antiwar meeting organized by actress

Vanessa Redgrave, a member of the Trotskyist group the Workers Revolutionary Party.It was mentioned above that Redgrave participated in the November 1969 Moratoriumdemonstrations Clinton attended. Redgrave financed PEACE, and she participated in theMay 1971 event that occasioned Culvers court-martial.

Culver was providing legal counsel to PEACE members participating in the event. Heand his fellow protestors attempted to create a precedent establishing a loophole inlaws against soldiers demonstrating in uniform. They did not wear their uniforms, andthey attempted to claim they were not actually demonstrating but only petitioning.They stayed on the fringes of the crowd and avoided banners and speeches, andinstead went silently to the US embassy in separate small groups to turn in an antiwarpetition.


21/36

Culver lost his case, and he was convicted of participating in the demonstration and of inciting others to do the same. He was sentenced leniently to a $1,000 fine, avoidingthe maximum possible sentence of four years hard labor and a dishonorable discharge.

At the time of his sentencing he planned to leave the Air Force to become a lawyer forservicemen in the UK. Following announcement of his sentence, PEACE held an August1 demonstration protesting the Air Forces policy.

Heinz Nordens papers on Group 68 include a folder on the World Assembly for thePeace and Independence of the Peoples of Indochina, a WPC-sponsored conferenceheld in Paris in February 1972. The assembly was attended by representatives of the USCommunist Party and its antiwar coalition, the Peoples Coalition for Peace and Justice(PCPJ), including representatives of VVAW. Following this event, Group 68 joined l50other groups in organizing the Vietnam Vigil to End the War, a year-long daily protest infront of the US Embassy in London.

In 1973 Group 68 took up the cause of Captain Michael J. Heck, a US Air Force pilotfacing courts martial. Like Culver, Heck came from a pacifist family and had beenopposed to the Vietnam War prior to his enlistment. Facing the prospect of beingdrafted, he joined officers candidate school in the hopes of avoiding combat, but to hisdismay he ended up getting assigned to B-52 bombing missions. He grudgingly flew175 bombing missions, but after Christmas 1972, Heck informed his superiors that herefused to fly any more. In February 1973, shortly after the signing of the Vietnampeace agreement in Paris, the Air Force accepted the resignations of Heck and anotherpilot who had recently refused a bombing mission, Dwight J. Evans, Jr. Following hisresignation, Heck told reporters that he was discharged under undisclosed other thanhonorable conditions and planned to appeal with help from his ACLU counsel, MarvinKarpatkin.

With the Vietnam War ending, Group 68 changed its name in 1974 to Concerned Americans Abroad (CAA). CAA remained active until 1978, working with other leftoverantiwar groups, such as the VVAW offshoot Vietnam Veterans Against the War/WinterSoldier Organization (VVAW/WSO). CAA also partnered with antiwar elements of the USDemocratic Party, which organized voters in Britain as Democrats Abroad (UK) and senta representative to the 1976 Democratic National Convention. CAA and its alliescampaigned for a range of causes which included the release of political prisoners,amnesty for draft dodgers, the impeachment of President Nixon, the abolition of theCIA, and the defense of renegade CIA agent Philip Agee and his journalist colleagueMarc Hosenball (now with Newsweek ), who were facing deportation proceedings fordisclosing classified information about UK signals intelligence operations. Recent

disclosures have confirmed that at this time Agee was cooperating with Soviet andCuban intelligence to expose CIA operations.

* * *

Select Bibliography

Clinton at Georgetown and Oxford

Archibald, George. Clinton at Oxford. Washington Times . October 25, 1992, A1.


22/36

Clinton, Bill. My Life. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004, Chapters 9-16.

Clinton: Bush attack desperate, new low. The Intelligencer . October 9, 1992, A1, A8.

Clinton stayed with reformers: report. Pacific Stars and Stripes . October 26, 1992, 4.

Cullen, Tom. War, Unrest Haunt American Scholars at Oxford. The Post (Frederick,

Maryland). June 9, 1969, A8.Ex-Communist Czechs Were Clintons Hosts. Times-Picayune . October 25, 1992, A14.

From the class of 68 to the class of 92. The Times . October 25, 1992.

Maraniss, David. Bill Clinton and Realpolitik U.: In 68, 5 Georgetown Students Shared A House With a View of the World. The Washington Post . October 25, 1992, F1.

Mauro, Ryan. Czech Corruption: The Case of Petr Cibulka. WorldThreats.com .http://www.worldthreats.com/Europe/Cibulka%20Interview.htm

Miga, Andrew. Clinton campaign sees red: Candidate dismisses Sov rumors. BostonHerald . October 6, 1992, 5.

Morris, Roger. Partners in Power: The Clintons and Their America . New York: HenryHolt and Company, 1996.

Roberts, Steven V. and Matthew Cooper. Clinton, Oxford and the Draft: Clinton stillshows his ambivalence about those painful years. U.S. News & World Report . October11, 1992.

Rufford, Nick and David Leppard. With James Adams in Washington, Geordie Greig inNew York, Susan Ellicott in Los Angeles, Jonathan Bastable in Moscow, Peter Green inPrague, Christine Toomey in Berlin and Ian Burrell, Miranda Devine, Charles Hymas andSimon Reeve in London. A Yank at Oxford. The Times . October 25, 1992.

Ruth, Joel A. Clintons Czech-communist connection. WorldNetDaily . April 30, 1999.http://www.worldnetdaily.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=16122

Time s FOB. MediaWatch . February 1993, 1. Reprinted online athttp://www.mediaresearch.org/mediawatch/1993/watch19930201.asp

Tyrrell, R. Emmett, Jr. Boy Clinton: The Political Biography . Washington, DC: RegneryPublishing, Inc., 1996.

United States House of Representatives. Clinton in England. Congressional Record .Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, September 15, 1992, H8445.

United States House of Representatives. The President on the Front Line.Congressional Record . Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, July 30, 1993,H5549-H5551.


23/36

Watt, Nicholas. Friend throws light on Oxford days. The Times . October 24, 1992.

Williams, Daniel. Clinton savors Prague sights, memories. The Stars and Stripes .January 13, 1994, 5.

Woodlief, Wayne and Joe Battenfeld. Clinton brushes off rumors about his 1969 trip toRussia. Boston Herald . October 7, 1992, 14.

J. William Fulbright

Berman, Walter C. William Fulbright and the Vietnam War: The Dissent of a PoliticalRealist . Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1988.

Carl M. Marcy, Chief of Staff, Foreign Relations Committee, 1955-1973,Oral HistoryInterviews . Senate Historical Office, Washington, D.C.http://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/oral_history/Carl_M_Marcy.htm

Federal Bureau of Investigation. Lyndon B. Johnson, Presidential File, November 29,

1963-March 8, 1966, in J. Edgar Hoover Official and Confidential File , Series 16, Box15, Folder 92: Reel 13, Frame 0851.

Halberstam, David. The Powers That Be . New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979.

Holt, Pat M. Was Cuba ever really a threat to the United States? The Castro era isending. So should the era of heavy-handed US tactics. The Christian Science Monitor .January 4, 2007. http://www.csmonitor.com/2007/0104/p09s01-coop.html

Holt, Pat M. Whos Watching the Store? Executive-Branch and CongressionalSurveillance. In National Insecurity: U.S. Intelligence After the Cold War . Edited byCraig Eisendrath. Foreword by Senator Tom Harkin. Philadelphia: Temple UniversityPress for the Center for International Policy, 2000.

Lynn, Naomi B. and Arthur F. McClure. The Fulbright Premise: Senator J. WilliamFulbrights Views on Presidential Power . Foreword by Congressman William Roy.Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1973.

Pat M. Holt, Chief of Staff, Foreign Relations Committee Oral History Interviews . SenateHistorical Office, Washington, D.C.http://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/oral_history/Pat_M_Holt.htm

Soviet Spying on Capitol Hill. TIME. March 22, 1976.

Summers, Anthony. Official and Confidential: The Secret Life of J. Edgar Hoover . New York: G.P. Putnams Sons, 1993.

Theoharis, Athan and John Stuart Cox, The Boss: J. Edgar Hoover and the Great American Inquisition . Philadelphia: Temple University, 1988; New York: Bantam Books,1990.


24/36

Woods, Randall Bennett. Fulbright: A Biography . New York: Cambridge University Press,1995.

Johns Hopkins University and Institute of Pacific Relations

Bernard B. Fall papers. John F. Kennedy Library.

Evans, M. Stanton. Blacklisted by History: The Real Story of Joseph McCarthy and HisFight Against Americas Enemies . New York: Crown Forum. Due out November 6, 2007.

----------------------. McCarthyism: Waging the Cold War in America: Newly UncoveredSecret Data Confirm Wisconsin Senator's Major Charges. Human Events Online . May30, 1997. http://www.humaneventsonline.com/article.php?id=455

Fall, Dorothy. Bernard Fall: Memories of a Soldier-Scholar . Foreword by DavidHalberstam. Dulles, VA: Potomac Books, Inc., 2006.

Federal Bureau of Investigation. Files for Owen Lattimore. FBI file HQ 100-24628.

Online at http://foia.fbi.gov/foiaindex/owenlatt.htm

Glazov, Jamie (interlocutor). Symposium: Treason? FrontPageMagazine.com . July 25,2003. http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/Printable.asp?ID=9080

Haynes, John Earl and Klehr, Harvey. Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America .New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1999.

Herman, Arthur. Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of Americas MostHated Senator . New York: Free Press, 2000.

Hooper, Paul F. The Institute of Pacific Relations and the Origins of Asian and PacificStudies. Pacific Affairs . Volume 61, Number 1, Spring 1988, 98-121.

Newman, Robert P. Owen Lattimore and the Loss of China . Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992.

United States Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on theInvestigation of Loyalty of State Department Employees, 81st Congress, 2nd Session.State Department Employee Loyalty Investigation . Washington, DC: U.S. GovernmentPrinting Office, 1950.

United States Senate, Committee on Government Operations, Permanent Subcommitteeon Investigations, 83rd Congress, 1st-2nd Sessions. Executive Sessions of the SenatePermanent Subcommittee on Investigation of the Committee on GovernmentOperations . 5 Volumes. 1953-1954. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office,January 2003.

United States Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws, 82nd


25/36

Congress, 1st-2nd Sessions. Institute of Pacific Relations . Washington, DC: U.S.Government Printing Office, 1951-1952.

Institute for Policy Studies and Members of Congress for Peace Through Law

Fall, Bernard B. and Marcus G. Raskin. A Diplomatic Alternative. The New York Reviewof Books . Volume 5, Number 3, September 16, 1965.

Group Forms To Seek Peace. Southern Illinoisan . October 31, 1966, 18.

Humphrey Seeks to Unite DFL Behind Mondale-Rolaang. Winona Daily News . October31, 1966, 10.

Nixon smiles on critic. The Lowell Sun . July 13, 1969, E2.

Poole, William T. The Anti-Defense Lobby Part 3: Coalition for a New Foreign andMilitary Policy. Institutional Analysis . Issue 12, December 19, 1979. Online athttp://www.heritage.org/Research/GovernmentReform/IA12.cfm

---------------------. Campaign for Economic Democracy Part I: The New Left in Politics.Institutional Analysis . Issue 13, September 19, 1980. Online athttp://www.heritage.org/Research/GovernmentReform/IA13.cfm

---------------------. Campaign for Economic Democracy Part II: The Institute for PolicyStudies Network. Institutional Analysis . Issue 14, April 19, 1981. Online athttp://www.heritage.org/Research/GovernmentReform/IA14.cfm

Powell, S. Steven. Covert Cadre: Inside the Institute for Policy Studies . Introduction byDavid Horowitz. Ottawa, Illinois: Green Hill Publishers, Inc., 1987.

Scheibla, Shirley. Ivory-Tower Activists: IPS Fellows Lead the Radical Thrust for SocialChange. Barrons National Business and Financial Weekly . Volume 49, Issue 41,October 13, 1969, 9

--------------------. Radical Think Tank: The Institute for Policy Studies Aims to Disarmthe United States. Barrons National Business and Financial Weekly . Volume 49, Issue40, October 6, 1969, 5.

Secret Lobby Aims At Defense Funds. The Derrick . May 26, 1971, 21.

Tyson, James L. Target America: The Influence of Communist Propaganda on U.S.Media . Preface by Reed Irvine. Chicago: Regnery Gateway, 1981.

The Viet-Nam Reader: Articles and Documents on American Foreign Policy and the Viet-Nam Crisis . Edited by Marcus G. Raskin and Bernard B. Fall. New York: Vintage Books,1965.


26/36

The War Called Peace: The Soviet Peace Offensive . Foreword by Congressman John Ashbrook. Afterword by Helmut Sauer, member of the West Germany Bundestag. Alexandria, Virginia: Western Goals, 1982.

Vietnam Moratorium Committee

Browning, Frank. On the Inside, Looking Out. The Harvard Gay & Lesbian Review .

Volume 3, Issue 4; Oct 31, 1996, 35.Clinton, Hillary. Living History . New York: Simon & Schuster, 2003.

Frisby, Michael K. Clinton challenged on Vietnam: TV host prods him on antiwareffort. Boston Globe . October 9, 1992, 1.

Golden, Daniel. Mixners Moment: In its crusade to end the ban on homosexuals in themilitary, the traditionally antiwar gay and lesbian movement is fighting for an unlikelycause. And David Mixner has become its equally unlikely leader. Boston Globe . June 6,1993, 14.

Hanoi John: Kerry and the Antiwar Movements Communist Connections.wintersoldier.com .http://ice.he.net/~freepnet/kerry/staticpages/index.php?page=Fedora3

Mixner David. Stranger Among Friends . New York: Bantam Books, 1996.

United States House of Representatives, House Committee on Internal Security.Subversive Involvement in the Origin, Leadership, and Activities of the New MobilizationCommittee to End the War in Vietnam, and its Predecessor Organizations . Washington,DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1970.

Wilkie, Curtis. Red-baiting reflects strain of desperation. Boston Globe . October 7,1992, 12.

October 15, 1969 London Moratorium

Soviets Hail Protest. The San Antonio Light . October 16, 1969, 8.

World Capitols Protest in Sympathy. The Morning Herald (Hagerstown, MD). October16, 1969, 2.

November 15, 1969 London Moratorium

Nixon Consults Viet Advisers. The San Antonio Light . November 16, 1969, 5A.

Protestors March In Many Cities. Ogden Standard-Examiner . November 16, 1969, 2A.

November 16, 1969 London Moratorium

McSorley, Richard, S.J. Peace Eyes . Washington, DC: Center for Peace Studies, 1978.


27/36

Jones, Arthur. McSorley and his famous friend go way back: Georgetown University'sRichard McSorley National Catholic Reporter . July 28, 1995.

Strobe Talbott and Victor Louis

Andrew, Christopher M and Vasili Mitrokhin. The World Was Going Our Way: The KGBand the Battle for the Third World . New York: Basic Books, 2005.

Schecter, Jerrold and Leona. Sacred Secrets: How Soviet Intelligence OperationsChanged American History . With foreword by Strobe Talbott. Washington, DC:Brasseys, 2002.

Talbott, Strobe. The Russia Hand: A Memoir of Presidential Diplomacy . New York:Random House, 2002.

Timmerman, Kenneth R. Strobe Talbott: Russia's Man in Washington. AmericanSpectator . April 1998.

United States Senate. Nomination of Strobe Talbott, of Ohio, To Be Deupty Secretaryof State. Congressional Record . Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office,February 22, 1994, S1541-S1553.

Frank Aller and Edgar Snow

Farnsworth, Robert M. From Vagabond to Journalist: Edgar Snow in Asia, 1928-1941 .Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 1996.

Hamilton, John Maxwell. Edgar Snow: A Biography . Bloomington, IN: Indiana UniversityPress, 1988.

Klehr, Harvey, John Earl Haynes, and Kyrill M. Anderson. The Soviet World of AmericanCommunism . New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995.

Long, Kelly Ann. Helen Foster Snow: An American Woman in Revolutionary China .Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2006.

Newman, Robert P. Owen Lattimore and the Loss of China . Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992.

Snow, Edgar. Journey to the Beginning . New York: Random House, 1958.Snow, Helen Foster. My China Years: A Memoir New York: Morrow, 1984.

Thomas, S. Bernard. Season of High Adventure: Edgar Snow in China . Berkeley:University of California Press, 1996.

COLIFAM


28/36

Federal Bureau of Invesigation. Files for American POWs/MIAs in Southeast Asia.Online at http://foia.fbi.gov/foiaindex/powsmias.htm

Heinz Norden and Group 68

Einstein, Albert. Einstein on Peace . With preface by Bertrand Russell. Edited by OttoNathan and Heinz Norden. Simon and Schuster: New York, 1960.

Guide to Heinz Norden Papers, 1934-1978 . Tamiment Library/Robert F. Wagner Labor Archives. Online athttp://dlib.nyu.edu/eadapp/transform?source=tamwag/norden.xml&style=tamwag/tamwag.xsl

Heinz Norden. Contemporary Authors Online . Farmington Hills, Michigan: ThomsonGale, 2005. Reproduced in Biography Resource Center , Farmington Hills, Michigan:Thomson Gale, 2005, http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/BioRC

The Tenant Movement in New York City, 1904-1984. TenantNet .

http://tenant.net/Community/history/hist-toc.html

Bertrand Russell, UK Antiwar Movement, and International War Crimes Tribunal

Ensign, Todd. Organizing Veterans Through War Crimes Documentation. Viet NamGeneration 5:1-4, March 1994. Reprinted online at The Sixties Project ,http://lists.village.virginia.edu/sixties/HTML_docs/Texts/Narrative/Ensign_War_Crimes.html

Federal Bureau of Investigation. Information Digest Special Report on VVAW. August25, 1972. FBI file HQ 100-448092, Section 32, PDF pp. 31-45. Online with commentaryat http://ice.he.net/~freepnet/kerry/index.php?topic=Features

Prevent the Crime of Silence: Reports from the Sessions of the International WarCrimes Tribunal Founded by Bertrand Russell . Selected and edited by Peter Limquecoand Peter Weiss with additional material selected and edited by Ken Coates and aForeword by Noam Chomsky. London: Penguin Press, 1971. Online at FrontPage 9/11Review ,http://www.911review.org/Wget/www.homeusers.prestel.co.uk/littleton/v1tribun.htm

Ryan, Alan. Bertrand Russell: A Political Life . New York: Hill and Wang, 1988.

Viet Nam Solidarity Campaign and Stop It Committee

Attention Getter [photo]. The Coshocton Tribune . December 5, 1967, 1.

Days In The Life: The Battle of Grosvenor Square (film). Blast! Films for BBC Two.2003.


29/36

Die britische Protestindustrie. From Tatsachen und Meinungen: Die Neue Linke:Theorie--Utopie--Praxis , Bern: Verlag SOI, 1969, 56ff. Reprinted online athttp://www.infopartisan.net/archive/1967/266740.html

McGillivray, Don. American embassies get a break The Brandon Sun . June 25, 1968,4.

Vietnam Day in London. The Anderson Herald . October 23, 1968, 4.Wearing Skeleton Masks. . . [photo over unrelated article Nuclear Scientist DetainedIn Cuba]. El Paso Herald-Post . August 19, 1967, A5.

Zaroulis, Nancy and Gerald Sullivan. Who Spoke Up: American Protest Against the Warin Vietnam, 1963-1975 . Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, 1984.

Americans Abroad for McCarthy

Expatriates in Politics. Albuquerque Journal . August 18, 1968, A10.

Thomas Culver

AF Court Convicts Capt. Culver. The Stars and Stripes . July 18, 1971, 9.

Captains Trial Judge Sees High Court Test. The Lawton Constitution . July 8, 1971, 3C.

Convicted U.S. Captain Fights For Servicemen, Women, Too. The Lawton Constitution .July 15, 1971, 7C.

Court-Martial Fines US Captain $1,000 In London War Protest. The Fresno Bee . July14, 1971, A3.

GIs To Demonstrate Against Ban on Antiwar Protests. The Press-Courier . August 1,1971, 3.

Horvitz, Michael. Anti-War Officer Crusades For Womens Liberation, Too. The DailyMail. July 17, 1971, 12.

Lakenheath Hearing Opens: Berrigan Lawyer Advises AF Capt. The Stars and Stripes .June 12, 1971, 29.

Military Angers Officer. Corpus Christi Times . July 12, 1971, 2.

Reese, Mary Ann. AF Captain Seeks To End Restriction. The Stars and Stripes . June 9,1971, 27.

---------------------. Culver Restricted At Lakenheath: Captain Faces Charges For Antiwar Activity. The Stars and Stripes . June 10, 1971, 27.

People Emerging Against Corrupt Establishment


30/36

Vanessa Gave $3,000 to GI Peace Groups. The Stars and Stripes . August 3, 1971, 2D.

Michael Heck

Bombing Fallout. TIME. January 22, 1973.

Committee is formed to protect pilot. The Anniston Star . January 15, 1973, 2.

Esper, George. Pilots refused to fly missions; Air Force accepts resignations. Journal-News . February 10 1973, 1.

Family says B52 chief very religious. Greeley Daily Tribune . January 11, 1973, 10.

To: Fedora

Clinton might have indeed been poor and hungry but it appears he had enough totravel extensively, air travel in those days was not cheap either.

Wonder where he got the money ?

4 posted on Wednesday, August 22, 2007 1:55:44 PM by 1066AD[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 2 | View Replies ]

To: 1066AD

This is why theres significance in the question of whether he travelled to Prague by air,as some reports claimed, or by train, as he claims. Even if he went by train, this raisesan issue. According to him, Nikki and her Haitian friend Helene put me on the train.

Nikki would be Anik Alexis, his friend from Patrice Lumumba University, an interestingsource of funding.

6 posted on Wednesday, August 22, 2007 2:16:07 PM by Fedor a[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 4 | View Replies ]

From a 1992 Saturday Night Live skit:

---

Jane Pauley: Sam Donaldson, with a question for Governor Clinton.

Sam Donaldson: Governor Clinton, this week the big story has been your 1969 trip toMoscow, and your involvement in antiwar activities. Some have ven suggested thatwhile in Moscow, you had meetings with KGB agents. Isn't it fair to say that you haven'treally told the American people the full story?
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/posts?page=4http://www.freerepublic.com/~1066ad/http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/reply?c=4http://www.freerepublic.com/perl/mail-compose?refid=1884984.4;reftype=commenthttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/postshttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/replies?c=4http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/posts?page=6http://www.freerepublic.com/~fedora/http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/reply?c=6http://www.freerepublic.com/perl/mail-compose?refid=1884984.6;reftype=commenthttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/postshttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/replies?c=6http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/replies?c=6http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/postshttp://www.freerepublic.com/perl/mail-compose?refid=1884984.6;reftype=commenthttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/reply?c=6http://www.freerepublic.com/~fedora/http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/posts?page=6http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/replies?c=4http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/postshttp://www.freerepublic.com/perl/mail-compose?refid=1884984.4;reftype=commenthttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/reply?c=4http://www.freerepublic.com/~1066ad/http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/posts?page=4


31/36

Bill Clinton: Sam, this kind of attack shows how desperate the Bush campaign hasbecome. Yes, I did go to Moscow by train in 1969. And while on the train, I struck up aconversation with a man in the seat next to me. He gave me a package to take toMoscow and instructed me to leave it folded in a newspaper in a kiosk across fromLenin's tomb. I've explained this many times. Yes, the KGB did subsequently pay myway through law school, but that was the last contact I had with the KGB until yearslater when Hillary and I were having problems, and it was a KGB agent, Nikolai

Kuznetsov, who let me stay at his place for a while until we patched things up.

Sam Donaldson: But isn't it true that during one of the peace demonstrations youburned an American flag in Red Square?

Bill Clinton: I tried to burn an American flag once. I didn't like it. It gave off toxic fumes,so I didn't inhale.

Ross Perot: Can I say something here?

Jane Pauley: Mr. Perot.

Ross Perot: I think that's just sad.

8 posted on Wednesday, August 22, 2007 2:22:03 PM by Fedor a[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 7 | View Replies ]

http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1342023/post sThe Clintons Terrorist Ties

http://prorev.com/connex2.ht m Arkansas Connections: A Time-line of the Clinton Years by Sam Smith - 1990 ON

http://www.answers.com/topic/clinton-s-pardons-lis tClintons Pardons List: Information From Answers.com

http://www.newsmax.com/articles/?a=1998/10/1/5532 5How Hillary Nuked Nixon

http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/news/765080/post s

The Clinton Files

http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/bloggers/1481988/post sREMEMBERING SEPT. 11: BILL CLINTONS ULTIMATE LEGACY

Clinton timeline.

August 19, 1964 - Clinton registers for the draft [Washington Post Sep 13 92]
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/posts?page=8http://www.freerepublic.com/~fedora/http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/reply?c=8http://www.freerepublic.com/perl/mail-compose?refid=1884984.8;reftype=commenthttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/postshttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/replies?c=8http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1342023/postshttp://prorev.com/connex2.htmhttp://www.answers.com/topic/clinton-s-pardons-listhttp://www.newsmax.com/articles/?a=1998/10/1/55325http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/news/765080/postshttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/bloggers/1481988/postshttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/bloggers/1481988/postshttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/news/765080/postshttp://www.newsmax.com/articles/?a=1998/10/1/55325http://www.answers.com/topic/clinton-s-pardons-listhttp://prorev.com/connex2.htmhttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1342023/postshttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/replies?c=8http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/postshttp://www.freerepublic.com/perl/mail-compose?refid=1884984.8;reftype=commenthttp://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/reply?c=8http://www.freerepublic.com/~fedora/http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/posts?page=8


32/36

September 1964 - Clinton, age 18, enters Georgetown University [The Comeback Kid, CF Allen and J Portis, p. 20]

November 17, 1964- Clinton is classified 2-S (student deferment). This will shield himfrom the draft throughout his undergraduate years.-[Wash Post Sep 13 92]

February 16, 1968 - The Johnson administration unexpectedly abolished graduatedeferments. [Wash Post Sep 13 92]

March 20, 1968 - Clinton, age 21, is classified 1-A, eligible for induction, as he nearsgraduation from Georgetown.

[Wash Post Sep 13 92]

Comment: Bill Clinton was the only man of his prime draft age classified1-A by thatdraft board in 1968 whose pre-induction physical examination was put off for 10.5months. This delay was more than twice as long as anyone else and more than fivetimes longer than most area men of comparable eligibility.

[Los Angeles